The eight active _Tumung'gungs_, who res_The History of Java, v. 1-2

belong to the state and household of the _Susúnan_, are _Tumung'gungs_

of the exterior (_Tumung'gung Jawi_), and _Tumung'gungs_ of the

interior (_Tumung'gung lebat_). The four former are mostly charged

with external commissions or orders, or those that do not immediately

concern the household of the prince; the four latter, or internal

_Tumung'gungs_, are mostly occupied near the person of the _Susúnan_,

and have alternately the care of the watch of the _Kráton_ at night.

The following tables exhibit the result of a census taken during the

British government in Java; but as the information they convey rests

principally upon native authority, the same reliance cannot be placed

upon them as upon the tables for the provinces under the immediate

direction of the European government. There is no reason, however, to

believe they are essentially wrong, as they were framed with great care

and every attention to accuracy, on the part of the native officers

employed.

POPULATION OF THE TERRITORY OF THE SUSUHUNAN,

1815.

+-------------------------+-------+-------+----------------+-------+

| | | +-------+--------+ |

+-------------------------+-------+-------+-------+--------+-------+

|Banyumas | 48206| 50140| 39264| 3933| 176947|

| | | | | | |

|Mancha-nagara, Eastern} | | | | | |

|or distant districts. } | 21013| 24826| 24054| 28432| 99415|

| | | | | | |

|Pajang Mataram, } | | | | | |

|Baglen, Jaban } | 106699| 111743| 132420| 138544| 489406|

|Ranka, Sukawati, } | | | | | |

|and Southern Hills.} | | | | | |

| | | | | | |

|Subjects of Prangwedono} | | | | | |

|in the last } | 26764| 28347| 22117| 24625| 101853|

|mentioned districts. } | | | | | |

| | | | | | |

|In the capital (Emperor's| 26834| 29446| 18111| 20687| 95078|

|subjects) }| | | | | |

| | | | | | |

|Ditto (Prangwedono's} | 1937| 2036| 1711| 1909| 7593|

|subjects) } | | | | | |

| | | | | | |

|Ditto (Europeans and} | 157| 81| 141| 178| 553|

|descendants) } | | | | | |

| | | | | | |

|Ditto (Chinese and} | 586| 472| 238| 249| 1545|

|descendants) } | | | | | |

| | | | | | |

|Ditto (Slaves and } | 123| 137| 40| 37| 333|

|descendants) } | | | | | |

| +-------+-------+-------+--------+-------+

| Grand Total | 233409| 247228| 238096| 253994| 972727|

+-------------------------+-------+-------+-------+--------+-------+

Remarks: N.B. Banyumas includes Dayu-luhur. Manchanagara takes in

Kediri, Jagaraga, and Pranaraga.

POPULATION OF THE TERRITORY OF THE SULTAN, 1815.

+---------------------------+-------+-------+---------+---------+

| | | | | |

+---------------------------+-------+-------+---------+---------+

|Yugyakuta | 8697| 9065| 1595| 2252|

|Matarem | 28834| 28935| 5998| 6985|

|Pajang | 19382| 19486| 2635| 2910|

|Sima, Gagatan, and Sukawati| 9974| 9974| 366| 1232|

|Southern Hills | 2359| 2447| 426| 483|

|Romo and Baglen | 28624| 28681| 1787| 3691|

|Ledok and Gowong | 25792| 25447| 1893| 4060|

|Lurung Teng'a | 7365| 7365| 785| 1076|

|Mancha-nagara (Eastern or} | 24862| 25161| 2423| 4655|

| distant districts) } | | | | |

| +-------+-------+---------+---------+

| Total | 155889| 156561| 17908| 27344|

+---------------------------+-------+-------+---------+---------+

+---------------------------+----------+----------+-------+-------+

| | age | age | of | of |

| |unmarried.|unmarried.| age. | age. |

+---------------------------+----------+----------+-------+-------+

|Yugyakuta | 2592| 3255| 3225| 3599|

|Matarem | 5897| 6695| 19875| 18966|

|Pajang | 3237| 4401| 4281| 5202|

|Sima, Gagatan, and Sukawati| 1748| 1739| 6310| 6718|

|Southern Hills | 769| 628| 517| 1431|

|Romo and Baglen | 6097| 7560| 15273| 20330|

|Ledok and Gowong | 3600| 3685| 11614| 8533|

|Lurung Teng'a | 1360| 1412| 4523| 3537|

|Mancha-nagara (Eastern or} | 6050| 6046| 15706| 20390|

| distant districts) } | | | | |

| +----------+----------+-------+-------+

| Total | 31350| 35421| 81324| 88706|

+---------------------------+----------+----------+-------+-------+

+---------------------------+--------+--------+-------+

| | | | |

+---------------------------+--------+--------+-------+

|Yugyakuta | 1531| 1528| 37339|

|Matarem | 9832| 8708| 140735|

|Pajang | 2297| 2699| 66530|

|Sima, Gagatan, and Sukawati| 2028| 2558| 42647|

|Southern Hills | 569| 596| 10225|

|Romo and Baglen | 4340| 5831| 122214|

|Ledok and Gowong | 4660| 5142| 94426|

|Lurung Teng'a | 1729| 1718| 30870|

|Mancha-nagara (Eastern or} | 4491| 4258| 114042|

| distant districts) } | | | |

| +--------+--------+-------+

| Total | 31477| 33038| 659018|

+---------------------------+--------+--------+ |

Chinese, &c. | 1309|

+-------+

TOTAL | 660327|

+-------+

RETURN _of the_ POPULATION _of the_ DISTRICT _of_ PACHITAN, _on the

South Coast, ceded to the_ BRITISH GOVERNMENT _in_ 1813.

+-----------------+-----+------+-----+------+------+

+-----------------+-----+------+-----+------+------+

| First Division | 1656| 1673| 1439| 1306| 6074|

| Second Division | 4134| 4275| 5260| 2935| 16604|

| +-----+------+-----+------+------+

| Total | 22678|

+-------------------------------------------+------+

FOOTNOTES:

[279] Mr. Crawfurd.

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX, A.

The annexed documents, as far as they can be relied on, afford evidence

of an extent of mortality in Batavia, as compared with the number of

inhabitants, that was perhaps never exampled, for the same space of

time, in any other quarter of the world.

The Table No. I., incomplete as it is, was drawn out with as much

exactness as the original lists and registers still in possession would

admit of. In explanation of some inconsistencies which are exhibited in

it, it is necessary to observe, that on the occasion of the capture of

this island, part of the most valuable papers were lost or destroyed,

and amongst them the register in which was stated the Chinese

population, and the number of their deaths and marriages annually,

which is the reason why no mention is made of them in this table.

The first and third columns contain only the numbers of _European_

inhabitants.

The last column, which shews the deaths of the _Natives_ and _Slaves_,

is probably a list of the deceased slaves only; because there was a

separate list kept of the natives who died annually in the Batavian

jurisdiction, which, however, was for a long time incorrect, and at

last destroyed in 1811.

It is also probable, that the column of _deaths_ generally does not

extend farther than in the town and immediate suburbs; and the other

two columns of _baptisms_ and _marriages_ extend over the town,

suburbs, and environs together.

The specific lists kept in the different hospitals were likewise lost.

This is to be particularly lamented, because they would have shewn

how many of the European deaths were inhabitants, military persons,

strangers, or sailors or marines from the ships of the different

nations in Batavia Roads, who all sent their sick men into the

hospitals of Batavia, who, when dead, were comprehended in the number

of European deaths. This circumstance explains the incorrectness which

appears to exist in the two statements of the living and deceased

Europeans.

The Table No. II. was discovered among the records of the Dutch

government at Batavia, and in the absence of a more official document,

may, perhaps, on that account, be entitled to some confidence.

TABLE, No. I.

_LIST of the POPULATION, MARRIAGES,

BAPTISMS, and DEATHS, in the Town and Suburbs of

BATAVIA, from 1700 to 1813, as far as the same could be

ascertained from the Registers, &c. after the Conquest of Java in

1811._

----+------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+

| POPULATION. | MARRIAGES. |

+------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+

+------+--------+-----+--------+ans. | and |

| | & |ans. | & | |tians.|

| | ves. | | ves. | | |

----+------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+

1700| 1,875| 20,072| 215| 32,478| 74| 134|

1701| 1,715| 19,084| 321| 48,972| 65| 126|

1702| 1,755| 19,683| 309| 45,452| 76| 120|

1703| 1,835| 18,580| 534| 47,123| 72| 133|

1704| 1,898| 22,150| 470| 49,351| 74| 144|

1705| 1,771| 19,752| --| --| 55| 133|

1706| 1,923| 21,899| 417| 49,483| 79| 127|

1707| 1,826| 21,632| 411| 47,026| 60| 116|

1708| 1,769| 20,922| 402| 54,628| 49| 134|

1709| 1,681| 20,600| 412| 55,581| 64| 138|

1710| 1,716| 20,850| 368| 58,761| 41| 152|

1711| 1,723| 21,517| 341| 57,843| 63| 154|

1712| 1,656| 21,538| 448| 65,865| 60| 141|

| | | | | | |

1713| 1,566| 19,007| 503| 69,110| 56| 154|

1714| 1,644| 19,758| 553| 66,092| 60| 150|

1715| 1,663| 22,242| 411| 64,657| 43| 159|

1716| 1,516| 18,947| 446| 60,236| 37| 129|

1717| 1,443| 18,965| 290| 59,831| 41| 147|

1718| --| --| --| --| --| --|

1719| 1,409| 19,411| 308| 68,082| 59| 154|

1720| 1,610| 21,156| 361| 67,792| 68| 148|

1721| 1,477| 20,520| 387| 67,044| 53| 80|

1722| 695| 11,252| 417| 67,339| 61| 132|

1723| 1,606| 23,716| 363| 66,079| 43| 119|

1724| 1,562| 23,428| 341| 62,966| 34| 172|

1725| 1,615| 23,752| 332| 72,218| 60| 150|

| immediate | and | | |

| | | | |

1726| 1,452| 22,814| 304| 76,893| 58| 118|

1727| --| --| --| --| --| --|

1728| 1,538| 15,343| 289| 73,141| 50| 155|

1729| 1,389| 20,677| 232| 81,977| 52| 135|

1730| 1,330| 20,429| 209| 80,756| 45| 167|

1731| 1,431| 22,658| 241| 82,204| 45| 128|

1732| 1,445| 22,646| 211| 83,602| 55| 142|

1733| --| --| --| --| --| --|

1734| --| --| --| --| --| --|

1735| 1,338| 20,587| 224| 74,367| 65| 166|

1736| --| --| --| --| 48| --|

1737| 1,317| 19,612| 266| 67,170| 48| 133|

1738| 1,350| 11,212| 212| 64,090| 49| 133|

1739| 1,286| 18,502| 272| 68,229| 51| 179|

1740| 1,420| 14,141| 269| 72,506| 47| 90|

1741| 1,388| 13,977| 287| 47,583| 52| 124|

1742| --| --| 259| 56,882| 47| 118|

1743| 1,481| 14,609| 321| 55,023| 84| 119|

1744| --| --| --| --| --| --|

1745| 1,517| 14,926| 278| 67,254| 60| 117|

1746| 1,597| 13,852| 242| 68,785| --| --|

1747| 1,525| 13,854| 240| 73,163| --| --|

1748| --| --| --| --| --| --|

1749| 1,541| 14,050| 318| 77,008| 39| 115|

1750| 1,520| 14,278| 313| 80,597| 63| 105|

1751| 1,439| 13,874| 336| 78,259|\ 38 | 84/|

| | | | | \_____ ____/

| | | | | V |

1752| 1,513| 14,596| 311| 75,152| 135[281]|

1753| 1,651| 15,710| 325| 76,611| 132|

1754| 1,575| 15,891| 358| 93,375| 136|

1755| 1,599| 16,466| 369| 95,938| 146|

1756| 1,604| 15,925| 310| 96,702| 143|

1757| 1,629| 16,356| 373| 103,443| 137|

1758| 1,560| 16,855| 447| 106,151| 128|

1759| 1,572| 16,942| 377| 111,273| 97|

1760| 1,634| 16,785| 410| 109,393| 124|

1761| 1,499| 16,298| 305| 113,280| --|

1762| --| --| --| --| --|

1763| 1,507| 16,282| 447| 113,009| 112|

1764| --| 16,008| 413| 117,207| 131|

1765| --| --| --| --| --|

1766| --| --| --| --| --|

1767| --| --| --| --| --|

1768| 1,642| 15,256| 273| 108,507| 93|

1769| 1,271| 15,430| 389| 114,750| 124|

1770| 1,183| 13,192| 328| 123,869| 126|

1771| 1,105| 12,233| 300| 121,380| 93|

1772| 1,011| 12,743| 348| 112,346| 108|

1773| 1,061| 13,473| 342| 107,500| 98|

1774| 933| 12,134| 367| 108,215| 97|

1775| 1,165| 13,512| 328| 125,635| 214|

1776| --| --| 276| 131,895| 100|

1777| 896| 10,661| 279| 140,332| 98|

1778| 1,137| 12,206| 238| 135,532| 104|

1779| --| --| 302| 160,986| 82|

1780| 747| 13,651| 278| 129,943| 113|

1781| --| --| --| --| --|

1782| 664| 9,517| 276| 127,039| 75|

1783| --| --| --| --| --|

1784| 695| 10,422| 336| 129,506| 81|

1785| --| --| --| --| --|

1786| --| --| --| --| --|

1787| 574| 9,910| 375| 133,151| 58|

1788| --| --| --| --| --|

1789| --| --| --| --| --|

1790| --| --| --| --| 69|

1791| 325| 6,367| 450| 120,352| 48|

1792| 254| 8,121| 282| 119,297| 59|

1793| 254| 8,121| 282| 119,297| 48|

1794| --| --| --| --| --|

1795| --| --| --| --| 92|

1796| --| --| --| --| 67|

1797| --| --| --| --| 52|

1798| --| --| --| --| 68|

1799| --| --| --| --| --|

1800| --| --| --| --| 68|

1801| --| --| --| --| 32|

1802| --| --| --| --| --|

1803| --| --| --| --| 58|

1804| --| --| 378| 72,830| --|

1805| --| --| 500| 73,728| 83|

1806| --| --| --| --| 50|

1807| --| --| --| --| 86|

1808| --| --| --| --| --|

1809| --| --| --| --| --|

1810| --| --| --| --| --|

1811| --| --| --| --| --|

1812| --| --| --| --| --|

1813| --| --| --| --| --|

----+------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+

----+---------+-------+-------+--------

| BAPTISMS. | DEATHS.

+---------+-------+-------+--------

| Euro- | Those | Euro- | Nati-,

|peans' | of |peans, |Slaves,

| Child- | Half | Half | &c.

| ren. | Casts |Casts, |

| | and | &c. |

| | other | |

| | Chris-| |

| | tians.| |

----+---------+-------+-------+--------

1700| 119| 565| 697| 975

1701| 76| 341| 736| 815

1702| 83| 616| 1,088| 1,336

1703| 190| 443| 856| 931

1704| 96| 466| 442| 1,148

1705| 100| 441| 688| 1,800

1706| 84| 447| 841| 1,839

1707| 88| 471| 655| 1,371

1708| 87| 638| 651| 1,481

1709| 82| 575| 804| 1,828

1710| 108| 628| 684| 1,313

1711| 110| 555| 766| 1,487

1712|\ 110| 595/ | 684| 1,278

| \______ _____/ | |

| V | |

1713| 747[280]| 599| 1,022

1714| 703| 608| 1,085

1715| 759| 567| 1,074

1716| 688| 606| 1,207

1717| 578| 716| 1,322

1718| 663| --| --

1719| 631| 857| 1,869

1720| 529| 977| 1,685

1721| 467| 772| 1,210

1722| 649| 193| 813

1723| 610| 985| 1,597

1724| 781| 934| 1,755

1725| 637| 958| 2,085

|In the Reformed | |

| Churches, and | |

|since 1746, in | |

| the Lutheran | |

| Church. | |

1726| 616| 994| 487

1727| 740| --| --

1728| 648| 768| 590

1729| 736| 754| 500

1730| 763| 857| 1,800

1731| 783| 886| 1,066

1732| 625| 1,003| 689

1733| 554| --| --

1734| 432| --| --

1735| 561| 240| 667

1736| 727| --| --

1737| 572| 1,966| 705

1738| 448| 2,002| 919

1739| 658| 1,068| 668

1740| 518| 1,317| 338

1741| 670| 1,278| 406

1742| 602| 1,286| 547

1743| 639| 1,526| 682

1744| 673| --| --

1745| 592| 1,965| 1,062

1746| 574| --| --

1747| 670| --| --

1748| 627| --| --

1749| 705| 1,662| 556

1750| 571| 2,229| 569

1751| 550| 2,189| 502

| | |

1752| 600| 1,858| 562

1753| 457| 1,789| 1,542

1754| 553| 1,729| 617

| | |

1755| 484| 2,532| 630

1756| 410| 1,729| 547

1757| 465| 1,557| 561

1758| 468| 1,781| 1,082

1759| 437| 1,451| 636

1760| 450| 1,403| 1,064

1761| 387| 1,110| 980

1762| 471| --| --

1763| 435| 2,001| 1,134

1764| 297| 1,907| 585

1765| 357| --| --

1766| 356| --| --

1767| 306| --| --

1768| 329| 1,933| 537

1769| 369| 1,869| 667

1770| 302| 2,871| 2,672

1771| 245| 2,425| 622

1772| 301| 2,437| 2,256

1773| 284| 2,029| 534

1774| 295| 2,452| 866

1775| 307| 2,997| 3,007

1776| 303| 3,055| 1,199

1777| 277| 1,394| 2,031

1778| 253| 1,804| 2,131

1779| 290| 1,524| 1,717

1780| 259| 1,418| 1,435

1781| 272| --| --

1782| 260| 733| 1,692

1783| 292| --| --

1784| 279| 1,439| 1,669

1785| 243| --| --

1786| 238| --| --

1787| 230| 1,939| 1,278

1788| 284| --| --

1789| 236| --| --

1790| 220| 2,379| 1,672

1791| 216| 2,228| 1,590

1792| 171| 1,990| 1,131

1793| 149| 1,805| 1,030

1794| 215| --| --

1795| 183| 1,121| 953

1796| 173| --| --

1797| 210| 215| 930

1798| 173| 280| 675

1799| 236| --| --

1800| 169| 106| 1,168

1801| 169| --| --

1802| 207| --| --

1803| 182| 263| 2,356

1804| 190| 255| --

1805| 164| --| --

1806| 171| --| --

1807| 186| --| 2,549

1808| 151| --| --

1809| 131| --| --

1810| 167| --| --

1811| 136| --| --

1812| 115| --| --

1813| 138| --| --

----+---------+-------+-------+--------

TABLE, No. II.

_LIST of DECEASED and BURIED in the

several Burial Places at BATAVIA, from the Year 1730, till

the Month of August, 1752._

[Translated from a Document discovered among the Records of the

Dutch Government at Batavia.]

1730.

Numb. deceased.

January 3,862

February 3,786

March 3,928

April 3,860

May 3,862

June 3,889

July 4,268

August 4,404

September 4,597

October 4,290

November 3,965

December 3,739

------ 48,450

1731.

January 3,699

February 3,705

March 3,827

April 3,833

May 3,711

June 3,788

July 4,480

August 4,527

September 4,916

October 4,512

November 4,412

December 4,430

------ 49,840

1732.

January 4,359

February 4,047

March 4,046

April 4,060

May 4,066

June 4,191

July 4,515

August 4,758

September 5,314

October 4,912

November 4,344

December 4,305

------ 52,917

1733.

January 4,205

February 4,261

March 3,989

April 3,948

May 3,747

June 3,840

July 3,885

August 3,805

September 4,147

October 4,148

November 3,906

December 3,864

------ 47,745

1734.

January 3,830

February 3,963

March 3,914

April 3,725

May 3,711

June 3,550

July 3,772

August 4,294

September 5,303

October 4,237

November 4,025

December 4,021

------ 48,145

1735.

January 3,722

February 3,775

March 3,830

April 3,757

May 3,780

June 3,968

July 4,141

August 4,041

September 4,058

October 4,050

November 3,966

December 3,962

------ 47,050

1736.

January 4,110

February 3,909

March 3,815

April 3,778

May 3,760

June 3,699

July 4,063

August 4,078

September 4,260

October 4,110

November 3,841

December 4,080

------ 47,503

1737.

January 4,066

February 4,093

March 3,707

April 3,561

May 3,485

June 3,358

July 3,357

August 3,400

September 2,501

October 4,054

November 4,057

December 4,061

------ 43,709

1738.

January 3,784

February 3,572

March 3,570

April 3,718

May 3,717

June 4,018

July 4,045

August 3,771

September 4,110

October 4,293

November 4,030

December 4,158

------ 46,786

1739.

January 4,039

February 4,017

March 3,909

April 3,759

May 3,885

June 3,985

July 4,266

August 4,273

September 4,053

October 4,139

November 4,189

December 4,084

------ 48,598

1740.

January 3,851

February 3,747

March 3,758

April 3,878

May 4,090

June 4,424

July 4,536

August 4,321

September 4,538

October 4,514

November 4,224

December 4,083

------ 49,964

1741.

January 4,010

February 3,842

March 3,893

April 3,824

May 3,958

June 4,057

July 4,136

August 3,764

September 4,093

October 3,888

November 3,766

December 3,712

------ 46,943

1742.

January 2,849

February 3,731

March 3,780

April 3,811

May 2,185

June 3,665

July 3,915

August 3,976

September 3,546

October 3,537

November 3,646

December 4,021

------ 42,662

1743.

January 3,744

February 3,659

March 3,399

April 3,407

May 3,418

June 4,448

July 3,822

August 3,937

September 3,641

October 3,798

November 3,852

December 4,011

------ 45,136

1744.

January 4,114

February 3,974

March 3,682

April 3,723

May 3,790

June 3,808

July 3,847

August 3,601

September 5,904

October 3,914

November 4,140

December 4,064

------- 47,661

1745.

January 3,952

February 3,765

March 3,212

April 3,230

May 3,290

June 3,327

July 3,655

August 3,736

September 4,197

October 3,632

November 3,486

December 3,526

------- 43,008

1746.

January 3,479

February 3,491

March 3,459

April 3,373

May 3,435

June 3,950

July 4,750

August 4,210

September 4,110

October 4,214

November 4,483

December 4,874

------- 47,828

1747.

January 4,414

February 4,389

March 4,305

April 4,159

May 4,599

June 4,978

July 5,355

August 4,946

September 5,016

October 3,028

November 4,506

December 4,603

------- 54,298

1748.

January 4,459

February 4,322

March 4,796

April 4,689

May 4,603

June 5,106

July 4,469

August 4,355

September 5,034

October 5,169

November 5,140

December 4,864

------- 57,006

1749.

January 4,870

February 4,452

March 4,332

April 4,505

May 4,425

June 4,589

July 4,656

August 4,174

September 4,398

October 4,684

November 4,537

December 4,893

------- 54,515

1750.

January 4,546

February 4,352

March 4,417

April 4,619

May 5,227

June 5,072

July 5,277

August 5,134

September 4,872

October 4,580

November 4,526

December 4,508

------- 57,130

1751.

January 4,543

February 4,128

March 4,163

April 4,170

May 3,967

June 4,967

July 6,904

August 5,566

September 5,699

October 5,344

November 4,612

December 4,533

------- 58,605

1752.

January 3,923

February 3,941

March 4,272

April 4,116

May 4,466

June 4,285

July 4,359

August 4,514

------- 33,876

During twenty-two

years and

eight months, ---------

Grand Total 1,119,375

The unhealthiness of the climate of Batavia is connected, in the minds

of many, with the fabulous properties of the poison tree of Java,

and many are so ignorant of the island as to consider the climate

of Batavia as a fair example of that of Java in general. History

attests that this city has been highly pernicious to the health both

of Europeans and Natives, almost from its foundation, and recent

experience concurs with the testimony of history. The mines of America,

when they were first discovered, did not more strongly allure the

Spaniards, nor urged them to sacrifice more relentlessly the lives

of the unresisting natives to their burning thirst of gold, than the

monopoly of Java and the Spice Islands led the Dutch Company, in the

track of wealth, through danger, injustice and oppression. Though the

unhealthiness of Batavia was at all times known and formidable, there

were times when the mortality became extraordinary and alarming.

Although not prone to any speculation, except that of merchants, or

to any inquiry, except for a new market or a more lucrative channel

of trade, the Company's Government in India was sometimes forced

to institute inquiries into the cause of this insalubrity, and to

speculate about the possibility and the means of removing it. Passing

by other occasions, there exists on the records of the High Regency a

reply to queries about the unhealthiness of Batavia, dated the 14th

of October 1753. This paper states that between 1732 and 1738, the

greatest number of casualties happened. It assigns, as a great cause

of the insalubrity complained of, the situation of the town in a

bay, confined on the west and east by projecting points of land, and

inclosed in front by a cluster of small islands. The space between the

town and the sea is chiefly mud, left by the retreating of the sea:

a swamp surrounds the town. The mouths of the rivers are generally

covered with underwood and a species of tree peculiar to swamps.

The vegetation of these low grounds, it is added, cannot but retain

impurities of the most noxious kind. The space which is formed at

the mouths of the rivers _Táng'ran_ and _Ang'ki_ is an entire swamp,

covered with shrubs which emit exhalations of an impure nature: these

are interspersed with the burying grounds of the natives, and the

effluvia of these places is felt at some distance. It was believed

that the earthquake of 1699, by forcing mud from under the earth and

blocking up the mouths of the rivers more than formerly, contributed

to increase the previously existing unhealthiness. The lime kilns in

the neighbourhood, the close plantations of trees that prevent a free

circulation of air, the stagnation of the rivers from the bars of mud

or sand which obstruct their out-course into the sea, the kind of water

which the inhabitants are compelled to drink, the narrowness of their

houses, and the dirt and filth accumulated in the numerous canals that

intersect the town, have all their due share of pernicious efficiency

assigned them in this report. The buildings, it is said, are admirably

adapted to keep out the fresh air, and to retain that which is putrid

or noxious. To remedy the evils felt, a new construction of houses is

recommended, and a frequent pruning or entire extirpation of the trees.

The fever, which excited this inquiry, commenced in 1733 and lasted

till 1738, and, during its continuance, two thousand of the Company's

servants and free Christians annually died. In 1739 its violence

abated; but it broke out again in 1744, and continued with little

diminution or variation to the date of the report in 1753.

Without stopping to inquire whether it would be easier to remove

disease from Batavia, or the inhabitants of Batavia from disease, I

shall take the liberty of quoting an extract from a report on the

climate of some parts of Java, drawn up by Mr. Robertson, the late

Superintending Surgeon, which appears to me to afford a satisfactory

account of the causes of the insalubrity of the capital. After giving a

statement of the mortality that prevailed in an Indiaman, a part of the

crew of which landed at Batavia, he thus proceeds.

"Such is the melancholy instance of the noxious climate of Batavia,

which came within my own observation. That it was not epidemic is

clearly evinced, from its not extending its influence to those who

attended the sick, nor to the rest of the crew, all of whom escaped

its attack and remained healthy. Among the Dutch who remain in the

town, fevers are, I understand, very prevalent at all seasons,

notwithstanding their being, in a manner, inured to the climate, and

most of them have a sallow sickly appearance. It is not uncommon, in

riding through the streets, to meet three or four funerals daily.

"The Chinese, however, who are very numerous, suffer more than any

class of the people; perhaps, from the worse situations of their

houses, the manner in which these are crowded, the closeness of their

apartments, and their gross manner of living. The number of casualties

among them, I am told, is incredible, especially during the dry season;

and if one may judge from the extent of their burial ground, and the

number of their tumuli, it cannot admit of a doubt. The preceding facts

are, I conclude, sufficient to establish the truth of the noxious

character the climate of Batavia has so long obtained, and I shall now

proceed to the causes which have been often investigated, and seem well

ascertained, though the knowledge of them has led to little exertion

for their removal.

"The baneful effects of marsh miasmata on the human system is well

known, engendering intermittent and remittent fevers, dysenteries, and

visceral obstructions. Batavia, built almost in a swamp, surrounded

by marshes in all directions, trees and jungles, which prevent the

exhalations being carried off by a free circulation of air, is

peculiarly obnoxious from this cause. Opposite the mouth of the river,

and extending a great way to the westward, is a mud-bank, which,

in many parts at low water, is uncovered by the sea, and is daily

accumulating from the quantities of mud and animal and vegetable

matter carried down by the river during its reflux. Again the sea,

often at spring tides, overflows the adjacent country, and, on its

receding, leaves the soil covered with slime and mud, which, exposed

to the action of the sun, soon suffers decomposition, and impregnates

the atmosphere with its noxious exhalations, which are carried by the

sea breeze over Batavia, where the trees and jungles surrounding the

houses prevent their being dissipated. During the heat of the day

these exhalations are more diffused and comparatively innoxious, but

when the sun withdraws its influence they become more condensed, and

amalgamating with the descending evening dews form a morbid atmosphere

around the houses of the inhabitants. This hypothesis will readily

account for a fact well known, that people whose commercial concerns

require their presence in Batavia during the day, and who retire during

the night into the country, escape this endemic, while scarcely any

who sleep in the town, even for a night, unless those who, by a long

residence, are inured to it, escape. In the ingenious and sensible work

formerly alluded to (Mr. Johnson's), I find this hypothesis so clearly

and perspicuously expounded, that I must take the liberty of quoting

it.

"'The cause why the stench emitted by marshes and vegetable matter in

a state of decomposition is more perceptible immediately after sunset,

is not that the vapours are disengaged in greater quantities then

than during the day, but the marshes retain their heat for some time

after the sun's rays are withdrawn, and consequently continue to emit

vapours through the atmosphere, as during the high temperature of the

day by the sun. They therefore meet the descending dews, condensing

and forming a thick fog, which hovers over the swamps, accompanied

by a noxious and disagreeable odour. The miasmata exhaled during the

day, in all probability, descend with the dews of the evening, which,

meeting and combining with those that continue to be disengaged from

their source, must form a concentration highly capable of affecting the

constitution. Marsh effluvia become at a certain distance from their

source innoxious. Dr. Hunter observes, 'a few feet in height gives a

comparative security in the same buildings.' This will be accounted

for by the supposition, that as the miasmata exhaled during the day

descend in the evenings, they become more and more concentrated, till

meeting the exhalations from the still reeking marshes, a dense stratum

of highly impregnated atmosphere is found contiguous to the surface of

the earth: hence the salubrity of sleeping in upper apartments. This

leads to another practicable inference of considerable importance, that

when necessity compels exposure to these marshes, we should select that

point of time least likely to meet those miasmata, whether ascending

or descending. This period seems to extend from three to six in the

afternoon:[282] that is, after the greatest heat of the earth and air,

and consequently the greatest evaporation, and before the condensation

and return of such exhalations as rose during the day, and which

combine with those still issuing from the heated soil for some time

after sunset.'

"A second, and, I think, an equally powerful cause, is the stagnant

water of the canals, which, in all directions, intersect the city.

In the first place, they are filled with filth of every description;

there is scarcely at times any perceptible current in them to carry

off that filth; and lastly, the sluices are frequently kept shut, for

the purpose of swelling the waters above them to irrigate the fields,

while those below, which intersect the town, become almost dry, leaving

an extensive surface of mud, and every kind of putrified matter, to

be acted upon by the sun, raising the most pestilential vapours, with

which, as before observed, the atmosphere gets thoroughly impregnated.

"As a third cause, the state of the houses may be considered, and the

mode of living of the Dutch. Houses that are untenanted are seldom

opened, and thus collect much filth and foul, damp, pernicious vapours.

Those that are inhabited are generally shut up in the day time, most of

them being glazed, thus preventing a free circulation of air; and in

the lower story of most of the houses, the walls are covered some feet

from the ground with a greenish coat, and on entering the apartments

a stranger experiences a kind of chilly feel, and a damp raw kind of

smell. Although it cannot be enumerated among the causes, yet I cannot

help thinking the Dutch mode of medical practice, in as far as it is

inefficient to counteract the diseases of this climate, must tend to

increase the number of fatal terminations.

"The Dutch practitioners, little in the habit of theorizing, continue

the same practice in every form of disease, and they are particularly

prejudiced against the use of mercury, opium, and other powerful

medicines, in consequence relying solely on the most simple and inert

remedies. Some few of them, of more enlarged understanding, adopt the

English mode, and seem sensible of its superior efficacy.

"A fourth, and, I am convinced, a very general cause, especially of

the diarrhœas and dysenteries, which seldom fail to attack new comers,

is the water. This most essential article is taken either from the

canals or wells, and it is equally bad when passed through a filtering

stone. It retains a brackish, hard, unpleasant taste, and if allowed

to remain some time in vessels without previous boiling, generates

small animalculæ. Such, I conceive, are the most probable and principal

causes of the insalubrity of Batavia; though there are, I doubt not,

others contributing, which elude observation. It is generally received,

though I think an erroneous opinion, that the rainy season is the most

unhealthy. The most unhealthy appears to me to be that immediately

after the cessation of the rains; and the older and more experienced

Dutch residents have observed, that in years when there has been a long

continued drought, disease has been more than usually prevalent, and

they look forward with anxiety for the accession of the rains, as the

means of resisting its baneful dissemination.

"Weltevreden, at a distance of not more than three miles, being less

exposed to these causes, excepting the water, is exempt, in a great

measure, from its prevailing endemic fever; though diarrhœas are

common, especially among those newly arriving, but they are seldom of a

serious or alarming nature.

"Among the troops stationed at Weltevreden and Cornelis, diseases

are not more frequent than in the healthiest parts of India which I

have visited; though for some months since the Báli expedition, the

casualties in the 78th regiment have been numerous. At _Chemangis_,

about twenty-two miles from Batavia inland, a battalion of Sepoys is

stationed, where, from the returns I have received, it appears they

enjoy comparatively good health, and have very few casualties, though a

much larger quantity of rain falls than in the vicinity of Weltevreden.

It is on an elevated commanding situation, and open and clear of jungle

for a considerable extent around."

In support of the opinion which has been given of the general salubrity

of the climate of Java, the abstract returns of sick, &c. among the

troops serving on Java and its dependencies, for the last two years,

are annexed, together with a statement of casualties, in His Majesty's

78th regiment, while serving on the continent of India and in Java.

_GENERAL ABSTRACT of the MONTHLY RETURN of

SICK on the Island of JAVA and its Dependencies,

from 1st November, 1813, to 30th October, 1814._

-------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+

+----------+--------+ on the| | +------+

| | | | | | |

-------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+

1813. | | | | | | |

Nov. | 2,262| 5,196| 938| 997| 981| 5|

Dec. | 2,399| 4,962| 963| 908| 974| 3|

| | | | | | |

1814. | | | | | | |

Jan. | 2,089| 5,536| 955| 852| 895| 1|

Feb. | 1,233| 4,865| 677| 474| 477| 3|

Mar. | 2,154| 5,845| 744| 733| 834| 6|

Apr. | 1,818| 4,962| 620| 662| 620| 5|

May | 1,781| 6,509| 848| 876| 805| 8|

June | 1,677| 5,790| 763| 934| 820| 11|

July | 1,663| 5,560| 839| 1,082| 880| 7|

Aug. | 1,569| 5,735| 947| 945| 772| 21|

Sept. | 2,309| 5,863| 1,157| 915| 916| 31|

Oct. | 2,306| 5,562| 1,079| 876| 1,018| 9|

-------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+

-------+----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+

Months. Dead. | Remaining last month.

+----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+

| | | | | | |

-------+----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+

1813. | | | | | | |

Nov. | 19| 6| 30| 176| 216| 10|

Dec. | 37| 14| 54| 150| 205| 9|

| | | | | | |

1814. | | | | | | |

Jan. | 24| 11| 36| 144| 196| 11|

Feb. | 14| 6| 23| 99| 144| 2|

Mar. | 19| 6| 31| 146| 152| 1|

Apr. | 18| 5| 28| 149| 131| 5|

May | 35| 4| 47| 169| 201| 7|

June | 30| 13| 54| 168| 182| 12|

July | 30| 10| 47| 304| 199| 15|

Aug. | 17| 4| 42| 440| 189| 11|

Sept. | 38| 8| 77| 395| 172| 15|

Oct. | 24| 12| 45| 241| 176| 9|

-------+----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+

-------+-----------+----------+-------+---------+

Months. Remaining last month. |

+-----------+----------+-------+---------+

| | and | |Diseases.|

-------+-----------+----------+-------+---------+

1813. | | | | |

Nov. | 61| 101| 195| 144|

Dec. | 73| 95| 149| 164|

| | | | |

1814. | | | | |

Jan. | 79| 99| 170| 177|

Feb. | 63| 84| 113| 146|

Mar. | 69| 183| 102| 116|

Apr. | 51| 80| 80| 144|

May | 87| 107| 131| 160|

June | 80| 103| 127| 151|

July | 103| 117| 104| 150|

Aug. | 89| 117| 111| 121|

Sept. | 107| 135| 97| 159|

Oct. | 106| 122| 91| 142|

-------+-----------+----------+-------+---------+

-------+----------+--------+-----------+------------

Months.| TOTAL | Proportion| Proportion

+----------+--------+ of Sick. | of Deaths

|Europeans.|Natives.| | to Cures.

| | | |

-------+----------+--------+-----------+------------

1813. | | | |

Nov. | 289| 635| 1 to 8 | 1 to 32.70

Dec. | 266| 577| 1 to 9.90| 1 to 18

| | | |

1814. | | | |

Jan. | 232| 644| 1 to 8.70| 1 to 24.86

Feb. | 141| 510| 1 to 9.33| 1 to 27.39

Mar. | 124| 575| 1 to 11.52| 1 to 26.911

Apr. | 177| 457| 1 to 10.67| 1 to 22.14

May | 195| 667| 1 to 9.61| 1 to 17.12

June | 216| 607| 1 to 9 | 1 to 15.18

July | 230| 764| 1 to 7.28| 1 to 18.72

Aug. | 263| 815| 1 to 6.77| 1 to 18.38

Sept. | 355| 725| 1 to 7.55| 1 to 11.89

Oct. | 278| 609| 1 to 8.87| 1 to 22.62

-------+----------+--------+-----------+------------

_GENERAL MONTHLY AVERAGE of SICK and

CASUALTIES on the Island of JAVA and its

Dependencies, from 1st November, 1813, to 31st October, 1814._

+--------------+-------+-------+--------+----------+----------+

| Strength of | of | of | of |Proportion|Proportion|

+--------------+-------+-------+--------+----------+----------+

| 7,470| 862| 832| 42| 1 to 8.66|1 to 99.80|

+--------------+-------+-------+--------+----------+----------+

_MONTHLY AVERAGE of FATAL DISEASES, from 1st

November, 1813, to 31st October, 1814._

+---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+

+---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+

| 514| 110| 305| 99| 514|

+---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+

|Monthly Average| 9⅙ | 25⁵⁄₁₂ | 8¼ | 42¹⁰⁄₁₂ |

+---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+

_GENERAL ABSTRACT of the MONTHLY RETURNS of

SICK on the Island of JAVA and its Dependencies,

from 1st November, 1814, to 31st December, 1815, inclusive._

-------+-------------------+---------+---------+-----------+-------

+----------+--------+on the | | +------+

| | | | | | |

-------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+

1814.| | | | | | |

Nov. | 2,272| 6,283| 906| 820| 784| 11|

Dec. | 2,325| 6,268| 890| 797| 815| 13|

| | | | | | |

1815.| | | | | | |

Jan. | 2,106| 6,233| 842| 693| 776| 6|

Feb. | 2,211| 5,962| 714| 601| 601| 6|

Mar. | 2,172| 5,700| 595| 642| 600| 1|

Apr. | 2,050| 5,481| 623| 706| 648| 5|

May | 2,082| 5,983| 658| 723| 677| 4|

June | 2,002| 5,862| 691| 682| 663| 4|

July | 1,442| 5,227| 609| 540| 551| 4|

Aug. | 1,339| 4,836| 584| 545| 554| 5|

Sept.| 1,324| 4,595| 497| 444| 467| 2|

Oct. | 1,326| 4,770| 420| 384| 387| 2|

Nov. | 821| 4,404| 443| 407| 392| 1|

Dec. | 772| 3,170| 344| 388| 343| 2|

-------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+

------------------------------+------------------------------------

Dead. | Remaining last month.

+-----+---------+------+------+-----+----------+-----------+

-------+-----+---------+------+------+-----+----------+-----------+

1814.| | | | | | | |

Nov. | 21| 7| 39| 211| 154| 5| 104|

Dec. | 22| 11| 46| 211| 132| 10| 84|

| | | | | | | |

1815.| | | | | | | |

Jan. | 18| 8| 32| 157| 119| 18| 88|

Feb. | 7| 4| 17| 141| 106| 8| 102|

Mar. | 10| 5| 16| 184| 96| 6| 79|

Apr. | 10| 4| 19| 182| 122| 5| 81|

May | 6| 4| 14| 158| 122| 8| 77|

June | 12| 5| 21| 204| 107| 5| 81|

July | 6| 3| 13| 177| 109| 4| 64|

Aug. | 5| 4| 14| 139| 102| 3| 64|

Sept.| 1| 5| 8| 101| 91| 4| 49|

Oct. | 6| 5| 13| 88| 58| 4| 59|

Nov. | 6| 5| 12| 101| 78| 4| 53|

Dec. | 5| 3| 10| 83| 79| 4| 36|

-------+-----+---------+------+------+-----+----------+-----------+

-----------------------------------+

+---------+-------+---------+

Months.|Venereal.|Ulcers.|Other |

| | |Diseases.|

-------+---------+-------+---------+

1814.| | | |

Nov. | 132| 112| 185|

Dec. | 123| 116| 150|

| | | |

1815.| | | |

Jan. | 105| 118| 127|

Feb. | 87| 117| 124|

Mar. | 68| 90| 98|

Apr. | 79| 101| 92|

May | 109| 111| 108|

June | 110| 95| 103|

July | 72| 83| 76|

Aug. | 74| 82| 97|

Sept.| 60| 73| 88|

Oct. | 64| 88| 63|

Nov. | 70| 72| 68|

Dec. | 48| 59| 70|

-------+---------+-------+---------+

-------+-------------------+--------------+-------------

| TOTAL | Proportion |Proportion

+----------+--------+ of Sick. |of Deaths

Months.|Europeans.|Natives.| |to Cures.

| | | |

-------+----------+--------+--------------+-------------

1814.| | | |

Nov. | 229| 674|1 to 9.47 | 1 to 20⅒

Dec. | 229| 597|1 to 10⁴⁄₁₀ | 1 to 17

| | | |

1815.| | | |

Jan. | 188| 539| 1 to 11.47 | 1 to 24¼

Feb. | 195| 502| 1 to 11.72 | 1 to 35.35

Mar. | 173| 448| 1 to 12.67 | 1 to 37½

Apr. | 178| 484| 1 to 11.37 | 1 to 34⅒

May | 220| 470| 1 to 11.68 | 1 to 48.35

June | 200| 495| 1 to 11.31 | 1 to 31.57

July | 149| 436| 1 to 11⁴⁄₁₀ | 1 to 42.38

Aug. | 152| 409| 1 to 11⅟₁₄₀ | 1 to 39.57

Sept.| 123| 343| 1 to 12⁷⁄₁₀ | 1 to 58.37

Oct. | 77| 327| 1 to 15¹¹⁄₃₀| 1 to 29.76

Nov. | 42| 404| 1 to 11½ | 1 to 32⅔

Dec. | 61| 318| 1 to 10⅖ | 1 to 34⅓

-------+----------+--------+--------------+-------------

N.B.--The monthly returns from Maccassar for November and December, and

of the 5th Volunteer Battalion Javan Corps, and of a Detachment of H.M.

78th for December, had not been received when this table was framed.

_GENERAL MONTHLY AVERAGE of SICK and

CASUALTIES on the Island of JAVA and its

Dependencies, from 1st November, 1814, to 31st October, 1815,

inclusive._

---------------+---------+---------+---------+------------+-----------

Strength of | of | of | of | Proportion | Proportion

---------------+---------+---------+---------+------------+-----------

7,487| 699| 626| 21| 1 to 11.17 | 1 to 29.18

---------------+---------+---------+---------+------------+-----------

_STATE of His Majesty's 1st Battalion 78th Regiment,

shewing the Effective Strength and Number died (including those

died of Wounds) killed in Action, &c. Half-yearly, from 16th

February, 1797, five days after the Regiment's landing in India, to

25th December, 1815._

Serondole, 13th March, 1816.

---------------------------------+---------------------+

Head Quarters of the |Effective Strength on|

Regiment and Dates. |the under-mentioned +

|Dates. |

+-------+-----+-------+

|Serjts.| Drs.| R & F.|

| | | |

---------------------------------+-------+-----+-------+

Fort William, 16 Feb. 1797[283] | 53| 25| 1,146|

Berhampore, 25 June | 52| 22| 1,085|

On the River, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 993|

| | | |

Allahabad, 25 June, 1798 | 52| 22| 952|

Camp Onoopsher, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 930|

| | | |

Cawnpore, 25 June, 1792. | 52| 22| 913|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 888|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1800 | 52| 22| 869|

Fort William, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 890|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1801 | 52| 22| 857|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 897|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1802 | 52| 22| 884|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 865|

| | | |

Camp Rooey, 25 June, 1803 | 52| 22| 837|

---- Cuttah, 25 Dec. | 62| 22| 709|

| | | |

---- Chiohoora, 25 June, 1804 | 52| 22| 657|

Old Women's Island, Bombay, | 53| 22| 683|

25 Dec. | | | |

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1805 | 54| 22| 636|

Camp at Bombay, 25 Dec. | 54| 22| 604|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1806 | 54| 22| 683|

Butcher's Island, near | 54| 22| 668|

Bombay, 25 Dec. | | | |

| | | |

Cabo Island of Goa, 25 June, 1807| 54| 22| 686|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 54| 22| 520|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1808 | 56| 22| 706|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 57| 22| 809|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1809 | 57| 22| 772|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 57| 22| 740|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1810 | 55| 22| 989|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 54| 22| 991|

| | | |

Lowjee Family Transport, | 64| 22| 965|

25 June, 1811 | 62| 22| 770|

Surabaya, Java, 25 Dec. | | | |

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1812 | 59| 22| 674|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 54| 21| 684|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1813 | 54| 20| 625|

Ung'arang, 25 Dec. | 53| 21| 625|

| | | |

Weltevreeden, Java, 25 June, 1814| 54| 21| 597|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 20| 623|

| | | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1815 | 45| 20| 583|

Serondol, 25 Dec. | 45| 21| 568|

| | | +

| | | |

---------------------------------+-------+-----+-------+

---------------------------------+---------------+

Head Quarters of the | Casualties. |

Regiment and Dates. +-------+-------+

| Dead, |Killed |

+includ-| in |

| ing |Action.|

| those | |

| that | |

| died | |

| of | |

|wounds,| |

| &c. | |

---------------------------------+-------+-------+

Fort William, 16 Feb. 1797[283] | --| --|

Berhampore, 25 June | 25| --|

On the River, 25 Dec. | 90| --|

| | |

Allahabad, 25 June, 1798 | 45| --|

Camp Onoopsher, 25 Dec. | 34| --|

| | |

Cawnpore, 25 June, 1792. | 27| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 31| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1800 | 19| --|

Fort William, 25 Dec. | 34| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1801 | 30| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 15| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1802 | 12| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 66| --|

| | |

Camp Rooey, 25 June, 1803 | 30| --|

---- Cuttah, 25 Dec. | 89| 47|

| | |

---- Chiohoora, 25 June, 1804 | 61| --|

Old Women's Island, Bombay, | 84| --|

25 Dec. | | |

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1805 | 50| --|

Camp at Bombay, 25 Dec. | 30| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1806 | 14| --|

Butcher's Island, near | 24| --|

Bombay, 25 Dec. | | |

| | |

Cabo Island of Goa, 25 June, 1807| 17| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 7| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1808 | 9| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 25| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1809 | 22| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 32| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1810 | 22| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 21| --|

| | |

Lowjee Family Transport, | 18| --|

25 June, 1811 | 166| 28|

Surabaya, Java, 25 Dec. | | |

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1812 | 101| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 93| 6|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1813 | 59| --|

Ung'arang, 25 Dec. | 22| --|

| | |

Weltevreeden, Java, 25 June, 1814| 28| --|

Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| --|

| | |

Ditto, 25 June, 1815 | 20| --|

Serondol, 25 Dec. | 13| --|

+-------+-------+

| 1,537| 81|

---------------------------------+-------+-------+

---------------------------------+-------+-----------------

Head Quarters of the | TOTAL |PERIODS.

Regiment and Dates. + dead, |

|killed,|

|&c. &c.|

| |

---------------------------------+-------+-----------------

Fort William, 16 Feb. 1797[283] | } |{16 Feb. 1797, to

Berhampore, 25 June | } 115 |{24 Dec. 1797.

On the River, 25 Dec. | } |

| |

Allahabad, 25 June, 1798 | } 79 |{25 Dec. 1797, to

Camp Onoopsher, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1798.

| |

Cawnpore, 25 June, 1792. | } 58 |{25 Dec. 1798, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1799.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1800 | } 53 |{25 Dec. 1799, to

Fort William, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1800.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1801 | } 45 |{25 Dec. 1800, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1801.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1802 | } 78 |{25 Dec. 1801, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1802.

| |

Camp Rooey, 25 June, 1803 | } 166 |{25 Dec. 1802, to

---- Cuttah, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1803.

| |

---- Chiohoora, 25 June, 1804 | } 145 |{25 Dec. 1803, to

Old Women's Island, Bombay, | } |{24 Dec. 1804.

25 Dec. | |

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1805 | } 80 |{25 Dec. 1804, to

Camp at Bombay, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1805.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1806 | } 38 |{25 Dec. 1805, to

Butcher's Island, near | } |{24 Dec. 1806.

Bombay, 25 Dec. | |

| |

Cabo Island of Goa, 25 June, 1807| } 24 |{25 Dec. 1806, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1807.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1808 | } 34 |{25 Dec. 1807, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1808.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1809 | } 54 |{25 Dec. 1808, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1809.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1810 | } 43 |{25 Dec. 1809, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1810.

| |

Lowjee Family Transport, | } 212 |{25 Dec. 1810, to

25 June, 1811 | } |{24 Dec. 1811.

Surabaya, Java, 25 Dec. | |

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1812 | } 200 |{25 Dec. 1811, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1812.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1813 | } 81 |{25 Dec. 1812, to

Ung'arang, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1813.

| |

Weltevreeden, Java, 25 June, 1814| } 80 |{25 Dec. 1813, to

Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1814.

| |

Ditto, 25 June, 1815 | } 33 |{25 Dec. 1814, to

Serondol, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1815.

+-------+

| 1,618|

---------------------------------+-------+-----------------

Of Six Companies at Serondol, died from

25th December, 1815, to 13th March, 1816 1

Of One ditto Solo ditto

25th ditto 13th ditto 2

Of Three ditto Weltevreeden, ditto

25th ditto 13th ditto 6

Total 9

Of the above six died at Weltevreeden, one died in consequence of a

fall.

NOTE _by_ N. CURRIE, _Esq. Surgeon of His Majesty's 78th Regiment, on

the foregoing Table_.

When the 78th regiment first arrived at Java, the men had been long

confined on board ship, living on salt provisions, and were afterwards

exposed, not only to the fatigues and privations incident to actual

warfare, but also to the inclemency of the weather in a tropical

climate. All these causes produced a tendency to disease, and when

the regiment arrived at _Surabáya_ the quarters were bad; and being

in the middle of the town, free access could at all times be had to

spirituous liquors. The number of diseases and of casualties was

consequently great; but it diminished gradually, as the men were

successively accommodated with good barracks at _De Noyo_. The whole

were comfortably lodged in plastered barracks in March or April,

1813, and in May and the following month a very sensible reduction of

deaths took place, as may be seen by the abstracts of those months.

During the preceding months of January, February, March, and April,

the deaths were numerous, but the greater proportion was among the men

of a detachment of about two hundred men that joined in January, and

continued to be very sickly during those four months. Almost all the

men of this detachment had, when attacked, violent diseases.

A very remarkable instance of the bad effects of exposure to night

air while asleep, occurred when part of the regiment was sent, in

September, 1814, from _Weltevreeden_ to _Chemangis_, where the barracks

were built of wattled bamboos, and the men lying with their heads to

the walls, received the current of air directly in their heads. Fifty

were seized with a highly inflammatory fever in the course of three

days. Delirium was always the first symptom in every case, and it was

necessary to bleed several of them largely before they could be sent to

the hospital. By referring to the returns it will be seen that almost

every increase of sickness happened after a change of quarters, as in

the detachment above-mentioned, and after the removal of the regiment

from _Surabáya_ to _Ung'arang_ and _Sirondol_ in October, 1813, after

the expedition to _Bali_ at _Weltevreeden_ in June, 1814, and to

_Chemangis_ in September 1814. An increase of sickness always took

place after the use of spirituous liquors on particular holidays, as

Christmas, &c.; and on the contrary, the good effects of not exposing

the men to morning dews or wet, and of regularity in diet, may be seen

in the healthiness of the regiment after the men got settled in good

barracks at _Surabáya_ and _Weltevreeden_.

Java need no longer be held up as the grave of Europeans, for except

in the immediate neighbourhood of salt marshes and forests, as in the

city of _Batavia_, and two or three other places on the north coast, it

may be safely affirmed that no tropical climate is superior to it in

salubrity. By its insular situation, the temperature of the atmosphere

is low and equable, and from its lofty mountains it possesses this

great advantage, that in a few hours' travelling a climate of any

degree of cold may be found.

FOOTNOTES:

[280] It appears, that subsequent to this year, no general list was

kept, a list only of the number of children christened in the reformed

churches being found among the registers.

[281] Since this year no specific list to be found.

[282] Mr. Robertson's observation and experience led him to give it a

greater latitude, from eight or nine in the morning till twelve, and

from three to six in the afternoon.

[283] Five days after our arrival in India.

APPENDIX B.

JAPAN TRADE.

The empire of Japan has, for a long period, adopted and carried with

effect all the exclusive maxims of Chinese policy, with a degree of

rigour unknown even in China itself. Previously to the expulsion of

the Portuguese and the extirpation of Christianity in the latter part

of the seventeenth century, the Japanese trade was reckoned by far the

most advantageous which could be pursued in the East, and very much

superior to either the Indian or Chinese trade. After the expulsion

of the Portuguese, a very extensive trade was for some permitted to

be carried on by the Dutch, on account of the benefits which the

Japanese imagined themselves to have received from that nation during

the Portuguese war, and especially the detection of a formidable

conspiracy of some of the Japanese princes to dethrone the emperor,

the correspondence relative to which was intercepted at sea. It was

for these services that the Dutch originally procured the imperial

edict, by which they were permitted to trade to Japan, to the exclusion

of all other European nations. This public act of their ancestors,

the Japanese have repeatedly declared that they will not cancel; but

they have done every thing but formally cancel it, for a more limited

and less free trade never was carried on by one rich nation with

another.[284] For more than half a century, the Dutch trade has been

limited to two yearly ships from Batavia, the cargoes of both of which

scarcely ever exceeded the value of 300,000 dollars, and their only

profitable returns are Japan copper, and a small quantity of camphor.

To shew themselves impartial in their restrictions, the Japanese have

limited the traffic of the Chinese, the only eastern nation whom they

suffer to trade with them at all, in a similar manner to that of

the Dutch, and they suffer no more than ten Chinese junks to visit

_Nangasaki_ in the year. The trade of those two favoured nations is

also limited to the port of _Nangasaki_.

In pursuance of their exclusive maxims, and conformably to the terms

of their agreement with the Dutch, the Japanese have, on every

occasion, followed an uniform line of conduct, and rejected, in the

most peremptory manner, the various overtures of different nations

of Europe, refusing equally to have any intercourse, negociation or

commerce, with any of them. It must also be admitted, that the whole

foreign trade of Japan, compared with the riches of the country, is

absolutely trifling; nor is there any rich or powerful body of them,

like the Hong merchants of China, at all interested in its continuance.

The yearly presents, whether offered to the governor of _Nangasaki_

or the emperor, are of no great value, and rigidly limited by law

and usage; and as the government of Japan is much stronger and more

vigilant than that of China, no such abuses can be ventured on at

_Nangasaki_ as those which exist at Canton.

The commercial intercourse of the Dutch at Japan was established by an

imperial edict in their favour from the emperor _Gonging Soma_, in the

year 1611.

The first Dutch factory was established at Firando, but in the year

1641 it was removed to _Nangasaki_. The number of the Dutch ships, and

the kind of merchandize which they imported, were then left entirely

to the discretion of the parties; the merchandize was disposed of to

the best advantage, and the returns consisted of such articles as were

expected to yield the greatest profit. They were subject only to the

municipal regulations of the country, without any further restraint or

incumbrance whatever. The trade remained in this state till the year

1671. In the Dutch records of this period, the only complaints made

against Japanese authority relate to restrictions laid upon them in

matters of religion.

In the beginning the returns from Japan consisted of silver and copper;

and the former being coined, was received according to the current

value in that country, where the coins and weights went by the same

name as in China, viz. _katis_, _tahils_, _mas_, and _kandarins_. Ten

_mas_ were worth a _tahil_, sixteen _tahil_ a _kati_, and one hundred

_kati_ weighed one hundred and twenty, or one hundred and twenty-one,

pounds Dutch, equal to a mark.

There were two sorts of silver, of which the fine was called _zoma_,

and coarser bar-silver, generally distinguished by the Dutch under

the terms of _heavy_ and _light_ money. This was at first carried

to account at the rate of sixty-two stivers and a half per _tahil_,

no difference being made in the books of that time between the two

kinds; but in the year 1635, the common or bar-silver, was fixed

at fifty-seven stivers the _tahil_. Both kinds, according to this

regulation, were considered by the Dutch as calculated too high for an

article of merchandize, and consequently were not much in demand in the

western parts of India, to which it was at first sent by the Company.

The attention of the Dutch being, however, afterwards attracted to the

trade in gold from Japan, orders were issued to the factors in the year

1640, requiring gold as a return, to the amount of from ten to twelve

hundred thousand florins. These orders were executed with the best

success; and a wish seems, on this occasion, to have been expressed

by the factory, that Japan might, as formerly, be permitted to supply

from one hundred to one hundred and fifty chests of gold _kobangs_,

_ubangs_, and _zebos_. Gold and silver were, at this time, the

principal articles in the returns from Japan. Their copper was not much

in demand, probably because it was so little known in India or Europe;

yet the directors, in their requisition for the year 1655, state the

price of Japan copper having risen from thirty-six to forty-six florins

per hundred pounds weight, and an order having been sent to Japan for

twenty thousand _pikuls_ of that metal, the same rendered great profit.

In 1644, requisitions were made from Surat for two thousand _pikuls_,

from Coromandel for one thousand _pikuls_, and from Batavia for four

thousand _pikuls_ of copper; and in reply it is stated, that it would

not be difficult to furnish the quantity required; that the Japan

copper consisted of both sheet and bar copper, of which the former was

purchased at twenty _tahils_ the _pikul_, or twelve stivers (inferior

silver) per pound, being twenty per cent. cheaper than European copper.

The gold, after being coined, was found a very profitable article,

being purchased at a favourable rate. In the beginning the _kobang_

was purchased for six _tahil_ eight _mas_, and for six _tahil_ seven

_mas_; and, as appears from the books of 1669, 1670, and 1671, was

within those years even purchased as low as five _tahils_ six _mas_,

and five _tahils_ eight _mas_, from the great men of the country, or

from merchants, according to circumstances. During two of these years,

more than one hundred thousand _kobangs_ were obtained, which rendered

a profit of one million of florins.

In 1671, an edict was issued by the Japanese government, prohibiting

the further exportation of silver; but the profit on the gold being so

considerable, the restriction on the exportation of silver was a matter

of indifference to the Dutch, who still were enabled to obtain their

returns in the more profitable articles of gold and copper.

The exchange of the _kobang_ was now fixed by the Japanese government

at sixty-eight _mas_; and the free and unrestricted trade which the

Dutch had hitherto enjoyed, was subjected to an arbitrary valuation of

the import cargoes, and limited first with respect to the articles of

merchandize, and afterwards with respect to its extent.

The loss of the island of Formosa in 1661, is supposed to have given

the first shock to the credit of the Dutch at Japan. Not long after

that event they experienced many instances of opposition, and several

prejudicial alterations in the trade.

"They (the Japanese) were consequently," observes Mr. Imhoff, in his

Memoir on the Japan Trade, "no longer under any apprehension of being

annoyed by us, while, if we had remained in possession of Formosa,

we were and might have continued masters of the navigation and trade

between China and Japan. In that opinion I am still further confirmed,

when I consider, in the first instance, that the prejudicial change

with respect to our situation at Japan, although it took place only

several years after the loss of Formosa, had been already in agitation

some time before; and, secondly, that notwithstanding the confidence of

the Japanese in their own superiority, which they always evinced, that

arrogance did not conceal altogether a certain fear of us, very evident

from their great precautions. This fear has, however, since decreased,

and if we may trust to the records, has frequently been succeeded by

brutality.[285] It is an undeniable truth, that if a nation renders

itself respected and formidable it will flourish, and that otherwise it

is but little esteemed."

The decline of the trade seems not at first to have been much attended

to. "Whether the Japanese," says the same writer, "at that period

obtained advice of the advantages we derived from the trade, or that

the bad conduct of our servants gave occasion to further restrictions

which succeeded each other, we do not know, yet it is undeniable, that

first in the year 1685 our trade was limited to three hundred thousand

_tahils_, of which two-thirds were to consist of piece goods and

weighable articles, and the other third of silks. This was confirmed

in 1689, and we were allowed to export only twenty-five thousand

_pikuls_ of copper, whereas our exports of that article formerly had

been regulated according to our requisition. In the year 1700, the

number of our ships was limited to four or five, in lieu of six or

seven as were formerly sent, according to circumstances."

The profits of the trade at this period would yet have deserved

attention had not a change in the current coin rendered the year 1700

still more disadvantageous. In 1692 and 1693 and afterwards, rich

cargoes were sent to Japan which returned considerable profits, and

the funds were again laid out in copper, as far as thirty thousand

chests or _pikuls_. The new stipulation of twenty-five thousand

chests was of little importance with the Dutch, who knew how, as they

confess, to obtain by bribes from the governors and their servants a

still further quantity. In the year 1685, the system of receiving the

Dutch merchandize by valuation was discontinued; and although it was

introduced again in the year 1698, it was once more abolished in the

following year.

Various causes are assigned for the change in the current coin

which took place about this period; but whether, as was supposed

by the Dutch, the knowledge of the Dutch profits upon the _kobang_

opened the eyes of the Japanese, or that their long intercourse

with Europeans rendered them more attentive to their own interest,

or that the Chinese, who are known to be very expert in the art of

coining, proposed that measure to them, or that the easy compliance

of the Dutch in all former instances, and while they issued the most

injurious orders against their commerce, made them believe that they

might purchase their friendship at a cheaper rate than hitherto, or, as

seems most probable, it was principally occasioned by other and more

weighty causes not yet discovered, it is certain that in the year 1696

appeared, for the first time, a new kind of _kobang_, of one-third less

in value than the old, although tendered to and received by the Dutch

at the same rate. Here then was said to commence the iron age.

The new _kobang_ was assayed at thirteen carats six or seven grains,

while the old _kobang_ was twenty carats eight and a half, nine, or

even ten grains; yet the Dutch were obliged to receive the former at

the rate of sixty-eight _mas_ like the old, which weighed thirty-one

stivers, and making a difference upon one thousand of seventy-two

marks. The old _kobang_ rendered a profit of twenty-five per cent.,

but the new produced a loss of fifteen or sixteen per cent. on the

coast of Coromandel, where it was recoined. Some of the old _kobangs_

being however estimated at the same rate with the new, the Dutch still

continued to derive some profits from the gold, until the introduction

of a third kind of _kobang_, denominated the small _kobangs_, took

place.

In 1710 the Japanese resorted to this further change in the coin, by

reducing the weight of the _kobang_ nearly one half, the value being

twenty-five _kanderins_, while that of the former was no less than

forty-seven _kanderins_. This caused a loss of from thirty-four to

thirty-six per cent., the Dutch being obliged to receive the same at

the rate of sixty-eight _mas_; the former _kobangs_, of inferior alloy

only, were in consequence still preferable. From 1710 to 1720, both

sorts were in circulation; but the repeated complaints of the Dutch

were at last, in 1720, so far attended to, that the old _kobangs_,

of the same alloy and weight, were again introduced. The latter,

however, were called double _kobangs_, and they were charged in the

Dutch accounts at thirteen _tahils_ six _mas_, which was twice as much

as in former times, so that they became still less profitable than

the small _kobangs_, of which two thousand weighed seventy-six marks,

while one thousand of the old coin only weighed seventy-two marks, and

would consequently, when received in lieu of two small _kobangs_, have

produced a loss of thirty-seven seven-eights per cent.

When an attempt was made, in 1714, to oblige the Dutch to receive the

small _kobang_ at the same rate as the old, the exportation of copper

was limited to fifteen thousand chests, as was the number of ships to

two or three, according to the quantity of copper in store.

A fourth kind of _kobang_ was introduced in 1730, about five per cent.

better than the third or small _kobang_, but the trade continued

rapidly to decline until the year 1744.

The loss of many valuable ships and cargoes,[286] a reduction in the

selling price of the articles of merchandize which they imported, and

an increase of charges attending the visits to the Imperial Court,

and the maintenance of their establishment in Japan, contributed to

render this period particularly disadvantageous to the Dutch trade.

Their submissive conduct at the Emperor's Court was of no avail, nor

did their presents of horses, dogs, and other curiosities, produce

any better effect. There was no longer any possibility of exporting

_kobangs_, as in former times, for the balance of their accounts. The

quantity of copper which they were allowed to export annually had been

fixed in 1721 at ten thousand chests, yet even that quantity they were

unable to obtain in 1743, so that, together with the high exchange

of the _tahils_, their establishment in Japan now actually subjected

them to a loss, and it was accordingly proposed at this period that it

should be abandoned, unless some favourable change could be effected.

The charges had considerably increased during the last year. The

cargoes were of less value and of an inferior quality, so that their

profits were reduced to less than one quarter of what they had been:

their expences on account of the Japan trade were at the same time two

hundred thousand florins annually. During the last thirty years their

profits amounted to five hundred thousand, and for some years to six

hundred thousand, but latterly not to two hundred thousand florins per

annum.

Thus, to sum up the disasters of this trade, after having been allowed

to remain free and unrestrained for a period of sixty years, the

cargoes in the year 1672 were subjected to an arbitrary valuation, and

about the same time the exchange of the _kobang_ was altered. A tax

was laid upon the cargoes in 1685, and further increased in 1689. In

1698 the new _kobang_ was introduced: in 1700 they were limited to

four ships annually: in 1710 an exchange still more disadvantageous

was fixed: in 1714 their exportation was reduced to fifteen thousand

_pikuls_ of copper; in 1717 an order was issued, limiting the trade

to two ships only: in 1710 the third, and in 1730 the fourth sort of

_kobangs_ were introduced: and in 1743 the Dutch were limited to one

ship and to one-half of the cargo.

The Dutch, in deliberating upon the measure of abandoning the trade,

in the year 1744, trace all their disasters in this commerce, to their

having tamely submitted, in the first instance, to take the kobang of

reduced value at the same rate as the old one. It then occurred to

them, that if serious remonstrances had been made in the beginning,

their firmness might have prevented the subsequent losses. "In the

first instance," says Mr. Imhoff, "our commerce was carried on as by

a people groping in the dark, neither knowing the actual price of

purchase or sale; because the _kobang_ being the standard coin of the

country, that _kobang_ ought to have been calculated in proportion to

the value of the _tahil_, and it would have appeared that since 1710

for forty stivers inferior silver, thirty stivers superior silver were

received, and all articles of trade not disposed of with a profit of

sixty-three per cent. rendered a loss. And this being the case with

most of the cargoes that were sent to Japan after the period above

mentioned, we ought either to have relinquished that commerce, or had

recourse to such means as might have tended to re-establish the affairs

of the Company. Instead, however, of so doing, fruitless remonstrances

and solicitations were employed, which finally produced this effect,

that the Japanese, during the latter years, granted us, by _way of

charity_, an additional sum of six thousand _tahils_ upon the sale of

our cargoes."

From the deliberations which took place at this period, it appears that

the proposal then under consideration of relinquishing the trade, was

rather intended as a provisional and political measure, to induce the

Japanese to admit them to more favourable terms in future, than brought

forward with the view of finally abandoning or relinquishing the trade

altogether.

The public opinion of the time was, that the Japanese had recourse

to these measures of restriction for no other purpose, but to oblige

the Dutch to depart from the country; but it occurred to the Dutch

government, that a nation which treated strangers in so despotic a

manner, had no need to resort to such shifts to dislodge them. Another

opinion was, that the restrictions laid on the trade proceeded from

political motives, of which the first and most important was their

hatred against all the different persuasions of the Christian religion

without exception;[287] but the government were inclined to consider

these reasons as deserving of little notice. "There is no probability,"

observes Mr. Imhoff, "that, in the present enlightened age, it can be

a consideration, even with the Japanese, of what persuasion merchants

are, who neither attempt to propagate their religion with a view

to promote their interest, nor to endanger the safety of the state,

of neither of which they appear ever to have been suspected." The

governor-general was further of opinion, that the Japanese could derive

no advantage from the expulsion of the Dutch, as they would thus be

cut off from all correspondence with Europeans, and thereby become

subject to greater inconveniences than at present, being exposed to

the visits of others, whose great increase in those regions was not

unknown to them; for, as he states, it is notorious that the Japanese

government took annual information of all that passed in the world, and

that the Dutch servants had orders to answer their queries faithfully,

in order that contrary reports might not injure their credit, by which

the Japanese were well aware that if the Dutch withdrew, others would

soon settle in the country.[288] Instead, therefore, of attributing the

conduct of the Japanese to either of these causes, the governor-general

laid it entirely to the account of their interested desire to take

every possible advantage of the weakness of the Dutch, who, by

admitting the first imposition, laid themselves open to all that

followed.

In his very able and interesting memoir "On the Trade of Japan and the

Causes which occasioned its Decline,"--"It is by no means surprizing,"

says Mr. Imhoff, "that the Japanese, when they altered the _kobang_,

likewise made a change in the delivery of the copper, observing

that our exchange remained always the same, and the _prices of our

merchandize unalterably fixed_. We cannot pass unnoticed, that this

wrong calculation has been the cause that, on our part, many valuable

articles of commerce, which were from time to time tendered to us by

the Japanese, were declined. Among those articles was yellow copper

or brass, Japan porcelain, of which musters were sent in 1736, and

camphor, which we might have exported from thence, if our return

cargoes had not been complete. Whether the sovereign right to regulate

the trade of their country is not equally vested in the government

of Japan with any other nation, I will leave undecided. Seeing us

patiently submitting to all kinds of restrictions, inattentive in

keeping our accounts in a regular order, they were encouraged to put

us to the last shift. I am not inclined to dwell upon our surprising

indifference, which was concealed at the same time under the cloak

of mystery, from whence so many evil consequences resulted. I am of

opinion, that it cannot be either the interest or inclination of the

Japanese to oblige us to relinquish all intercourse with their country,

provided our trade be carried on within narrow bounds, and they are not

losing upon the articles delivered to us in payment for our cargoes. It

is not possible that they can have any profit on the copper, if it is

sold for less than one _kobang_. The mines certainly cannot be worked

at a cheaper rate than formerly; and what profit do the venders of the

copper derive from our merchandize, after it has fallen into the hands

of the interpreters to government and others? Nothing is more natural,

therefore, than that our exportation of copper from Japan should have

become a burden to that class of people, and that their complaints

contributed to the restrictions to which we are now subject. There is

no doubt, that if the Japanese could keep up the communication without

allowing us a single chest of copper, they would willingly grant us six

thousand _tahils_ as a gratification, over and above the stipulated

price for our cargo."

In considering the reforms to be introduced into the management of

the trade in future, the first point which attracted attention was a

better calculation of the coin, with reference to the intrinsic value,

and a calculation being made upon a new basis, allowed a higher price

to be paid for the copper than before. It was estimated, that if the

Dutch could annually procure twenty thousand _pikuls_ of copper at

twenty _tahils_, the Japan trade would still be lucrative, allowing the

profits on the outward-bound cargoes to be merely sufficient for the

support of the factory.

But in order to purchase and to pay for such a quantity of copper, the

governor-general observes, "it is necessary that government should

strictly comply with the requisitions from Japan, because our failures

therein have brought us into such discredit with the Japanese, that

they do not any longer place confidence in our promises. We have passed

our word from year to year, that the quality and the quantity of our

merchandize should be better assorted, without ever attending to it.

Even at this moment, the supply differs so very much from the quantity

required, that it will be extremely difficult to convince the Japanese

that they shall be better served in future; and still it must be

done, because if we wish to obtain the value of eight hundred or four

hundred thousand _tahils_ of copper annually, besides camphor and other

articles, different measures must be resorted to. We are hardly able,

at present, to supply one-third of that amount, and load the ships with

coarse goods.

"We have no doubt but other productions of Japan might also be procured

at a cheaper rate than at present. Camphor may be purchased in

abundance at thirty _tahils_ the _pikul_, and it is probable the same

could still be obtained on more favourable terms, if we advert to what

it cost formerly; in which case it would become a profitable remittance

to Holland, and render one hundred per cent., or thereabouts.

"The white copper (tutenague) has been tendered to us at sixteen

_tahils_ per _pikul_, but has not been accepted, the price being

considered too high. If, however, we can dispose of it merely at the

same price as the yellow copper (brass), which yields according to

the price current before us 41-43 f. per 100 lb., it will not only be

acceptable, but even render a reasonable profit of fifty per cent.

"Iron was formerly imported here from Japan, and might perhaps be

procured at a moderate price, which for the sake of the small distance

between us and that country would be very desirable.[289]

"Sulphur was also declined in 1726, on account of its being charged

too high; yet it might still become an article worth attention,

especially if it were purified in Japan. And who knows how many other

valuable productions might be drawn from that extensive country,

besides those already mentioned, and which would be very acceptable, in

an economical as well as a mercantile point of view?"[290]

The following facts are collected from the considerations at this time.

That in former times the commerce of foreign nations at Japan amounted

to ten millions of florins, and since then for many years to 3,150,000

florins, of which the Chinese share was two-thirds, and the Dutch

one-third; and it was consequently presumed, that in so extensive a

country as Japan, merchandize might still be disposed of to the value

of one million, especially if it was paid for in the productions of the

country.

That one of the causes of the decline of the trade was the conduct of

the Company's servants, and the extent to which the private trade of

individuals was carried. The directors of the trade at Japan had been

selected from a very inferior class of society, and the peculations on

overweight of the copper, &c. formed the subject of a regular complaint

made by the Japanese to the Dutch government.

That the trade of the Chinese to Japan had been reduced from eighty to

twenty junks in the year, the number then allowed.

In concluding his valuable and interesting Memoir, the Baron Van Imhoff

declares it to be his firm belief, that Japan was, in every respect,

what it had been formerly; that the same quantity of merchandize

might be disposed of there as in former times, and that returns of

equal value might be obtained; that although the profits should be

less at present, there could be no reason to relinquish that trade;

that the means of the Dutch were certainly inferior at that moment to

what they had been, yet that if they adhered to the measures proposed

(namely, clear accounts, correctness and honesty of conduct, and a good

assortment of cargoes), which were easy, and could not expose them to

any risk or danger, they might hope for a favourable issue.

In the course of all these deliberations, the Dutch seem to have

concluded that the debasement of the coin was resorted to by the

Japanese, solely with the view of affecting their trade, and never to

have reflected that so important a change in the intrinsic value of the

standard coin of the country, might have been occasioned by political

causes, of far greater magnitude to the Japanese than the paltry gain

to be obtained on the traffic of the Dutch cargoes. It is most probable

that the empire of Japan, at the periods when these changes took

place, wished to check the exportation of the precious metals of the

country. In the first instance, we perceive a prohibition against the

exportation of silver. The loss of this metal was first felt, because

the principal exports were at first made in this coin; but it is never

hinted that this prohibition was occasioned by any desire to take an

undue advantage of the Dutch: on the contrary, this measure was not

found to affect the Dutch trade at all. The same causes, however, which

first led to a prohibition regarding silver, operated afterwards in

an equal degree with respect to gold; and it is easy to account for

the rise in the value of this metal, and the consequent changes in the

coin, by the scarcity which ensued. Let us but reflect on the enormous

exportation of the precious metals, which took place from Japan at

the period when the trade was unlimited, and we shall find abundant

cause for these changes in the coin, without accusing the Japanese of

resorting to the measure as an imposition on the foreign merchant. "The

exports at one period," says Mr. Imhoff, "amounted to ten millions of

florins." These were principally made in the precious metals and in the

coin of the country; and when the trade fell exclusively into the hands

of the Dutch, it had been usual to export at first from one hundred

to one hundred and fifty chests of silver, and subsequently the trade

admitted of no less than two hundred chests of gold coin being exported

instead of the silver. On a moderate calculation, therefore, the

exports of the former period were about one million sterling, and those

continued by the Dutch could not be less than from half a million to a

million sterling in each year; so that, during a period of sixty years,

the total export would have amounted to from thirty to sixty millions

of pounds sterling, and this does not include what found its way to

China and other neighbouring countries.

The discovery of the mines of America reduced, in the sixteenth

century, the value of gold and silver in Europe to about one-third of

what it had before been:[291] and might not the extensive drain on

Japan have produced in that country an opposite effect of the same

magnitude? If the gold and silver annually imported into Spain and

Portugal, which did not commonly exceed six millions pounds sterling,

produced this effect on the circulating medium, and the price of the

precious metals throughout all Europe, in one country of which alone

the circulating gold and silver amounted, by some accounts to eighteen,

and by others to thirty, millions.[292] Is it not easy to conclude,

that a directly contrary and equally extensive effect must have been

felt in Japan? and that this effect must have been felt in a still

higher degree, while operating on the confined circulating medium

of one nation, than while operating on that of the numerous nations

of Europe, who again found means to dispose of large quantities by

remittances to the eastern world?

The extensive circulation of money throughout the populous and rich

empire of Japan, and the facility with which the drains upon it could

be supplied from the mines, was perhaps the cause that, in the first

instance, the exportation of the precious metals was not sensibly felt;

but afterwards, when probably the mint could not keep pace with the

demand, and what is not unlikely, the demand was even too heavy for

the mines, the intrinsic value of the coins increased in proportion to

the scarcity; and it is not surprising that the Japanese should have

entertained an apprehension lest the mines would become exhausted.

Whether there were any immediate grounds for such an apprehension is

uncertain; but it is generally believed that an edict was issued to

discontinue working, first the silver, and afterwards the gold mines,

but not until the nominal, and perhaps the real, value of both metals,

and particularly of the latter, had been nearly doubled, as in the

instance of the _kobang_ of the original value being offered to the

Dutch for two _kobangs_.

That the Dutch perhaps owe the loss of this valuable trade, in a

great measure, to the incapacity and worthlessness of their own

servants, cannot but be admitted; for had they, on these continued

reductions in the value of the current coins, adverted to the political

cause, and calculated their commercial transactions according to

the intrinsic, instead of the nominal, value, they would not have

subjected themselves, unknowingly, to a loss of sixty per cent. upon

the proceeds of all their exports: nor would they have shewn their

weakness and ignorance to the Japanese, but they would immediately

have devised the advantage of other returns from Japan, in articles,

the exportation of which might, at the same time, have improved the

industry and prosperity of that empire; and the Japanese, finding

them equally intelligent and enterprising under all circumstances,

while they felt an interest in the continuance of the trade, would

have respected the nation by whom it was carried on. If, however, by

these means, the European character and the value of foreign trade

thus declined in the estimation of the Japanese, how much lower must

that of the Dutch nation have fallen, when after once dictating the

prices of all articles both bought and sold, we find them obtaining

at last an advance on their proceeds of the outward cargo, by _way of

charity_, and the Japanese themselves appealing against the peculations

and corruptions that were carried on! When we see the Dutch, without

power and without respect, dictating in the mighty empire of Japan an

arbitrary and extravagant price for their commodities, in the same

manner as they did at home, is it surprising that we should find the

Japanese having recourse to a fixed valuation? When we observe the

illicit trade to Japan carried on by private individuals, to such an

extent, that Valentyn, a Dutch author of the highest authority, says

it was so interwoven with the constitution of the Company, and so

extensive, that it formed the principal part of the trade, and could

never be prevented, and that the Dutch ships were frequently lost by

being overladen with cargoes of this kind, we cannot be astonished

at the decline of the prosperity of the Company, or the degradations

which were imposed upon its agents. The Dutch factory was, and is, in

fact, a sink of the most disgraceful corruption and peculation which

ever existed. The factor to obtain his own ends, submits to every

possible degradation, and the government of Batavia knows only just

as much of what is going on at Japan, as it is his interest to tell

them. In this work it has become a painful duty to advert occasionally

to the shameful scenes of fraud and corruption carried on under the

very eyes of the government of Batavia, and in the dependencies in

the more immediate vicinity of that metropolis, where their residents

enjoyed such extensive powers, and were so removed from controul and

responsibility, that their interests constantly interfered with their

duties, and the struggle between principle and opportunity generally

ended in a resolution to make fortunes, to connive at each other's

peculations, and keep their own secret. If this was the case on the

island of Java, the seat of government, what must it not have been in

a country so remote as Japan, where the connection and intercourse

were so peculiar? It is not surprising, that in the accounts of such

a factory, the government at home should find nothing but intricacy

and obscurity. It was the interest of the factor to keep every thing

involved in mystery, and no where was there a better opportunity for

doing so.

But had the shameful and disgraceful conduct of these people been felt

only in its effects upon the past, it would be trifling, compared

to what they are calculated to produce on the future. The unmanly

degradation to which these factors have submitted at the caprice, and

often for the amusement of the Japanese, in order to gain their own

ends, seem to have established an effectual bar against the future

extension of the trade by the Dutch nation, who will find it difficult,

if not impracticable, ever to be again respected in Japan. Unless,

therefore, the Dutch have magnanimity enough to abandon this trade,

when they find it of little comparative value to them, or when they see

it must be conducted on principles derogatory to the dignity of the

illustrious House of Orange, it is to be feared, that the day is far

distant, when the opportunity will be afforded of opening a liberal

and honourable communication between Europe and this interesting and

important empire. Perhaps this will not happen until, according to

Humboldt, the two great oceans shall be united by means of a channel

across the Isthmus of Darien, when the productions of Nootka Sound

and of China will be brought more than two thousand leagues nearer to

Europe and the United States, and when alone any great changes can be

effected in the political state of Eastern Asia; "for this neck of

land," observes that writer, "the barrier against the waves of the

Atlantic Ocean, has been for many ages the bulwark of the independence

of China and Japan."[293]

From the year 1750 no essential alteration appears to have taken

place in the trade: the utmost exertions of the Dutch were required

to provide the cargoes, and whenever they succeeded, return cargoes

were always provided, to the extent of two or three ships in the

year. In order to afford a better view of the nature and extent of

the restricted trade thus carried on, the accounts of two of these

expeditions to Japan are annexed, from which it will appear, that in

the voyage of 1804-5 the Company exported from Batavia to the Japan

market commodities to the amount of 211,896 rix-dollars in value; that

the charges attendant on the shipment and freight amounted to 167,500

rix-dollars (including 2,915 rix-dollars on account of customs),

making the whole expenses of the voyage, with the prime cost of the

articles, amount to 379,397 rix-dollars. These articles, when sold in

Japan, brought 160,378 rix-dollars; but the expenses and disbursements

at Japan in one year for the establishment, the loss on the weight of

the sugar, and the expense of making the journey to Japan, reduced

that sum to 92,426 rix-dollars. The return cargo brought to Batavia

the sum of 886,554 rix-dollars, or a profit of 507,147 rix-dollars on

the adventure. The cargo and return of 1806, and the expense of the

establishment, cost the Company 393,582 rix-dollars, (including 2,846

for customs), and the sales and other receipts produced 569,089,

leaving a balance of 175,505 rix-dollars in favour of the adventure.

A more correct judgment may perhaps be formed from the result of the

adventures undertaken from Batavia during the provisional authority of

the British government. The first of these was intimately connected

with a political object, to which the mercantile adventure was

made subservient, and both were undertaken without those previous

arrangements which would have insured a better assorted and cheaper

cargo. The articles were purchased on the spot and at the moment, and

the vessels engaged at a very high rate of freight. In the first, in

particular, the sugar being of inferior quality, there was a loss in

the weight, and it was otherwise less profitable than it would have

been, had the assortment been of the same quality which the Dutch

company were in the habit of sending. The freight alone amounted to the

enormous sum of 82,309 Spanish dollars. From the outward-bound cargoes

it was necessary to pay the debts of the former government, amounting

to 48,648 Spanish dollars; and this, with other disbursements and

necessary provisions, rendering the proceeds of the outward-bound cargo

insufficient to furnish the amount requisite for the payment of the

copper; the Dutch factor availed himself of the opportunity to supply

the deficiency of fourteen hundred _pikuls_ at the rate of twenty-five

dollars per 120⅞ pounds, amounting to 25,000 Spanish dollars; differing

from the rate paid to the Japanese of 12.3.5 tahils, or ten rix-dollars

per pikul, to an extent of fifteen rix-dollars against government.

Besides this, the whole of the outward cargo was not sold: several

articles of merchandize remained undisposed of at Japan, amounting to

19,688 Spanish dollars, to be accounted for in the ensuing year. All

these operated essentially to reduce the profits of a voyage, which

depended exclusively on the return cargo.

The results of these voyages, however limited as the profits were,

appear fully sufficient to shew the importance of this trade to

Batavia, even as it at present stands, considering that it affords a

market for so large a quantity of the produce of the country, and that

when the government seemed disinclined to send a further adventure on

their own account, there were not wanting numerous individuals anxious

to obtain a license to undertake the trade, and to run all the risks

attached to it.[294]

In the year 1616, the English obtained a grant from the emperor,

containing the privileges for a general trade with Japan, in

consequence of which a commercial establishment was formed there by the

Company.

In obtaining those privileges, one great object with the Company

appears to have been to introduce themselves to a connection with the

Chinese, and to carry on a general trade between India, China, and

Japan; but finding themselves disappointed in their endeavours to form

connections with China, and sustaining heavy losses in consequence of

their trade with Japan, they determined, in 1623, to abandon their

establishment there.

From that time, until the year 1673, no attempt appears to have been

made by the English Company to renew their intercourse with Japan. The

attempt made at that period entirely failed of success, owing, it was

stated, to the king of England having married a daughter of the king

of Portugal. About the same time the Company, with a view to the same

object, formed an establishment on the Island of Hounan; but after

struggling with great difficulties, sustaining heavy losses, and being

totally disappointed in their expectations of communicating with Japan,

the factory was ordered to be withdrawn in the year 1682.

At a subsequent period (in the year 1699), the Company having

established a regular communication with China, their supra-cargoes

were instructed to use every endeavour in their power to promote an

intercourse with Japan, for the purpose of introducing woollens, &c.

into that country, but without any appearance of success.

A select committee of the East-India Company, appointed in 1792 to

take into consideration the export trade of Great Britain to the East

Indies, after detailing the cargo of a Dutch ship from Japan in the

year 1664, which consisted principally of copper, camphor, silk-stuffs,

and china-ware, conclude their report by observing, that, in their

opinion, the trade with Japan never can become an object of attention

for the manufactures and produce of Great Britain; for supposing,

they observe, that woollens, lead, and curiosities for a cargo to

Japan, could be made to £8,000, what is to be required in payment?

About £30,000 or £32,000 value in copper, an article which is also the

produce of Great Britain, and which must be disposed of in India, to

the prejudice of their own mines. Thus Great Britain would gain, on the

one hand, £8,000, whilst the loss, on the other, would be £32,000.

This opinion, however, would appear to have been formed on a very

partial view of the subject, and with reference to the limited nature

of the trade as it then existed; but it would be as unfair to judge of

the value of the Japan trade to the British nation from this narrow

view, as it would be to decide upon that subject merely from the result

of the adventures to Japan undertaken during the recent provisional

government of Batavia, which, besides other disadvantages, were,

for political reasons, carried on with a scrupulous regard to the

restrictions under which the trade of the Dutch had latterly laboured.

It is objected to a direct communication with Japan, and the consequent

exportation of British merchandize by British ships, that, in all

probability, it would entirely put a stop to the present exportation

of woollens by the Chinese, and that, in proportion as the exports

from Great Britain to Japan increased, those from Great Britain to

China might be expected to diminish; the Japanese being, at present,

almost exclusively supplied with British woollens by means of the

Chinese: that, however, the demand for teas would continue the same,

and therefore the defalcation in exports to China must be made up in

bullion, or by drafts on Bengal.

It is admitted that the Bengal government might provide for this

additional demand, by disposing of the copper brought from Japan in the

Calcutta market; but this, it is stated, would prove a considerable

check to the consumption of one of the most valuable articles of

export from Great Britain, and therefore it has been inferred, that

the final result of the trade with Japan would, in all probability,

be the exchange of our woollens for copper, which we have already in

abundance, instead of bartering them for teas, which, in the present

state of Great Britain, will be always required.

But this argument seems evidently to have been grounded on a

supposition that copper must always form the principal, if not only,

article of commerce with Japan. An inference by no means borne out by

the history of the Dutch trade; in the course of which, it is expressly

stated by the Baron Van Imhoff, who appears to have given the subject

the most mature and deliberate consideration, and to have been aided by

much local information, that the Japanese would willingly pay a sum of

money to be excused from the delivery of any copper at all.

But admitting that a connection between Great Britain and Japan might

not be attended with all the commercial profits which might be expected

from a consideration of the productions of the two countries, would it

not, in a political point of view, be of the most essential importance

to her interests in China, which are acknowledged by all to be so

important? Might we not expect from the Chinese a more respectful and

correct conduct than has been customary with them, if they knew that we

were in some measure independent of our connection with them? and is it

not important, that in case of our actual exclusion from China, there

should still be a channel open for our obtaining commodities, with

which we are at present supplied by that country?

VOYAGE TO JAPAN (IN THE YEAR 1804-5) IN ACCOUNT CURRENT

CONTRA.

_Dr._

Rix- Rix-

Dollars. Dollars.

1,500,000 lbs. of Sugar, second sort,

calculated at its selling price of 8⅓ each

pikul, amounting to 100,000 --

Charges of one per cent 1,000 --

---------- 101,000 --

37,500 lbs. of Tin 7,200 --

4,000 do. Cotton Thread, at 55 R. Drs. per pikul 1,760 --

30,000 do. Black Pepper. 10⅔ do. 3,200 --

30,000 do. Cloves 60 Stivers per pikul 37,500 --

2,987 do. Seed Cloves 60 do. 3,733 36

30,000 do. Lead. 20 Stivers per pikul 4,800 --

100,000 do. Sappan Wood 6 do. 4,800 --

2,000 Pieces Patna Chintz 50 Stivers per corgie 5,000 --

1,651½ do. Cloths in sorts 6 do. 9,909 --

40 do. of Woollens of sorts 5,149 26

82 do. Long ells of sorts. 3,278 15

110 do. Perpetuans 2,958 42

5,137 do. Camlets 7,773 12

3,500 do. Ducatoons 5,833 16

The Presents are calculated at 8,000 --

----------

R. Drs. 211,896 3

Add the following Charges incurred on account of the above-mentioned

merchandize, viz.

Amount of Coolies and Prow-hire attending the purchase

of articles, calculated at two per cent. on the whole

amount, being R. Drs. 38,868 == Sp. D. 777 18

For bringing and lodging the same in the stores,

one per cent 388 33

Custom Duties, &c. at 7½ per cent 2,915 8

--------

Amount of Charges 4,081 11

----------

Total of the Cargo with the Charges 215,977 14

The eight active _Tumung'gungs_, who reside constantly at court, and