It was April 25th before Friedrich quitted Freyberg, and took Camp; not
till the middle of June that anything of serious Movement came. Much
discouragement prevails in his Army, we hear: and indeed, it must
be owned, the horoscope of these Campaigns grows yearly darker. Only
Friedrich himself must not be discouraged! Nor is;--though there seldom
lay ahead of any man a more dangerous-looking Year than this that is
now dimly shaping itself to Friedrich. His fortune seems to have quitted
him; his enemies are more confident than ever.
This Year, it seems, they have bethought them of a new device against
him. "We have 90 million Population," count they; "he has hardly 5; in
the end, he must run out of men! Let us cease exchanging prisoners with
him." At Jagerndorf, in April, 1758 (just before our march to Olmutz),
there had been exchange; not without haggles; but this was the last on
Austria's part. Cartel of the usual kind, values punctually settled: a
Field-marshal is worth 3,000 common men, or 1,500 pounds; Colonel worth
130 men, or 65 pounds; common man is worth 10s. sterling, not a high
figure. [Archenholtz, ii. 53.] The Russians haggled still more, no
keeping of them to their word; but they tried it a second time, last
year (October, 1759); and by careful urging and guiding, were got
dragged through it, and the prisoners on both sides sent to their colors
again. After which, it was a settled line of policy, "No more exchanging
or cartelling; we will starve him out in that article!" And had
Friedrich had nothing but his own 5 millions to go upon, though these
contributed liberally, he had in truth been starved out. Nor could
Saxony, with Mecklenburg, Anhalt, Erfurt, and their 10,000 men a year,
have supplied him,--"had not there," says Archenholtz (a man rather fond
of superlatives),--
"Had not there risen a Recruiting system," or Crimping system, "the
like of which for kind and degree was never seen in the Earth before.
Prisoners, captive soldiers, if at all likely fellows, were by
every means persuaded, and even compelled, to take Prussian
service. Compelled, cudgel in hand," says Archenholtz (who is too
indiscriminating, I can see,--for there were Pfalzers, Wurtembergers,
Reichsfolk, who had FIRST been compelled the other way): "not asked if
they wished to serve, but dragged to the Prussian colors, obliged to
swear there, and fight against, their countrymen." Say at least,
against their countrymen's Governors, contumacious Serene Highnesses of
Wurtemberg, Mecklenburg and the like. Wurtemberg, we mentioned lately,
had to shoot a good few of his first levy against the Protestant
Champion, before they would march at all!--I am sorry for these poor
men; and wish the Reich had been what it once was, a Veracity and
Practical Reality, not an Imaginary Entity and hideously contemptible
Wiggery, as it now is! Contemptible, and hideous as well;--setting
itself up on that, fundamental mendacity; which is eternally tragical,
though little regarded in these days, and which entails mendacities
without end on parties concerned!--But, apart from all this, certain it
is,
"The whole German Reich was deluged with secret Prussian Enlisters.
The greater part of these were not actual Officers at all, but hungry
Adventurers, who had been bargained with, and who, for their own profit,
allowed themselves every imaginable art to pick up men. Head and centre
of them was the Prussian Colonel Colignon," one of the Free-Corps
people; "a man formed by nature for this business [what a beautiful
man!]--who gave all the others their directions, and taught them by his
own example. Colignon himself," in winter-time, "travelled about in all
manner of costumes and characters; persuading hundreds of people
into the Prussian service. He not only promised Commissions, but gave
such,--nominating loose young fellows (LAFFEN), students, merchants'
clerks and the like, to Lieutenancies and Captaincies in the Prussian
Army [about as likely as in the Seraphim and Cherubim, had they known
it]: in the Infantry, in the Cuirassiers, in the Hussars,--it is all
one, you have only to choose. The renown of the Prussian arms was so
universal, and combined with the notion of rich booty, that Colignon's
Commission-manufactory was continually busy. No need to provide
marching-money, hand-money [shillings for earnest]; Colignon's recruits
travelled mostly of will and at their own charge. In Franken, in
Schwaben, in the Rhine Countries, a dissolute son would rob his
father,--as shopmen their masters' tills, and managers their
cash-boxes,--and hie off to those magnanimous Prussian Officials, who
gave away companies like kreutzers, and had a value for young fellows
of spirit. They hastened to Magdeburg with their Commissions; where they
were received as common recruits, and put by force into the regiments
suitable. No use in resisting: the cudgel and the drill-sergeant,"--who
doubts it?--"till complete submission. By this and other methods
Colignon and his helpers are reckoned to have raised for the King, in
the course of this War, about 60,000 recruits." [Archenholtz, ii. 53.]
This Year, Daun, though his reputation is on the decline lately, is to
have the chief command, as usual; the Grand Army, with Saxony for field
of conquest, and the Reichsfolk to assist, is to be Daun's. But, what is
reckoned an important improvement, Loudon is to have a separate command,
and Army of his own. Loudon, hot of temper, melancholic, shy, is not a
man to recommend himself to Kriegshofrath people; but no doubt Imperial
Majesty has had her own wise eye on him. His merits are so undeniable;
the need of some Commander NOT of the Cunctator type is become so very
pressing. "Army of Silesia, 50,000;" that is to be Loudon's, with
40,000 Russians to co-operate and unite themselves with Loudon; and
try actually for conquest of Silesia, this Year; while Daun, conquering
Saxony, keeps the King busy.
At Petersburg, Versailles, Vienna, much planning there has been, and
arduous consulting: first at Petersburg, in time and in importance,
where Montalembert has again been very urgent in regard to those poor
Swedish people, and the getting of them turned to some kind of use:
"Stettin in conjunction with the Swedes; oh, listen to reason, and
take Stettin!" "Would not Dantzig by ourselves be the advisable thing?"
answers Soltikof: "Dantzig is an important Town, and the grand Baltic
Haven; and would be so convenient for our Preussen, since we have
determined to maintain that fine Conquest." So thinks Czarish Majesty,
as well as Soltikof, privately, though there are difficulties as to
Dantzig; and, in fine, except Colberg over again, there can be nothing
attempted of sieging thereabouts. A Siege of Colberg, however, there is
actually to be: Second Siege,--if perhaps it will prove luckier than
the First was, two years since? Naval Armament Swedish-Russian,
specific Land Armament wholly Russian, are to do this Second Siege, at a
favorable time; except by wishes, Soltikof will not be concerned in
it; nor, it is to be hoped, shall we,--in such pressure of haste as is
probably ahead for us.
"Silesia would be the place for sieges!" say the Vienna people always;
and Imperial Majesty is very urgent; and tries all methods,--eloquence,
flatteries, bribes,--to bring Petersburg to that view. Which is at
last adopted; heartily by Czarish Majesty, ever ready for revenge on
Friedrich, the more fatal and the more direct, the better. Heartily
by her; not so heartily by Soltikof and her Army people, who know the
Austrian habits; and privately decide on NOT picking chestnuts from
the fire, while the other party's paws keep idle, and only his jaws are
ready.
Of Small-War there is nothing or little to be said; indeed there occurs
almost none. Roving Cossack-Parties, under one Tottleben, whom we shall
hear of otherwise, infest Pommern, bickering with the Prussian posts
there; not ravaging as formerly, Tottleben being a civilized kind of
man. One of these called at the Castle of Schwedt, one day; found Prince
Eugen of Wurtemberg there (nearly recovered of his Kunersdorf
wounds), who is a Son-in-law of the House, married to a Daughter of
Schwedt;--ancestor of the now Russian Czars too, had anybody then known
it. Him these Cossacks carried off with them, a march or two; then,
taking his bond for a certain ransom, let him go. Bond and bondholder
being soon after captured by the Prussians, Eugen paid no ransom; so
that to us his adventure is without moment, though it then made some
noise among the Gazetteers.
Two other little passages, and only two, we will mention; which have in
themselves a kind of memorability. First, that of General Czetteritz and
the MANUSCRIPT he lost. Of posts across the Elbe I find none mentionable
here, and believe there is none, except only Czetteritz's; who stands at
Cosdorf, well up towards Torgau Country, as sentry over Torgau and the
Towns there. On Czetteritz there was, in February, an attempt made
by the active General Beck, whom Daun had detached for that object.
Extremely successful, according to the Austrian Gazetteers; but in
reality amounting to as good as nothing:--Surprisal of Czetteritz's
first vedette, in the dawn of a misty February morning (February 21st,
1760); non-surprisal of his second, which did give fire and alarm,
whereupon debate; and Czetteritz springing into his saddle; retreat of
his people to rearward, with loss of 7 Officers and 200 prisoners;--but
ending in re-advance, with fresh force, a few hours after; [Seyfarth,
ii. 655.]--in repulse of Beck, in recovery of Cosdorf, and a general
state of AS-YOU-WERE in that part. A sputter of Post-War, not now worth
mentioning at all,--except only for one small circumstance: That in
the careering and swift ordering, such as there was, on the rear-guard
especially, Major-General Czetteritz's horse happened to fall; whereby
not only was the General taken prisoner, but his quarters got plundered,
and in his luggage,--what is the notable circumstance,--there was found
a small Manuscript, MILITAIRISCHE INSTRUKZION FUR DIE GENERALE, such
as every Prussian General has, and is bound to keep religiously
secret.[Stands now in _OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxviii. 3 et. seq.; was
finished (the revisal of it was), by the King, "2d April, 1748)" see
PREUSS, i. 478-480; and (_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxviii. PREFACE, for
endless indistinct details about the translations and editions of it.
London Edition, 1818, calls itself the FIFTH.] This, carried to Daun's
head-quarters, was duly prized, copied; and in the course of a year came
to print, in many shapes and places; was translated into English, under
the Title, MILITARY INSTRUCTIONS BY THE KING OF PRUSSIA, in 1762 (and
again, hardly so WELL, in 1797); and still languidly circulates among
the studious of our soldiers. Not a little admired by some of them; and
unfortunately nearly all they seem to know of this greatest of modern
Soldiers. [See, for example, in _Life of General Sir Charles Napier, by
his Brother_ (London, 1857), iii. 365 and elsewhere,--one of the best
judges in the world expressing his joy and admiration on discovery
of Friedrich; discovery, if you read well, which amounts to these
INSTRUCTIONS, and no more.]
Next, about a month after, we have something to report of Loudon from
Silesia, or rather of the Enemies he meets there; for it is not a
victorious thing. But it means a starting of the Campaign by an
Austrian invasion of Silesia; long before sieging time, while all these
Montalembert-Soltikof pleadings and counter-pleadings hang dubious at
Petersburg, and Loudon's "Silesian Army" is still only in a nascent or
theoretic state, and only Loudon himself is in a practical one.
Friedrich has always Fouquet at Landshut, in charge of the Silesian
Frontier; whose outposts, under Goltz as head of these, stretch, by
Neisse, far eastward, through the Hills to utmost Mahren; Fouquet's own
head-quarter being generally Landshut, the main gate of the Country.
Fouquet, long since, rooted himself rather firmly into that important
post; has a beautiful ring of fortified Hills around Landshut; battery
crossing battery, girdling it with sure destruction, under an expert
Fouquet,--but would require 30,000 men to keep it, instead of 13,000,
which is Fouquet's allotment. Upon whom Loudon is fully intending a
stroke this Year. Fouquet, as we know, has strenuously managed to
keep ward there for a twelvemonth past; in spite, often enough, of
new violent invadings and attemptings (violent, miscellaneous, but
intermittent) by the Devilles and others;--and always under many
difficulties of his own, and vicissitudes in his employment: a
Fouquet coming and going, waxing and waning, according to the King's
necessities, and to the intermittency or constancy of pressures on
Landshut. Under Loudon, this Year, Fouquet will have harder times than
ever;--in the end, too hard! But will resist, judge how by the following
small sample:--
"Besides Fouquet and his 13,000," says my Note, "the Silesian Garrisons
are all vigilant, are or ought to be; and there are far eastward of
him, for guarding of the Jagerndorf-Troppau Border, some 4 or 6,000,
scattered about, under Lieutenant-General Goltz, in various Hill
Posts,--the chief Post of which, Goltz's own, is the little Town of
Neustadt, northward of Jagerndorf [where we have billeted in the
old Silesian Wars]: Goltz's Neustadt is the chief; and Leobschutz,
southwestward of it, under 'General Le Grand' [once the Major GRANT of
Kolin Battle, if readers remember him, "Your Majesty and I cannot take
the Battery ourselves!"] is probably the second in importance. Loudon,
cantoned along the Moravian side of the Border, perceives that he can
assemble 32,000 foot and horse; that the Prussians are 13,000 PLUS
6,000; that Silesia can be invaded with advantage, were the weather
come. And that, in any kind of weather, Goltz and his straggle of
posts might be swept into the interior, perhaps picked up and pocketed
altogether, if Loudon were sharp enough. Swept into the interior Goltz
was; by no means pocketed altogether, as he ought to have been!
"MARCH 13th, 1760, Loudon orders general muster hereabouts for the 15th,
everybody to have two days, bread and forage; and warns Goltz, as bound
in honor: 'Excellenz, to-morrow is March 14th; to-morrow our pleasant
time of Truce is out,--the more the pity for both of us!' 'Yea,
my esteemed neighbor Excellenz!' answers Goltz, with the proper
compliments; but judges that his esteemed neighbor is intending mischief
almost immediately. Goltz instantly sends orders to all his posts: 'You,
Herr General Grant, you at Leobschutz, and all the rest of you, make
your packages; march without delay; rendezvous at Steinau and Upper
Glogau [far different from GREAT-Glogau], Neisse-ward; swift!' And would
have himself gone on the 14th, but could not,--his poor little Bakery
not being here, nor wagons for his baggages quite to be collected in a
moment,--and it was Saturday, 15th, 5 A.M., that Goltz appointed himself
to march.
"The last time we saw General Goltz was on the Green of Bautzen, above
two years ago,--when he delivered that hard message to the King's
Brother and his party, 'You deserve to be tried by Court-martial, and
have your heads cut off!' He was of that sad Zittau business of the late
Prince of Prussia's,--Goltz, Winterfeld, Ziethen, Schmettau and others?
Winterfeld and the Prince are both dead; Schmettau is fallen into
disaster; Goltz is still in good esteem with the King. A stalwart,
swift, flinty kind of man, to judge by the Portraits of him;
considerable obstinacy, of a tacitly intelligent kind, in that steady
eye, in that droop of the eyebrows towards the strong cheek-bones;
plenty of sleeping fire in Lieutenant-General Goltz.
"His principal force, on this occasion, is one Infantry Regiment;
REGIMENT MANTEUFFEL:--readers perhaps recollect that stout Pommern
Regiment, Manteuffel of Foot, and the little Dialogue it had with the
King himself, on the eve of Leuthen: 'Good-night, then, Fritz! To-morrow
all dead, or else the Enemy beaten.' Their conduct, I have heard, was
very shining at Leuthen, where everybody shone; and since then they
have been plunging about through the death-element in their old
rugged way,--and re-emerge here into definite view again, under
Lieutenant-General Goltz, issuing from the north end of Neustadt, in the
dim dawn of a cold spring morning, March 15th, 5 A.M.; weather latterly
very wet, as I learn. They intend Neisse-way, with their considerable
stock of baggage-wagons; a company of Dragoons is to help in escorting:
party perhaps about 2,000 in all. Goltz will have his difficulties this
day; and has calculated on them. And, indeed, at the first issuing, here
they already are.
"Loudon, with about 5,000 horse,--four Regiments drawn up here, and
by and by with a fifth (happily not with the grenadiers, as he had
calculated, who are detained by broken bridges, waters all in flood
from the rain),--is waiting for him, at the very environs of Neustadt.
Loudon, by a trumpet, politely invites him to surrender, being so
outnumbered; Goltz, politely thanking, disregards it, and marches on:
Loudon escorting, in an ominous way; till, at Buchelsdorf, the fifth
Regiment (best in the Austrian service) is seen drawn out across the
highway, plainly intimating, No thoroughfare to Goltz and Pommern.
Loudon sends a second trumpet: 'Surrender prisoners; honorablest terms;
keep all your baggage: refuse, and you are cut down every man.' 'You
shall yourself hear the answer,' said Goltz. Goltz leads this second
trumpet to the front; and, in Pommern dialect, makes known what General
Loudon's proposal is. The Pommerners answer, as one man, a No of such
emphasis as I have never heard; in terms which are intensely vernacular,
it seems, and which do at this day astonish the foreign mind: 'We will
for him something, WIR WOLLEN IHM WAS--' But the powers of translation
and even of typography fail; and feeble paraphrase must give it: 'We
will for him SOMETHING INEFFABLE CONCOCT,' of a surprisingly contrary
kind! 'WIR WOLLEN IHM WAS' (with ineffable dissyllabic verb governing
it)! growled one indignant Pommerner; 'and it ran like file-fire along
the ranks,' says Archenholtz; everybody growling it, and bellowing
it, in fierce bass chorus, as the indubitable vote of Pommern in those
circumstances.
"Loudon's trumpet withdrew. Pommern formed square round its baggage;
Loudon's 5,000 came thundering in, fit to break adamant; but met such
a storm of bullets from Pommern, they stopped about ten paces short,
in considerable amazement, and wheeled back. Tried it again, still
more amazement; the like a third time; every time in vain. After which,
Pommern took the road again, with vanguard, rearguard; and had peace for
certain miles,--Loudon gloomily following, for a new chance. How many
times Loudon tried again, and ever again, at good places, I forget,--say
six times in all. Between Siebenhufen and Steinau, in a dirty defile,
the jewel of the road for Loudon, who tried his very best there, one of
our wagons broke down; the few to rear of it, eighteen wagons and some
country carts, had to be left standing. Nothing more of Pommern was left
there or anywhere. Near Steinau there, Loudon gave it up as desperate,
and went his way. His loss, they say, was 300 killed, 500 wounded;
Pommern's was 35 killed, and above 100 left wounded or prisoners. One
of the stiffest day's works I have known: some twelve miles of march, in
every two an attack. Pommern has really concocted something surprising,
and kept its promise to Loudon! 'Thou knowest what the Pommerners can
do,' said they once to their own King. An obstinate, strong-boned,
heavy-browed people; not so stupid as you think. More or less of Jutish
or Anglish type; highly deficient in the graces of speech, and, I should
judge, with little call to Parliamentary Eloquence." [Preuss, ii. 241
(incorrect in some small points); Archenholtz, ii. 61; Seyfarth, ii.
640, and _Beylagen,_ ii. 657-660; Tempelhof, iv. 8-10; in ANONYMOUS OF
HAMBURG (iv. 68) the Austrian account.]
Friedrich is, this Year, considered by the generality of mankind, to be
ruined: "Lost 60,000 men last Campaign; was beaten twice; his luck is
done; what is to become of him?" say his enemies, and even the impartial
Gazetteer, with joy or sorrow. Among his own people there is gloom or
censure; hard commentaries on Maxen: "So self-willed, high, and deaf
to counsel from Prince Henri!" Henri himself, they say, is sullen;
threatening, as he often does, to resign "for want of health;" and as he
quite did, for a while, in the end of this Campaign, or interval between
this and next.
Friedrich has, with incredible diligence, got together his finance
(copper in larger dose than ever, Jew Ephraim presiding as usual); and,
as if by art-magic, has on their feet 100,000 men against his enemy's
280,000. Some higher Officers are secretly in bad spirits; but the men
know nothing of discouragement. Friedrich proclaims to them at marching,
"For every cannon you capture, 100 ducats; for every flag, 50; for
every standard (cavalry flag), 40;"--which sums, as they fell due,
were accordingly paid thenceforth. [Stenzel, v. 236, 237; ib. 243.] But
Friedrich, too, is abundantly gloomy, if that could help him; which he
knows well it cannot, and strictly hides it from all but a few;--or all
but D'Argens almost alone, to whom it can do no harm. Read carefully by
the light of contemporary occurrences, not vaguely in the vacant
haze, as the Editors give it, his correspondence with D'Argens becomes
interesting almost to a painful degree: an unaffected picture of one
of the bravest human souls weighed down with dispiriting labors and
chagrins, such as were seldom laid on any man; almost beyond bearing,
but incurable, and demanding to be borne. Wilhelmina is away, away; to
D'Argens alone of mortals does he whisper of these things; and to him
not wearisomely, or with the least prolixity, but in short sharp gusts,
seldom now with any indignation, oftenest with a touch of humor in them,
not soliciting any sympathy, nor expecting nearly as much as he will get
from the faithful D'Argens.
"I am unfortunate and old, dear Marquis; that is why they persecute
me: God knows what my future is to be this Year! I grieve to resemble
Cassandra with my prophecies; but how augur well of the desperate
situation we are in, and which goes on growing worse? I am so gloomy
to-day, I will cut short.... Write to me when you have nothing better
to do; and don't forget a poor Philosopher who, perhaps to expiate his
incredulity, is doomed to find his Purgatory in THIS world." [_OEuvres
de Frederic,_ xix. 138, 139 ("Freyberg, 20th March, 1760").]... To
another Friend, in the way of speech, he more deliberately says:
"The difficulties I had, last Campaign, were almost infinite: such a
multitude of enemies acting against me; Pommern, Brandenburg, Saxony,
Frontiers of Silesia, alike in danger, often enough all at one time.
If I escaped absolute destructiou, I must impute it chiefly to the
misconduct of my enemies; who gained such advantages, but had not the
sense to follow them up. Experience often corrects people of their
blunders: I cannot expect to profit by anything of that kind; on their
part, in the course of this Campaign:" judge if it will be a light
one, MON CHER. [To Mitchell, one evening, "Camp of Schlettau, May 23d"
(Mitchell, ii. 159).]
The symptoms we decipher in these Letters, and otherwise, are those of
a man drenched in misery; but used to his black element, unaffectedly
defiant of it, or not at the pains to defy it; occupied only to do
his very utmost in it, with or without success, till the end come.
Prometheus, chained on the Ocean-cliffs, with the New Ruling-Powers in
the upper hand, and their vultures gradually eating him; dumb Time and
dumb Space looking on, apparently with small sympathy: Prometheus and
other Titans, now and then, have touched the soul of some AEschylus,
and drawn tones of melodious sympathy, far heard among mankind. But with
this new Titan it is not so: nor, upon the whole, with the proper
Titan, in this world, is it usually so; the world being a--what shall
we say?--a poorish kind of world, and its melodies and dissonances,
its loves and its hatreds worth comparatively little in the long-run.
Friedrich does wonderfully without sympathy from almost anybody; and
the indifference with which he walks along, under such a cloud of sulky
stupidities, of mendacities and misconceptions from the herd of mankind,
is decidedly admirable to me.
But let us look into the Campaign itself. Perhaps--contrary to the
world's opinion, and to Friedrich's own when, in ultra-lucid moments, he
gazes into it in the light of cold arithmetic, and finds the aspect of
it "frightful"--this Campaign will be a little luckier to him than the
last? Unluckier it cannot well be:--or if so, it will at least be final
to him!