On the 10th of June there was a farther order on the subject. “At a
Comon Hall it was agreed that the Chamberlain of the towne should cause
the Towne Hall to be taken down with all convenient speed according
to the foregoing order from Sir Lewis Kirke, governor of the said
towne, and other above-named Commissioners, and that the Chamberlain
shall make sale thereof for the most benefit of the towne, and what
they cannot sell thereof, to cause the timber which shall remain to be
carried into the church, there to remain until further use shall be
for the same for the towne. And the New House is in the like manner
to be taken down if needs require. And it is further also agreed that
the Towne’s Bonds and writings concerning the towne, which are in the
New House, shall be left with the Towne Clerk, or in any other place
which the Bailiffs and he shall think fit. And if they shall happen
to be taken from them the towne is to bear the loss of them, and not
they, because they are not able to warrant them, nor anything else that
they have of their own, as it is very well known both to the towne and
country, whereof they are all very sensible, this towne being every day
in danger of being taken.” The Town Hall, which, as it appears by a
deed, dated Oct. 20th, 1645, stood upon the site of the old Poor House,
of St. Leonard’s Parish, outside the North Gate, was accordingly pulled
down forthwith, and in the month following, July, 1645, the New House
was also pulled down. [_Apley Papers._]
Four days after the date of this order, was fought another great
battle, at Naseby in Northamptonshire—fatal to the fortunes of the
King; for here again, through the impetuous and fiery temper of Prince
Rupert, who could brook no delay when an enemy was in sight, and listen
to no counsel that was not prompted by a spirit as daring as his own,
the King’s troops were hurried on prematurely to the attack, and though
they displayed a courage worthy of the Cavalier who led them, they
were eventually routed, and suffered a signal defeat. All the cannon,
ammunition, and baggage, were taken, and the whole of the infantry
made prisoners. The King in person had the command of the main body,
and, as Whitelock observes, “displayed in this action all the conduct
of a prudent general, and all the valour of a stout soldier;” [_Hume,
Vol._ VII, _p. 54_.] but he was forced at last by the solicitations of
his friends to retire, leaving the insurgents masters of the field.
He retreated to Lichfield, thence to Bewdley, thence to Raglan and
Chepstow Castles, and afterwards to Wales, uncertain as to the best
place for collecting the remnant of his army, and for providing for his
own personal safety.
But an incident took place at Bridgnorth, about a month after the
Battle of Naseby, which might have changed the whole aspect of the
affairs of the kingdom, and restored Charles to the throne; but
Providence designed it otherwise. Cromwell was near meeting his death
beneath the walls of our town; and if the Bridgnorth soldier had been a
little better marksman, we should never have heard of the Protectorate
of Oliver Cromwell, or possibly of the Commonwealth of England.
The account of this incident may be found among the _Blakeway Papers_,
in the Bodleian Library, and is as follows:—“1645. Weekly Account.
Tuesday, July 15th. Lieutenant General Cromwell riding within twice
pistole shot of the town of Bridgnorth, on Friday last, to view it,
making some stand to speak with his officers that were with him, a
brace of musquet bulletts, shot from the enemies works, hit a Cornet
of his regiment with whom the Lieutenant General was then talking, but
blessed be God the person aimed at escaped without any hurt.”
Amidst the disaffection which prevailed at this time in so many parts
of the kingdom, Shropshire still continued firm in its allegiance
to the King; and therefore it was thought advisable, when he was
about to take up his winter quarters at Worcester, that he should
pass through our county, as affording him the safest line of march;
and this route brought him again to Bridgnorth. It is thus noticed
by Clarendon:—“Prince Maurice waited on his Majesty, [at Denbigh]
with 800 horse. And now being thus strengthened, they less apprehend
the enemy; yet continued their march without resting, till fording
the Severn, they came to Bridgnorth, the place designed.” (_Vol. 2,
p. 714._) There are also several entries in a Diary, called “_Iter
Carolinum_,” which state that Charles was here occasionally about the
same time; but it is not easy to make out an exact correspondence
between the dates which it gives, and those referred to by Clarendon.
The Diary, which is one of much interest, bears the following
title:—“Iter Carolinum: being a succint relation of the necessitated
marches, retreats, and sufferings of his Majesty Charles the First,
from Jan. 1641, till the time of his death in 1648. Collected by a
daily attendant upon his sacred Majesty during all the said time.”[52]
From this Diary I have copied the following entries:—
[52] This tract is printed in Gutch’s Collectanea Coriosa, Oxford 1781.
The Author, John Thomas Manby.
“_October 12, 1642._ To Bridgnorth.
August, 1645.
_Wednesday, the 6th._ To Gurnevil. Sir
Henry Williams’. Dinner.
Supper, Yeoman’s House. 18 miles.
The Court dispersed.”
“_Thursday, the 7th._ To Ludlow Castle to dinner.
Colonel Woodhouse. 14 miles.”
“_Friday, the Great Fast, the 8th._ To Bridgnorth,
Sir Lewis Kirke, Governor. 14 miles.”
“_Sunday, the 10th._ Dinner near Wolverhampton,
in campis. At Litchfield supper, the Governor’s
in the Close. 22 miles.”
“September, 1645.”
“_Monday, the 29th._ Dinner at Chirk Castle.
Supper at Halton, in Montgomeryshire.
Mr. Lloyd’s. 26 miles.”
“_Tuesday, the last._ in camp.
Supper at Bridgnorth, the Governor’s. 30 miles.”
The King on, this occasion staid here two nights, and on Thursday, the
2nd. of October, moved to Lichfield, stopping for dinner on the way at
Rudge Heath.
In the Diary[53] kept by Captain Symmonds, which has already been
referred to, there are entries which afford additional proof of King
Charles being at Bridgnorth, at different intervals during this
critical juncture, and of our town being a scene of much military
bustle at the time.
[53] This MS. Diary, which is in the British Museum, is entitled
“A Continuation of the Marches and Actions of the Royall Army, His
Majestie being personally present. From the 17 of August, 1645. Liber
Ricardi Symonds.”
“_Sunday, September 28th._ About One of the Clock,
Afternoon, ye King marched through Ruthvyn, where there
is a large castle, and fortified, to Chirk Castle,
County of Denbigh. Here Prince Maurice mett us with his
troupe, and those of Prince Rupert’s horse that came
from Bristoll. His horse in tᵒ 6 or 700.”
“_Munday, 29th. September._ To Llandicilio and
Llandernes, Co. Montgommery.”
“_Tuesday_. From thence early at day breake marched,
leaving Shrewsbury [at this time in the hands of the
rebels] 3 myle on the left hand: that night, late and
tediously, to Bridgnorth; ye rear guard gott to Wenlock
Magna, Com, Salop. In this march, 3 or 4 alarmes by
Shrewsbury horse, and 5 or 6 of them crosst the way,
and killed and tooke some.” (_p. 59._)
“_Thursday, October 2nd_. Ye King marched to Lichfield.
This day Generall Goard’s Regiment returned from the
Rendevous, quite tired, to have some refreshments under
Bridgnorth garrison. Ego etiam.” (_p. 60._)
“_20th. October._ Sevrall Colonels with their Regiments
were in Bridgnorth:
FOOT.
Sir Lewis Kirke’s Governor.
Col. Jo. Corbett’s.
Col. Billingsley’s, ye trayned band and his Regiment in the town.
Col. Sir Mich. Earnley’s one company of ym.
Sir Cha. Lloyd’s, come here from ye Devises.
Foot, about in all, of all sorts, 260.
HORSE.
Sir Fra. Ottley, ye High Sheriff.
Sir Edw. Acton. 10.
Governor’s troope. 60.
Horse not 100.”
“_Wednesday, October 22nd._ Lieut. Col. Slaugher
marched out of Bridgnorth about 2 of ye Clock,
afternoon. Governor’s troop, commanded by Cap. Singe,
40. That night by 8 to High Arcall. Thence marched, 30
horse and 20 drag. with us, about 12 of ye Clock that
night. By 9 next day to Chirk.”
“_Thursday, December 18th._ Sir W. V. drew out the
horse he had with him afore, and some from Dudley
and Ludlow. 6 or 700 horse, commanded by Col. Smyth.
Horse 5 or 600. Marched from Bridgnorth, and had a
Rendevous towards S. Friday morning came intelligence
to Bridgnorth that Hereford was lost.”[54]
[54] In this Diary there are two or three curious entries, which,
though not referring to any matter of public importance, it may be as
well to transcribe: one, detailing a singular occurrence, is connected
with a name well known in Bridgnorth. “Monday, Oct. 13. Captn.
_Gatacre_, of this County, (Salop) killed in Bridgnorth by a Quarter
Master, and the Quarter Master killed too by him.” “Friday, Oct. 17. A
Scott was tryed at Bridgenorth, at a Council of Warre, that he put on
his hatt before his Majestie, and being reprehend for it by the Govr.,
he told them he was equal to all but the Govr., and they committed him
for it.”
There are extant two letters[55] of King Charles’s, written to his
Secretary Nicholas, from Bridgnorth. They contain nothing of any great
moment; but the fact of their being written from our town, under the
peculiar circumstances in which he was then placed, invests them with a
certain degree of interest. The first is dated October 1st.: the year
is not given, but it was most probably 1642,[56] as we find from the
“_Iter Carolinum_” that he was here in the October of that year.
[55] I am indebted to Mrs. Stackhouse Acton for the copy of these two
letters of King Charles’s. They are found in an 8vo. Vol. of King
Charles’s letters to his Secretary Nicholas, in which the ciphers are
explained as above. I owe to her kindness also my acquaintance with the
“Iter Carolinum” and “Symmonds’ Diary.”
[56] The only difficulty that there is in assigning to this letter the
date of October, 1642, is that the king speaks in it of Lord Goring
being in command of his horse; whereas, we learn from Whitelock, that
Lord Goring, in the Autumn of that year, took ship from Portsmouth,
where he was closely besieged by the Parliamentary army, and fled to
Holland. (_Memorials, p. 62._) But Whitelock does not give the exact
date of the siege of Portsmouth, so that the King may have written this
letter to his Secretary Nicholas from Bridgnorth, before it took place,
or at least before he had received any tidings of it.
“Bridgenorthe, 1st. Oct.
Nicholas,
None of the letters have hitherto miscarried,
this day having receaved ye 12th. by Pyteford, and
shall at the tyme more insist upon letting you know of
my desynes, and giving you directions, than in answers,
having commanded your fellow Secretary to supply that.
First then, (that you may know whether to send to me)
I intend my course towards Newarke, where I shall
take further resolutions, according to occasions.
Understanding that my horse, under Goring, is likely to
be {either/224} {beaten/173} or {starved/36} : 3 : 380.
where they are: I have comand him to breake through
to me. Now they must passe by or near Oxen, when my
pleasure is {that/288} : {you/110} . 232 . {take/226} :
{that/443} opportunity {to/290} : {send/264} {Duke/125}
: {of/231} : {Yorke/541} : {to/290} : {me/213} : for
since it is the fashion to {yielde/314} : {townes/54}
: basely, none can blame me for venturing my children
in an army, rather than to be besieged. I have no more
to say, but that I approve of all ye advyse in your
last, and meanes to follow them. One of the enclosed is
for {Queen/247} : {of/231} : {England/360}. The other
speakes itself; so I rest,
C. R.”
The other letter was written three years later by the King to his
Secretary, the day after his arrival at Bridgnorth, on his march from
Ludlow to Lichfield.
“Bridgenorth, 9th. August, 1645.
Nicholas,
This morning I receaved yrs of the 30th. of July,
which requyres no answer, but thankes for yr often
advertisements: and particularly for those which are of
moste freedome. In answer to which, I shall desyre you
(with ye lyke freeness) to take heede that {Digby’s/358}
: {friends/376} make not much of suspicion * * * * * for
{I/174} : 111 : {cannot/29} : {con/18} : 115 ceale {from/148}
{you/316} : {that/276} : 358. [erased] perfectly—and
all that are believed to be his particular friends;
and I assure you that there is no dispatch yet come to
me from —— For newes I refer you to your friendes,
only I must tell you that tomorrow I intend to march
to Lichfield, and so to Newarke ye next day; but if ye
Irish be come, then I turne to Chester. My laste was
from Cardiffe, which was written in such haste, that I
forgot to bid you sende me worde (which now I earnestly
desyre you not to forget to doe) how my printed
letters, &c., have been receaved at Oxfd. by the
severall sorts of people, according to their dyverse
humours. This is all at this tyme from yrs
C. R.”
Soon after the date of this letter, the King set out for Newark, from
whence, after a while, he retreated towards Oxford, where he arrived on
the 7th. of November, “having finished,” as Clarendon writes, “the most
tedious and grievous march that ever King was exercised in: having been
almost in perpetual motion from the loss of the Battle of Naseby to
this hour, with such a variety of dismal accidents, as must have broken
the spirits of any man who was not truly magnanimous.” (_Vol. 2, p.
713._)
While the King was being exposed to these personal hazards and
distresses, many towns and cities in his interest, in different parts
of the country, had been obliged to submit to the parliament, and among
these Bridgnorth; which, after a vigorous resistance, and holding out
boldly for three weeks, was compelled at length to surrender.
It appears, however, that long previous to the final siege and capture
of Bridgnorth, the rebels had on one occasion got possession of it
for a short time. The following letter, which refers to this fact,
and which describes a sharp encounter between the rebel and royalist
forces, will be read with some interest; though it is probable that the
facts are somewhat distorted by the strong party feeling of the writer.
1642, Oct. 5. Letter from Bridgnorth to
Dudley Norton.
Exceeding joyful news from his Ex. Earl of E.
Sir,
Having received so many favors from you in this
kinde, I have thought it requisite to inform you what hath
happened here at Bridgnorth since my last letter. His
E. his Qr. Master General came hither on Sunday, the 2
of Octr.[57] and by virtue of a Commission from his Ex.
provided billeting for 10 regiments of horse, and near
6000 foot, with us and in our neighbour villages. Now,
by the way, I must inform you that a great many having
been lately oppressed by his Majesty’s forces, seemed
somewhat unwilling to give entertainment to any more
souldiers, but to be short they must do it, or else
deservedly suffer under the censure of a malignant
party, and so be in danger of having their houses
plundered by souldiers, who take upon them to execute
justice without or feare or law, or religion, esteeming
all those papists, or favourers of papists that doe not
desist from countenancing such uncivil actions, but
deny to be assistant in the performance; wherefore,
after the necessity was well examined, they were
resolved rather to put all into the hands of Almighty
God, then any way to seem averse, which would not only
bring ruine to the estate, but presents. [_sic._]
On Thursday, at night, we expected his Ex. would have
made Bridgnorth his quarters, but before noone we heard
the echoing notes of the shrill trumpet, which caused
to think his Ex. had been neare, but having sent out
scouts to descry the truth, and give us notice, they
brought us word that Duke Maurice, the Lord Strange,
Marquisse Hartford, the Lord Paulet, M. Hastings, of
Leicestershire, S. John Biron, with a very considerable
army, were upon a march to our town, which news began
to startle us: instantly an alarm was given, every man
from 16 to 50, and upwards, got himself into such arms
as they could presently attaine, or could imagine be
conduceable, for the defence of the towne.
Likewise we had 5 field pieces and 3 troups of horse,
which came to guard them from Worcester, in our town,
being come the night before; those we mounted upon the
church, and the rest in the best places where we could
conceive we might prejudice the enemy. Our troups of
horse made good a passage where they were to pass over
before they could attaine to the towne. Our foote made
good severall other marches and entrances, according
to our utmost skill and best endeavours. The Lord
Strange feeling himself thus defeated, and having been
gauled twice or thrice with our pieces from the top of
the church, made a stand and drew up some companies
of foote under the covert of a grove of willows, who,
with their muskets, played upon our troups of horse
and beat them from their passage, wounding neare 20,
inasmuch that they began to wade the foard,[58] which
being descried, we, with our bowes and arrowes, sent to
them, which did so gaul them, being unarmed men, (only
offensive armies) that with their utmost speed they did
retreat, striving to renew the shelter of the grove to
hide them from us.
During this conflict, his Ex. with severall regiments
of horse drewe neare the towne; which caused the Lord
Strange to draw into a champayn field between our towne
and him, endeavouring to intercept his passage, having
got intelligence that his grosse body was about 3 hours
march behind. Notwithstanding the Lord Strange his
armie was very considerable both of horse and foote,
yet the forces under the command of the Earle of Essex
were so eager to fall on, that maugre all perswasions
they would not stay till that the foote marcht up to
second them; but having received directions from the
Earle, they charged them boldly with their carbine
shot, deviding so their troups, that at one onset both
van and reare were charged so fiercely that, spight of
all the cavalier’s discretion, they lost their order,
and in a confused manner retreated basely.
In this confusion many men were lost and hurt on both
sides, but which side most, is not yet apparently
knowne; and amongst them my Lord Paulet[59] was noosed,
who, as it was reported, made a wise speach at the head
of the armie before the skirmish, animating them on to
bloody crueltie, and we doubt not but that he shall in
some measure taste of the same dish he hath provided
for others.
The next day a messenger was sent to Shrewsbury, to
desire that Captain Winget, who was taken prisoner
before Worcester, might be exchanged for one of the
others; but what return wee shall have is not yet
knowne.
It is conceived there was about 80 killed and 45
wounded on both sides, but which side lost most I
cannot say; onely we ought to give God thanks that
during the space of five hours bickering, no more blood
should be shed. This is the truth of our proceedings.
At my next opportunity I shall send to you. Fare well.