CANNOT FIND LODGING IN SILESIA.
The eyes of all had been bent on Dresden latterly; and there had
occurred a great deal of detaching thitherward, and of marching there
and thence, as we have partly seen. And the end is, Dresden, and to
appearance Saxony along with it, is Daun's. Has not Daun good reason now
to be proud of the cunctatory method? Never did his game stand better;
and all has been gained at other people's expense. Daun has not played
one trump card; it is those obliging Russians that have played all
the trumps, and reduced the Enemy to nothing. Only continue that wise
course,--and cart meal, with your whole strength, for the Russians!--
Safe behind the pools of Lieberose, Friedrich between them and Berlin,
lie those dear Russians; extending, Daun and they, like an impassable
military dike, with spurs of Outposts and cunningly devised Detachments,
far and wide,--from beyond Bober or utmost Crossen on the east, to
Hoyerswerda in Elbe Country on the west;--dike of eighty miles long,
and in some eastern parts of almost eighty broad; so elaborate is Daun's
detaching quality, in cases of moment. "The King's broken Army on
one side of us," calculates Daun; "Prince Henri's on the other;
incommunicative they; reduced to isolation, powerless either or both
of them against such odds. They shall wait there, please Heaven, till
Saxony be quite finished. Zweibruck, and our Detachments and Maguires,
let them finish Saxony, while Soltikof keeps the King busy. Saxony
finished, how will either Prince or King attempt to recover it! After
which, Silesia for us;--and we shall then be near our Magazines withal,
and this severe stress of carting will abate or cease." In fact, these
seem sound calculations: Friedrich is 24,000; Henri 38,000; the military
dike is, of Austrians 75,000, of Russians and Austrians together
120,000. Daun may fairly calculate on succeeding beautifully this Year:
Saxony his altogether; and in Silesia some Glogau or strong Town taken,
and Russians and Austrians wintering together in that Country.
If only Daun do not TOO much spare his trump cards! But there is such
a thing as excess on that side too: and perhaps it is even the more
ruinous kind,--and is certainly the more despised by good judges,
though the multitude of bad may notice it less. Daun is unwearied in
his vigilantes, in his infinite cartings of provision for himself
and Soltikof,--long chains of Magazines, big and little, at Guben,
at Gorlitz, at Bautzen, Zittau, Friedland; and does, aided by French
Montalembert, all that man can to keep those dear stupid Russians in
tune.
Daun's problem of carting provisions, and guarding his multifarious
posts, and sources of meal and defence, is not without its difficulties.
Especially with a Prince Henri opposite; who has a superlative
manoeuvring talent of his own, and an industry not inferior to Daun's
in that way. Accordingly, ever since August 11th-13th, when Daun moved
northward to Triebel, and Henri shot out detachments parallel to
him, "to secure the Bober and our right flank, and try to regain
communication with the King,"--still more, ever since August 22d, when
Daun undertook that onerous cartage of meal for Soltikof as well as
self, the manoeuvring and mutual fencing and parrying, between Henri and
him, has been getting livelier and livelier. Fain would Daun secure his
numerous Roads and Magazines; assiduously does Henri threaten him
in these points, and try all means to regain communication with
his Brother. Daun has Magazines and interests everywhere; Henri is
everywhere diligent to act on them.
Daun in person, ever since Kunersdorf time, has been at Triebel; Henri
moved to Sagan after him, but has left a lieutenant at Schmottseifen,
as Daun has at Mark-Lissa:--here are still new planets, and secondary
ditto, with revolving moons. In short, it is two interpenetrating solar
systems, gyrating, osculating and colliding, over a space of
several thousand square miles,--with an intricacy, with an embroiled
abstruseness Ptolemean or more! Which indeed the soldier who would know
his business--(and not knowing it, is not he of all solecisms in this
world the most flagrant?)--ought to study, out of Tempelhof and the
Books; but which, except in its results, no other reader could endure.
The result we will make a point of gathering: carefully riddled down,
there are withal in the details five or six little passages which have
some shadow of interest to us; these let us note, and carefully omit the
rest:--
OF FOUQUET AT LANDSHUT. "Fouquet was twice attacked at Landshut; but
made a lucky figure both times. Attack first was by Deville: attack
second by Harsch. Early in July, not long after Friedrich had left for
Schmottseifen, rash Deville (a rash creature, and then again a laggard,
swift where he should be slow, and VICE VERSA) again made trial on
Landshut and Fouquet; but was beautifully dealt with; taken in rear,
in flank, or I forget how taken, but sent galloping through the Passes
again, with a loss of many Prisoners, most of his furnitures, and all
his presence of mind: whom Daun thereupon summoned out of those parts,
'Hitherward to Mark-Lissa with your Corps; leave Fouquet alone!'
[HOFBERICHT VON DEN UNTERNEHMUNGEN DES FOUQUETSCHEN CORPS, IM JULIUS
1759: in Seyfarth, Beylagen, ii. 582-586.]
"After which, Fouquet, things being altogether quiet round him, was
summoned, with most part of his force, to Schmottseifen; left General
Goltz (a man we have met before) to guard Landshut; and was in fair
hopes of proving helpful to Prince Henri,--when Harsch [Harsch by
himself this time, not Harsch and Deville as usual] thought here was his
opportunity; and came with a great apparatus, as if to swallow Landshut
whole. So that Fouquet had to hurry off reinforcements thither; and at
length to go himself, leaving Stutterheim in his stead at Schmottseifen.
Goltz, however, with his small handful, stood well to his work. And
there fell out sharp fencings at Landshut:--especially one violent
attack on our outposts; the Austrians quite triumphant; till 'a couple
of cannon open on them from the next Hill,'--till some violent Werner
or other charge in upon them with Prussian Hussars;--a desperate tussle,
that special one of Werner's; not only sabres flashing furiously on both
sides, but butts of pistols and blows on the face: [Tempelhof, iii. 233:
31st August.] till, in short, Harsch finds he can make nothing of it,
and has taken himself away, before Fouquet come." This Goltz, here
playing Anti-Harsch, is the Goltz who, with Winterfeld, Schmettau and
others, was in that melancholy Zittau march, of the Prince of Prussia's,
in 1757: it was Goltz by whom the King sent his finishing compliment,
"You deserve, all of you, to be tried by Court-Martial, and to lose
your heads!" Goltz is mainly concerned with Fouquet and Silesia, in late
times; and we shall hear of him once again. Fouquet did not return to
Schmottseifen; nor was molested again in Landshut this year, though he
soon had to detach, for the King's use, part of his Landshut force, and
had other Silesian business which fell to him.
FORTRESS OF PEITZ. The poor Fortress of Peitz was taken again;--do
readers remember it, "on the day of Zorndorf," last year? "This year,
a fortnight after Kunersdorf, the same old Half-pay Gentleman with his
Five-and-forty Invalids have again been set adrift, 'with the honors
of war,' poor old creatures; lest by possibility they afflict the
dear Russians and our meal-carts up yonder. [Tempelhof, iii. 231: 27th
August.] I will forget who took Peitz: perhaps Haddick, of whom we have
lately heard so much? He was captor of Berlin in 1757, did the Inroad on
Berlin that year,--and produced Rossbach shortly after. Peitz, if he did
Peitz, was Haddick's last success in the world. Haddick has been most
industrious, 'guarding the Russian flank,'--standing between the King
and it, during that Soltikof march to Mullrose, to Lieberose; but
that once done, and the King settled at Waldau, Haddick was ordered to
Saxony, against Wunsch and Finck:--and readers know already what he made
of these Two in the 'Action at Korbitz, September 21st,'--and shall hear
soon what befell Haddick himself in consequence."
COLONEL HORDT IS CAPTURED. "It was in that final marching of Soltikof
to Lieberose that a distinguished Ex-Swede, Colonel Hordt, of the Free
Corps HORDT, was taken prisoner. At Trebatsch; hanging on Soltikof's
right flank on that occasion. It was not Haddick, it was a swarm of
Cossacks who laid Hordt fast; his horse having gone to the girths in
a bog. [_Memoires du Comte de Hordt_ (a Berlin, 1789), ii. 53-58
(not dated or intelligible there): in Tempelhof (iii. 235, 236)
clear account, "Trebatsch, September 4th."] Hordt, an Ex-Swede of
distinction,--a Royalist Exile, on whose head the Swedes have set a
price (had gone into 'Brahe's Plot,' years since, Plot on behalf of the
poor Swedish King, which cost Brahe his life),--Hordt now might have
fared ill, had not Friedrich been emphatic, 'Touch a hair of him,
retaliation follows on the instant!' He was carried to Petersburg; 'lay
twenty-six months and three days' in solitary durance there; and we may
hear a word from him again."
ZIETHEN ALMOST CAPTURED. "Prince Henri, in the last days of August,
marched to Sagan in person; [Tempelhof, iii. 231: 29th August.] Ziethen
along with him; multifariously manoeuvring 'to regain communication with
the King.' Of course, with no want of counter-manoeuvring, of vigilant
outposts, cunningly devised detachments and assiduous small measures on
the part of Daun. Who, one day, had determined on a more considerable
thing; that of cutting out Ziethen from the Sagan neighborhood. And
would have done it, they say,--had not he been too cunctatory. September
2d, Ziethen, who is posted in the little town of Sorau, had very nearly
been cut off. In Sorau, westward, Daun-ward, of Sagan a short day's
march: there sat Ziethen, conscious of nothing particular,--with Daun
secretly marching on him; Daun in person, from the west, and two others
from the north and from the south, who are to be simultaneous on Sorau
and the Zietheners. A well-laid scheme; likely to have finished Ziethen
satisfactorily, who sat there aware of nothing. But it all miswent:
Daun, on the road, noticed some trifling phenomenon (Prussian party
of horse, or the like), which convinced his cautious mind that all was
found out; that probably a whole Prussian Army, instead of a Ziethen
only, was waiting at Sorau; upon which Daun turned home again, sorry
that he could not turn the other two as well. The other two were
stronger than Ziethen, could they have come upon him by surprise; or
have caught him before he got through a certain Pass, or bit of bad
ground, with his baggage. But Ziethen, by some accident, or by his own
patrols, got notice; loaded his baggage instantly; and was through the
Pass, or half through it, and in a condition to give stroke for stroke
with interest, when his enemies came up. Nothing could be done upon
Ziethen; who marched on, he and all his properties, safe to Sagan that
night,--owing to Daun's over-caution, and to Ziethen's own activity and
luck." [Tempelhof, iii. 233.]
All this was prior to the loss of Dresden. During the crisis of that,
when everybody was bestirring himself, Prince Henri made extraordinary
exertions: "Much depends on me; all on me!" sighed Henri. A cautious
little man; but not incapable of risking, in the crisis of a game for
life and death. Friedrich and he are wedged asunder by that dike of
Russians and Austrians, which goes from Bober river eastward, post
after post, to Hoyerswerda westward, eighty miles along the
Lausitz-Brandenburg Frontier, rooting itself through the Lausitz
into Bohemia, and the sources of its meal. Friedrich and he cannot
communicate except by spies ("the first JAGER," or regular express "from
the King, arrived September 13th" [Ib. iii. 207.]): but both are of one
mind; both are on one problem, "What is to be done with that impassable
dike?"--and co-operate sympathetically without communicating. What
follows bears date AFTER the loss of Dresden, but while Henri still knew
only of the siege,--that JAGER of the 13th first brought him news of the
loss.
"A day or two after Ziethen's adventure, Henri quits Sagan, to move
southward for a stroke at the Bohemian-Lausitz magazines; a stroke, and
series of strokes. SEPTEMBER 8th, Ziethen and (in Fouquet's absence at
Landshut) Stutterheim are pushed forward into the Zittau Country; first
of all upon Friedland,--the Zittau Friedland, for there are Friedlands
many! SEPTEMBER 9th, Stutterheim summons Friedland, gets it; gets the
bit of magazine there; and next day hastens on to Zittau. Is refused
surrender of Zittau; learns, however, that the magazine has been mostly
set on wheels again, and is a stage forward on the road to Bohemia;
whitherward Stutterheim, quitting Zittau as too tedious, hastens after
it, and next day catches it, or the unburnt remains of it. A successful
Stutterheim. Nor is Ziethen idle in the mean while; Ziethen and others;
whom no Deville or Austrian Party thinks itself strong enough to meddle
with, Prince Henri being so near.
"Here is a pretty tempest in the heart of our Bohemian meal-conduit!
Continue that, and what becomes of Soltikof and me? Daun is off from
Triebel Country to this dangerous scene; indignantly cashiers Deville,
'Why did not you attack these Ziethen people? Had not you 10,000, Sir?'
Cashiers poor Deville for not attacking;--does not himself attack: but
carts away the important Gorlitz magazine, to Bautzen, which is the
still more important one; sits down on the lid of that (according to
wont); shoots out O'Donnell (an Irish gentleman, Deville's successor),
and takes every precaution. Prince Henri, in presence of O'Donnell,
coalesces again; walks into Gorlitz; encamps there, on the Landskron
and other Heights (Moys Hill one of them, poor Winterfeld's Hill!),--and
watches a little how matters will turn, and whether Daun, severely
vigilant from Bautzen, seated on the lid of his magazine, will not
perhaps rise."
First and last, Daun in this business has tried several things; but
there was pretty much always, and emphatically there now is, only one
thing that could be effectual: To attack Prince Henri, and abolish him
from those countries;--as surely might have been possible, with twice
his strength at your disposal?--This, though sometimes he seemed to be
thinking of such a thing, Daun never would try: for which the subsequent
FACTS, and all good judges, were and are inexorably severe on Daun.
Certain it is, no rashness could have better spilt Daun's game than did
this extreme caution.
DAUN, SOLTIKOF AND COMPANY AGAIN HAVE A COLLOQUY (Bautzen, September
15th); AFTER WHICH EVERYBODY STARTS ON HIS SPECIAL COURSE OF ACTION.
Soltikof's disgust at this new movement of Daun's was great and
indignant. "Instead of going at the King, and getting some victory for
himself, he has gone to Bautzen, and sat down on his meal-bags! Meal?
Is it to be a mere fighting for meal? I will march to-morrow for Poland,
for Preussen, and find plenty of meal!" And would have gone, they say,
had not Mercury, in the shape of Montalembert with his most zealous
rhetoric, intervened; and prevailed with difficulty. "One hour of
personal interview with Excellency Daun," urges Montalembert; "one
more!" "No," answers Soltikof.--"Alas, then, send your messenger!" To
which last expedient Soltikof does assent, and despatches Romanzof on
the errand.
SEPTEMBER 15th, at Bautzen, at an early hour, there is meeting
accordingly; not Romanzof, Soltikof's messenger, alone, but Zweibruck
in person, Daun in person; and most earnest council is held. "A noble
Russian gentleman sees how my hands are bound," pleads Daun. "Will not
Excellency Soltikof, who disdains idleness, go himself upon Silesia,
upon Glogau for instance, and grant me a few days?" "No," answers
Romanzof; "Excellency Soltikof by himself will not. Let Austria
furnish Siege-Artillery; daily meal I need not speak of; 10,000 fresh
Auxiliaries beyond those we have: on these terms Excellency Soltikof
will perhaps try it; on lower terms, positively not." "Well then, yes!"
answers Daun, not without qualms of mind. Daun has a horror at weakening
himself to that extent; but what can he do? "General Campitelli, with the
10,000, let him march this night, then; join with General Loudon where
you please to order: Excellency Soltikof shall see that in every point
I conform." [Tempelhof, iii. 247-249.]--An important meeting to us, this
at Bautzen; and breaks up the dead-lock into three or more divergent
courses of activity; which it will now behoove us to follow, with the
best brevity attainable. "Bautzen, Saturday, 15th September, early in
the morning," that is the date of the important Colloquy. And precisely
eight-and-forty hours before, "on Thursday, 13th, about 10 A.M.", in
the western Environs of Quebec, there has fallen out an Event, quite
otherwise important in the History of Mankind! Of which readers shall
have some notice at a time more convenient.--
Romanzof returning with such answer, Soltikof straightway gathers
himself, September 15th-16th, and gets on march. To Friedrich's joy; who
hopes it may be homeward; waits two days at Waldau, for the Yes or
No. On the second day, alas, it is No: "Going for Silesia, I perceive;
thither, by a wide sweep northward, which they think will be safer!"
Upon which Friedrich also rises; follows, with another kind of speed
than Soltikof's; and, by one of his swift clutchings, lays hold of
Sagan, which he, if Soltikof has not, sees to be a key-point in this
operation. Easy for Soltikof to have seized this key-point, key of
the real road to Glogau; easy for Loudon and the new 10,000 to have
rendezvoused there: but nobody has thought of doing it. A few Croats
were in the place, who could make no debate.
From Sagan Friedrich and Henri are at length in free communication;
Sagan to the Landskron at Gorlitz is some fifty miles of country, now
fallen vacant. From Henri, from Fouquet (the dangers of Landshut being
over), Friedrich is getting what reinforcement they can spare (September
20th-24th); will then push forward again, industriously sticking to the
flanks of Soltikof, thrusting out stumbling-blocks, making his march
very uncomfortable.
Strange to say, from Sagan, while waiting two days for these
reinforcements, there starts suddenly to view, suddenly for Friedrich
and us, an incipient Negotiation about Peace! Actual Proposal that way
(or as good as actual, so Voltaire thinks it), on the part of Choiseul
and France; but as yet in Voltaire's name only, by a sure though a
backstairs channel, of his discovering. Of which, and of the much
farther corresponding that did actually follow on it, we purpose to say
something elsewhere, at a better time. Meanwhile Voltaire's announcement
of it to the King has just come in, through a fair and high Hand: how
Friedrich receives it, what Friedrich's inner feeling is, and has been
for a fortnight past--Here are some private utterances of his, throwing
a straggle of light on those points:--
FOUR LETTERS OF FRIEDRICH'S (10th-24th September).
No. 1. TO PRINCE FERDINAND (at Berlin). Poor little Ferdinand, the
King's Brother, fallen into bad health, has retired from the Wars, and
gone to Berlin; much an object of anxiety to the King, who diligently
corresponds with the dear little man,--giving earnest medical advices,
and getting Berlin news in return.
"WALDAU, 10th September, 1759.
"Since my last Letter, Dresden has capitulated,--the very day while
Wunsch was beating Maguire at The Barns (north side of Dresden,
September 5th) day AFTER the capitulation]. Wunsch went back to Torgau,
which St. Andre, with 14,000 Reichs-people under him, was for retaking;
him too Wunsch beat, took all his tents, kettles, haversacks and
utensils, 300 prisoners, six cannon and some standards. Finck is uniting
with Wunsch; they will march on the Prince of Zweibruck, and retake
Dresden [hopes always, for a year and more, to have Dresden back very
soon]. I trust before long to get all these people gathered round
Dresden, and our own Country rid of them: that, I take it, will be the
end of the Campaign.
"Many compliments to the Prince of Wurtemberg [wounded at Kunersdorf],
and to all our wounded Generals: I hope Seidlitz is now out of danger:
that bleeding fit (EBULLITION DE SANG) will cure him of the cramp in his
jaw, and of his colics; and as he is in bed, he won't take cold. I hope
the viper-broth will do you infinite good; be assiduous in patching your
constitution, while there is yet some fine weather left: I dread the
winter for you; take a great deal of care against cold. I have still a
couple of cruel months ahead of me before ending this Campaign.
Within that time, there will be, God knows what upshot." [_OEuvres de
Frederic,_ xxvi. 544.]--This is "September 10th:" the day of Captain
Kollas's arrival with his bad Dresden news; Daun and Soltikof profoundly
quiet for three days more.
No. 2. TO THE DUCHESS OF SACHSEN-GOTHA (at Gotha). Voltaire has enclosed
his Peace-Proposal to that Serene Lady, always a friend of Friedrich's
and his; to whom Friedrich, directly on receipt of it, makes answer:--
"SAGAN, 22d September, 1759.
"MADAM,--I receive on all occasions proofs of your goodness, to which I
am as sensible as a chivalrous man can be. Certainly it is not through
your hands, Madam, that my Correspondence with V. [with Voltaire, if
one durst write it in full] ought to be made to pass! Nevertheless, in
present circumstances, I will presume to beg that you would forward to
him the Answer here enclosed, on which I put no Address. The difficulty
of transmitting Letters has made me choose my Brother," Ferdinand, at
Berlin, "to have this conveyed to your hand.
"If I gave bridle to my feelings, now would be the moment for developing
them; but in these critical times I judge it better not; and will
restrict myself to simple assurances of--" F.
No. 3. TO VOLTAIRE, at the Delices (so her Serene Highness will address
it). Here is part of the Enclosure to "V." Friedrich is all for Peace;
but keeps on his guard with such an Ambassador, and writes in a proud,
light, only half-believing style:--
"SAGAN, 22d September, 1759.
"The Duchess of Sachsen-Gotha sends me your Letter. I never received
your packet of the 29th: communications all interrupted here; with much
trouble I get this passed on to you, if it is happy enough to pass.
"My position is not so desperate as my enemies give out. I expect to
finish my Campaign tolerably; my courage is not sunk:--it appears,
however, there is talk of Peace. All I can say of positive on this
article is, That I have honor for ten; and that, whatever misfortune
befall me, I feel myself incapable of doing anything to wound, the least
in the world, this principle,--which is so sensitive and delicate for
one who thinks like a gentleman (PENSE EN PREUX CHEVALIER); and so
little regarded by rascally politicians, who think like tradesmen.
"I know nothing of what you have been telling me about [your backstairs
channels, your Duc de Choiseul and his humors]: but for making Peace
there are two conditions which I never will depart from: 1. To make
it conjointly with my faithful Allies [Hessen and England; I have no
other]; 2. To make it honorable and glorious. Observe you, I have still
honor remaining; I will preserve that, at the price of my blood.
"If your people want Peace, let them propose nothing to me which
contradicts the delicacy of my sentiments. I am in the convulsions
of military operations; I do as the gamblers who are in ill-luck, and
obstinately set themselves against Fortune. I have forced her to return
to me, more than once, like a fickle mistress, when she had run away. My
opponents are such foolish people, in the end I bid fair to catch some
advantage over them: but, happen whatsoever his Sacred Majesty Chance
may please, I don't disturb myself about it. Up to this point, I have a
clear conscience in regard to the misfortunes that have come to me.
As to you, the Battle of Minden, that of Cadiz" (Boscawen VERSUS De la
Clue; Toulon Fleet running out, and caught by the English, as we saw),
these things perhaps, "and the loss of Canada, are arguments capable
of restoring reason to the French, who had got confused by the Austrian
hellebore.
"This is my way of thinking. You do not find me made of rose-water: but
Henri Quatre, Louis Quatorze,--my present enemies even, whom I could
cite [Maria Theresa, twenty years ago, when your Belleisle set out to
cut her in Four],--were of no softer temper either. Had I been born a
private man, I would yield everything for the love of Peace; but one
has to take the tone of one's position. This is all I can tell you
at present. In three or four weeks the ways of correspondence will be
freer.--F." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxiii. 60, 61.]
No. 4. TO PRINCE FERDINAND. Two days later: has got on foot again,--end
of his first march upon Soltikof again:--
"BAUNAU, 24th September, 1759.
"Thank you for the news you send of the wounded Officers," Wurtemberg,
Seidlitz and the others. "You may well suppose that in the pass things
are at, I am not without cares, inquietudes, anxieties; it is the
frightfulest crisis I have had in my life. This is the moment for dying
unless one conquer. Daun and my Brother Henri are marching side by side
[not exactly!]. It is possible enough all these Armies may assemble
hereabouts, and that a general Battle may decide our fortune and
the Peace. Take care of your health, dear Brother.--F." [_OEuvres de
Frederic,_ xxvi. 545.]
Baunau is on Silesian ground, as indeed Sagan itself is; at Baunau
Friedrich already, just on arriving, has done a fine move on Soltikof,
and surprisingly flung the toll-gate in Soltikof's face. As we shall
see by and by;--and likewise that Prince Henri, who emerges to-morrow
morning (September 25th), has not been "marching side by side with
Daun," but at a pretty distance from that gentleman!--
Soltikof is a man of his word; otherwise one suspects he already saw his
Siege of Glogau to be impossible. Russians are not very skilful at the
War-minuet: fancy what it will be dancing to such a partner! Friedrich,
finding they are for Glogau, whisks across the Oder, gets there before
them: "No Glogau for you!" They stand agape for some time; then think
"Well then Breslau!" Friedrich again whisks across from them, farther
up, and is again ahead of them when they cross: "No Breslau either!" In
effect, it is hopeless; and we may leave the two manoeuvring in those
waste parts, astride of Oder, or on the eastern bank of it, till a
fitter opportunity; and attend to Henri, who is now the article in risk.
Zweibruck's report of himself, on that day of the general Colloquy, was
not in the way of complaint, like that of the Russians, though there did
remain difficulties. "Dresden gloriously ours; Maguire Governor there,
and everything secure; upon my honor. But in the northwest part, those
Fincks and Wunsches, Excellenz?"--And the actual truth is, Wunsch
has taken Leipzig, day before yesterday (September 13th), as Daun
sorrowfully knows, by news come in overnight. And six days hence
(September 21st), Finck and Wunsch together will do their "ACTION OF
KORBITZ," and be sending Haddick a bad road! These things Zweibruck
knows only in part; but past experience gives him ominous presentiment,
as it may well do; and he thinks decidedly: "Excellenz, more Austrian
troops are indispensable there; in fact, your Excellenz's self, were
that possible; which one feels it is not, in the presence of these
Russians!"
Russians and Reichsfolk, these are a pair of thumbscrews on both thumbs
of Daun; screwing the cunctation out of him; painfully intimating: "Get
rid of this Prince Henri; you must, you must!" And, in the course of the
next eight days Daun has actually girt himself to this great enterprise.
Goaded on, I could guess, by the "Action of Korbitz" (done on Friday,
thirty hours ago); the news of which, and that Haddick, instead of
extinguishing Finck, is retreating from him upon Dresden,--what a piece
of news! thinks Daun: "You, Zweibruck, Haddick, Maguire and Company,
you are 36,000 in Saxony; Finck has not 12,000 in the field: How is
this?"--and indignantly dismisses Haddick altogether: "Go, Sir, and
attend to your health!" [Tempelhof, iii. 276, 258-261.] News poignantly
astonishing to Daun, as would seem;--like an ox-goad in the lazy rear of
Daun. Certain it is, Daun had marched out to Gorlitz in collected form;
and, on Saturday afternoon, SEPTEMBER 22d is personally on the Heights
(not Moys Hill, I should judge, but other points of vision), taking
earnest survey of Prince Henri's position on the Landskron there.
"To-morrow morning we attack that Camp," thinks Daun; "storm Prince
Henri and it: be rid of him, at any price!" [Ib. iii. 253-256 (for
the March now ensuing): iii. 228-234, 241-247 (for Henri's anterior
movements).]
"To-morrow morning," yes:--but this afternoon, and earlier, Prince
Henri has formed a great resolution, his plans all laid, everything in
readiness; and it is not here you will find Prince Henri to-morrow. This
is his famous March of Fifty Hours, this that we are now come to; which
deserves all our attention,--and all Daun's much more! Prince Henri was
habitually a man cautious in War; not aggressive, like his Brother, but
defensive, frugal of risks, and averse to the lion-springs usual with
some people; though capable of them, too, in the hour of need. Military
men are full of wonder at the bold scheme he now fell upon; and at his
style of executing it. Hardly was Daun gone home to his meditations
on the storm of the Landskron to-morrow, and tattoo beaten in Prince
Henri's Camp there, when, at 8 that Saturday evening, issuing
softly, with a minimum of noise, in the proper marching columns,
baggage-columns, Henri altogether quitted this Camp; and vanished like
a dream. Into the Night; men and goods, every item:--who shall say
whitherward? Leaving only a few light people to keep up the watch-fires
and sentry-cries, for behoof of Daun! Let readers here, who are in the
secret, watch him a little from afar.
Straight northward goes Prince Henri, down Neisse Valley, 20 miles
or so, to Rothenburg; in columns several-fold, with much delicate
arranging, which was punctually followed: and in the course of to-morrow
Prince Henri is bivouacked, for a short rest of three hours,--hidden in
unknown space, 20 miles from Daun, when Daun comes marching up to storm
him on the Landskron! Gone veritably; but whitherward Daun cannot form
the least guess. Daun can only keep his men under arms there, all day;
while his scouts gallop far and wide,--bringing in this false guess and
the other; and at length returning with the eminently false one, misled
by some of Henri's baggage-columns, which have to go many routes, That
the Prince is on march for Glogau:--"Gone northeast; that way went his
wagons; these we saw with our eyes." "Northeast? Yes, to Glogau possibly
enough," thinks Daun: "Or may not he, cunning as he is and full of
feints, intend a stroke on Bautzen, in my absence?"--and hastens thither
again, and sits down on the Magazine-lid, glad to find nothing wrong
there.
This is all that Daun hears of Henri for the next four days. Plenty of
bad news from Saxony in these four days: the Finck-Haddick Action of
Korbitz, a dismal certainty before one started,--and Haddick on his
road to some Watering Place by this time! But no trace of Henri farther;
since that of the wagons wending northeast. "Gone to Glogau, to his
Brother: no use in pushing him, or trying to molest him there!" thinks
Daun; and waits, in stagnant humor, chewing the cud of bitter enough
thoughts, till confirmation of that guess arrive:--as it never will in
this world! Read an important Note:--
"To northward of Bautzen forty miles, and to westward forty miles,
the country is all Daun's; only towards Glogau, with the Russians and
Friedrich thereabouts, does it become disputable, or offer Prince Henri
any chance. Nevertheless it is not to Glogau, it is far the reverse,
that the nimble Henri has gone. Resting himself at Rothenburg 'three
hours' (speed is of all things the vitalest), Prince Henri starts again,
SUNDAY afternoon, straight westward this time. Marches, with his best
swiftness, with his best arrangements, through many sleeping
Villages, to Klitten, not a wakeful one: a march of 18 miles from
Rothenburg;--direct for the Saxon side of things, instead of the
Silesian, as Daun had made sure.
"At Klitten, MONDAY morning, bivouac again, for a few hours,--'has no
Camp, only waits three hours,' is Archenholtz's phrase: but I suppose
the meaning is, Waits till the several Columns, by their calculated
routes, have all got together; and till the latest in arriving has had
'three hours' of rest,--the earliest having perhaps gone on march again,
in the interim? There are 20 miles farther, still straight west, to
Hoyerswerda, where the outmost Austrian Division is: 'Forward towards
that; let us astonish General Wehla and his 3,000, and our March
is over!' All this too Prince Henri manages; never anything more
consummate, more astonishing to Wehla and his Master.
"Wehla and Brentano, readers perhaps remember them busy, from the Pirna
side, at the late Siege of Dresden. Siege gloriously done, Wehla
was ordered to Hoyerswerda, on the northwest frontier; Brentano to a
different point in that neighborhood; where Brentano escaped ruin, and
shall not be mentioned; but Wehla suddenly found it, and will require
a word. Wehla, of all people on the War-theatre, had been the least
expecting disturbance. He is on the remotest western flank; to westward
of him nothing but Torgau and the Finck-Wunsch people, from whom is
small likelihood of danger: from the eastern what danger can there be? A
Letter of Dauns, some days ago, had expressly informed him that, to all
appearance, there was none.
"And now suddenly, on the Tuesday morning, What is this? Prussians
reported to be visible in the Woods! 'Impossible!' answered Wehla;--did
get ready, however, what he could; Croat Regiments, pieces of Artillery
behind the Elster River and on good points; laboring more and more
diligently, as the news proved true. But all his efforts were to no
purpose. General Lentulus with his Prussians (the mute Swiss Lentulus,
whom we sometimes meet), who has the Vanguard this day, comes streaming
out of the woods across the obstacles; cannonades Wehla both in front
and rear; entirely swallows Wehla and Corps: 600 killed; the General
himself, with 28 Field-Officers, and of subalterns and privates 1,785,
falling prisoners to us; and the remainder scattered on the winds,
galloping each his own road towards covert and a new form of life.
Wehla is eaten, in this manner, Tuesday, September 25th:--metaphorically
speaking, the March of Fifty Hours ends in a comfortable twofold
meal (military-cannibal, as well as of common culinary meat), and in
well-deserved rest." [Tempelhof, iii. 255, 256; Seyfarth, _Beylagen;_
&c.]
The turning-point of the Campaign is reckoned to be this March of
Henri's; one of the most extraordinary on record. Prince Henri had a
very fast March INTO these Silesian-Lausitz Countries, early in July,
[Seyfarth, ii. 545.] and another very fast, from Bautzen, to intersect
with Schmottseifen, in the end of July: but these were as nothing
compared with the present. Tempelhof, the excellent solid man,--but who
puts all things, big and little, on the same level of detail, and has
unparalleled methods of arranging (what he reckons to be "arranging"),
and no vestige of index,--is distressingly obscure on this grand
Incident; but at length, on compulsion, does yield clear account.
[Tempelhof, iii. 253-258.] In Archenholtz it is not DATED at all;
who merely says as follows: "Most extraordinary march ever made; went
through 50 miles of Country wholly in the Enemy's possession; lasted 56
hours, in which long period there was no camp pitched, and only twice a
rest of three hours allowed the troops. During the other fifty hours the
march, day and night, continually proceeded. Ended (NO date) in surprise
of General Wehla at Hoyerswerda, cutting up 600 of his soldiers,
and taking 1,800 prisoners. Kalkreuth, since so famous," in the
Anti-Napoleon Wars, "was the Prince's Adjutant." [Archenholtz, i. 426.]
This is probably Prince Henri's cleverest feat,--though he did a great
many of clever; and his Brother used to say, glancing towards him,
"There is but one of us that never committed a mistake." A highly
ingenious dexterous little man in affairs of War, sharp as needles,
vehement but cautious; though of abstruse temper, thin-skinned,
capricious, and giving his Brother a great deal of trouble with his
jealousies and shrewish whims. By this last consummate little operation
he has astonished Daun as much as anybody ever did; shorn his elaborate
tissue of cunctations into ruin and collapse at one stroke; and in
effect, as turns out, wrecked his campaign for this Year.
Daun finds there is now no hope of Saxony, unless he himself at once
proceed thither. At once thither;--and leave Glogau and the Russians
to their luck,--which in such case, what is it like to be? Probably, to
Daun's own view, ominous enough; but he has no alternative. To this pass
has the March of Fifty Hours brought us. There is such a thing as being
too cunctatory, is not there, your Excellency? Every mortal, and more
especially every Feldmarschall, ought to strike the iron while it
is hot. The remainder of this Campaign, we will hope, can be made
intelligible in a more summary manner.
FRIEDRICH MANAGES (September 24th-October 24th) TO GET THE RUSSIANS SENT
HOME; AND HIMSELF FALLS LAMED WITH GOUT.
Friedrich's manoeuvres against Soltikof,--every reader is prepared to
hear that Soltikof was rendered futile by them: and none but military
readers could take delight in the details. Two beautiful short-cuts he
made upon Soltikof; pulled him up both times in mid career, as with hard
check-bit. The first time was at Zobelwitz: September 24th, Friedrich
cut across from Sagan, which is string to bow of the Russian march;
posted himself on the Heights of Zobelwitz, of Baunau, Milkau (at Baunau
Friedrich will write a LETTER this night, if readers bethink themselves;
Milkau is a place he may remember for rain-deluges, in the First
Silesian War [Supra, p. 323; ib. vol. vii. p. 311.]): "Let the Russians,
if they now dare, try the Pass of Neustadtel here!" A fortunate hour,
when he got upon this ground. Quartermaster-General Stoffel, our old
Custrin acquaintance, is found marking out a Camp with a view to that
Pass of Neustadtel; [Tempelhof, iii. 293; Retzow, ii. 163.] is, greatly
astonished to find the Prussian Army emerge on him there; and at once
vanishes, with his Hussar-Cossack retinues. "September 24th," it is
while Prince Henri was on the last moiety of his March of Fifty Hours.
This severe twitch flung Soltikof quite out from Glogau,--was like
to fling him home altogether, had it not been for Montalembert's
eloquence;--did fling him across the Oder. Where, again thanks to
Montalembert, he was circling on with an eye to Breslau, when Friedrich,
by the diameter, suddenly laid bridges, crossed at Koben, and again
brought Soltikof to halt, as by turnpike suddenly shut: "Must pay first;
must beat us first!"
These things had raised Friedrich's spirits not a little. Getting on
the Heights of Zobelwitz, he was heard to exclaim, "This is a lucky
day; worth more to me than a battle with victory." [Retzow, ii. 163.]
Astonishing how he blazed out again, quite into his old pride and
effulgence, after this, says Retzow. Had been so meek, so humbled,
and even condescended to ask advice or opinion from some about him.
Especially "from two Captains," says the Opposition Retzow, whose heads
were nearly turned by this sunburst from on high. Captain Marquart and
another,--I believe, he did employ them about Routes and marking of
Camps, which Retzow calls consulting: a King fallen tragically scarce of
persons to consult; all his Winterfelds, Schwerins, Keiths and Council
of Peers now vanished, and nothing but some intelligent-looking Captain
Marquart, or the like, to consult:--of which Retzow, in his splenetic
Opposition humor, does not see the tragedy, but rather the comedy: how
the poor Captains found their favor to be temporary, conditional, and
had to collapse again. One of them wrote an "ESSAY on the COUP-D'OEIL
MILITAIRE," over which Retzow pretends to weep. This was Friedrich's
marginal Note upon the MS., when submitted to his gracious perusal: "You
(ER) will do better to acquire the Art of marking Camps than to write
upon the Military Stroke of Eye." Beautifully written too, says Retzow;
but what, in the eyes of this King, is beautiful writing, to knowing
your business well? No friend he to writing, unless you have got
something really special, and urgent to be written.
Friedrich crassed the Oder twice. Took Soltikof on both sides of the
Oder, cut him out of this fond expectation, then of that; led him,
we perceive, a bad life. Latterly the scene was on the right bank;
Sophienthal, Koben, Herrnstadt and other poor places,--on that big
eastern elbow, where Oder takes his final bend, or farewell of Poland.
Ground, naturally, of some interest to Friedrich: ground to us unknown;
but known to Friedrich as the ground where Karl XII. gave Schulenburg
his beating, ["Near Guhrau" (while chasing August the Strong and him out
of Poland), "12th October, 1704:" vague account of it, dateless, and as
good as placeless, in Voltaire (_Charles Douse,_ liv. iii.), _OEuvres,_
xxx. 142-145.] which produced the "beautiful retreat" of Schulenburg.
The old Feldmarschall Schulenburg whom we used to hear of once,--whose
Nephew, a pipeclayed little gentleman, was well known to Friedrich and
us.
For the rest, I do not think he feels this out-manoeuvring of the
Russians very hard work. Already, from Zobelwitz Country, 25th
September, day of Henri at Hoyerswerda, Friedrich had written to
Fouquet: "With 21,000 your beaten and maltreated Servant has hindered
an Army of 50,000 from attacking him, and compelled them to retire on
Neusatz!" Evidently much risen in hope; and Henri's fine news not yet
come to hand. By degrees, Soltikof, rendered futile, got very
angry; especially when Daun had to go for Saxony. "Meal was becoming
impossible, at any rate," whimpers Daun: "O Excellency, do but consider,
with the nobleness natural to you! Our Court will cheerfully furnish
money, instead of meal."--"Money? My people cannot eat money!" growled
Soltikof, getting more and more angry; threatening daily to march for
Posen and his own meal-stores. What a time of it has Montalembert, has
the melancholy Loudon, with temper so hot!
At Sophienthal, October 10th, Friedrich falls ill of gout;--absolutely
lamed; for three weeks cannot stir from his room. Happily the outer
problem is becoming easier and easier; almost bringing its own solution.
At Sophienthal the lame Friedrich takes to writing about CHARLES XII.
AND HIS MILITARY CHARACTER,--not a very illuminative Piece, on the
first perusal, but I intend to read it again; [REFLEXIONS SUR LES TALENS
MILITAIRES ET SUR LE CARACTERE DE CHARLES XII. (_OEuvres de Frederic,_
vii. 69-88).]--which at least helps him to pass the time. Soltikof, more
and more straitened, meal itself running low, gets angrier and angrier.
His treatment of the Country, Montalembert rather encouraging, is
described as "horrible." One day he takes the whim, whim or little more,
of seizing Herrnstadt; a small Town, between the Two Armies, where the
Prussians have a Free Battalion. The Prussian Battalion resists;
drives Soltikof's people back. "Never mind," think they: "a place of no
importance to us; and Excellency Soltikof has ridden else-whither." By
ill-luck, in the afternoon, Excellency Soltikof happened to mention the
place again. Hearing that the Prussians still have it, Soltikof mounts
into a rage; summons the place, with answer still No; thereupon orders
instant bombardment of it, fiery storms of grenadoes for it; and has the
satisfaction of utterly burning poor Herrnstadt; the Prussian Free-Corps
still continuing obstinate. It was Soltikof's last act in those parts,
and betokens a sulphurous state of humor.
Next morning (October 24th), he took the road for Posen, and marched
bodily home. [Tempelhof, iii. 299, 291-300 (general account, abundantly
minute).] Home verily, in spite of Montalembert and all men. "And for
me, what orders has Excellency?" Loudon had anxiously inquired, on the
eve of that event. "None whatever!" answered Excellency: "Do your own
pleasure; go whithersoever seems good to you." And Loudon had to take
a wide sweep round, by Kalish, through the western parts of Poland; and
get home to the Troppau-Teschen Country as he best could.
By Kalish, by Czenstochow, Cracow, poor Loudon had to go: a dismal march
of 300 miles or more,--waited on latterly by Fouquet, with Werner, Goltz
and others, on the Silesian Border; whom Friedrich had ordered thither
for such end. Whom Loudon skilfully avoided to fight; having already, by
desertion and by hardships, lost half his men on the road. Glad enough
to get home and under roof, with his 20,000 gone to 10,000; and to make
bargain with Fouquet: "Truce, then, through Winter; neither of us
to meddle with the other, unless after a fortnight's warning given."
[Tempelhof, iii. 328-331.] NOVEMBER 1st, a month before this, the King,
carried on a litter by his soldiers, had quitted Sophienthal; and,
crossing the River by Koben, got to Glogau. [Rodenbeck, i. 396.] The
greater part of his force, 13,000 under Hulsen, he had immediately sent
on for Saxony; he himself intending to wait recovery in Glogau, with
this Silesian wing of the business happily brought to finis for the
present.
On the Saxon side, too, affairs are in such a course that the King
can be patient at Glogau till he get well. Everything is prosperous
in Saxony since that March on Hoyerswerda; Henri, with his Fincks and
Wunsches, beautifully posted in the Meissen-Torgau region; no dislodging
of him, let Daun, with his big mass of forces, try as he may. Daun,
through the month of October, is in various Camps, in Schilda last of
all: Henri successively in two; in Strehla for some ten days; then in
Torgau for about three weeks, carefully intrenched, [Tempelhof. iii.
276, 281, 284 (Henri in Strehla, October 4th-17th; thence to Torgau: 22d
October, Daun "quits his Camp of Belgern" for that of Schilda, which was
his last in those parts).]--where traces of him will turn up (not too
opportunely) next year. Daun, from whatever Camp, goes laboring on this
side and on that; on every side the deft Henri is as sharp as needles;
nothing to be made of him by the cunning movements and contrivances of
Daun. Very fine manoeuvring it was, especially on Henri's part; a charm
to the soldier mind;--given minutely in Tempelhof, and capable of
being followed (if you have Maps and Patience) into the last details.
Instructive really to the soldier;--but must be, almost all, omitted
here. One beautiful slap to Duke d'Ahremberg (a poor old friend of
Daun's and ours) we will remember: "Action of Pretsch" they call
it; defeat, almost capture of poor D'Ahremberg; who had been sent to
dislodge the Prince, by threatening his supplies, and had wheeled,
accordingly, eastward, wide away; but, to his astonishment, found, after
a march or two, Three select Prussian Corps emerging on him, by front,
by rear, by flank, with Horse-artillery (quasi-miraculous) bursting out
on hill-tops, too,--and, in short, nothing for it but to retreat,
or indeed to run, in a considerably ruinous style: poor D'Ahremberg!
[Seyfarth (_Beylagen,_ ii. 634-637), "HOFBERICHT VON DER AM 29 OCTOBER,
1759, BEY MEURO [chiefly BEY PRETSCH] VORGEFALLENEN ACTION;" ib. ii. 543
n.] On the whole, Daun is reduced to a panting condition; and knows not
what to do. His plans were intrinsically bad, says Tempelhof; without
beating Henri in battle, which he cannot bring himself to attempt,
he, in all probability, will, were it only for difficulties of the
commissariat kind, have to fall back Dresden-ward, and altogether take
himself away. [Tempelhof, iii. 287-289.]
After this sad slap at Pretsch, Daun paused for consideration; took
to palisading himself to an extraordinary degree, slashing the Schilda
Forests almost into ruin for this end; and otherwise sat absolutely
quiet. Little to be done but take care of oneself. Daun knows withal of
Hulsen's impending advent with the Silesian 13,000;--November 2d, Hulsen
is actually at Muskau, and his 13,000 magnified by rumor to 20,000.
Hearing of which, Daun takes the road (November 4th); quits his
gloriously palisaded Camp of Schilda; feels that retreat on Dresden, or
even home to Bohemia altogether, is the one course left.
And now, the important Bautzen Colloquy of SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER
15th, having here brought its three or more Courses of Activity to a
pause,--we will glance at the far more important THURSDAY, 13th, other
side the Ocean:--
ABOVE QUEBEC, NIGHT OF SEPTEMBER 12th-13th, In profound silence, on the
stream of the St. Lawrence far away, a notable adventure is going on.
Wolfe, from two points well above Quebec ("As a last shift, we will try
that way"), with about 5,000 men, is silently descending in boats; with
purpose to climb the Heights somewhere on this side the City, and be
in upon it, if Fate will. An enterprise of almost sublime nature;
very great, if it can succeed. The cliffs all beset to his left hand,
Montcalm in person guarding Quebec with his main strength.
Wolfe silently descends; mind made up; thoughts hushed quiet into one
great thought; in the ripple of the perpetual waters, under the grim
cliffs and the eternal stars. Conversing with his people, he was heard
to recite some passages of Gray's ELEGY, lately come out to those
parts; of which, says an ear-witness, he expressed his admiration to an
enthusiastic degree: "Ah, these are tones of the Eternal Melodies, are
not they? A man might thank Heaven had he such a gift; almost as WE
might for succeeding here, Gentlemen!" [Professor Robison, then a Naval
Junior, in the boat along with Wolfe, afterwards a well-known Professor
of Natural Philosophy at Edinburgh, was often heard, by persons whom I
have heard again, to repeat this Anecdote. See Playfair, BIOGRAPHICAL
ACCOUNT OF PROFESSOR ROBISON,--in _Transactions_ of Royal Society of
Edinburgh, vii. 495 et seq.] Next morning (Thursday, 13th September,
1759), Wolfe, with his 5,000, is found to have scrambled up by some
woody Neck in the heights, which was not quite precipitous; has trailed
one cannon with him, the seamen busy bringing up another; and by 10 of
the clock stands ranked (really somewhat in the Friedrich way, though
on a small scale); ready at all points for Montcalm, but refusing to be
over-ready.
Montcalm, on first hearing of him, had made haste: "OUI, JE LES VOIS OU
ILS NE DOIVENT PAS ETRE; JE VAIS LES E'CRASER (to smash them)!" said
he, by way of keeping his people in heart. And marches up, beautifully
skilful, neglecting none of his advantages. Has numerous Canadian
sharpshooters, preliminary Indians in the bushes, with a provoking fire:
"Steady!" orders Wolfe; "from you not one shot till they are within
thirty yards." And Montcalm, volleying and advancing, can get no
response, more than from Druidic stones; till at thirty yards the stones
become vocal,--and continue so at a dreadful rate; and, in a space
of seventeen minutes, have blown Montcalm's regulars, and the gallant
Montcalm himself, and their second in command, and their third, into
ruin and destruction. In about seven minutes more the agony was done;
"English falling on with the bayonet, Highlanders with the claymore;"
fierce pursuit, rout total:--and Quebec and Canada as good as finished.
The thing is yet well known to every Englishman; [The military details
of it seem to be very ill known (witness Colonel Beatson's otherwise
rather careful Pamphlet, THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, written quite lately,
which we are soon to cite farther); and they would well deserve
describing in the SEYFARTH-BEYLAGEN, or even in the TEMPELHOF
way,--could an English Officer, on the spot as this Colonel was, be
found to do it!--Details are in Beatson (quite another "Beatson"),
_Naval and Military History,_ ii. 300-308; in _Gentleman's Magazine_
for 1759, the Despatches and particulars: see also Walpole, _George the
Second,_ iii. 217-222.] and how Wolfe himself died in it, his beautiful
death.
Truly a bit of right soldierhood, this Wolfe. Manages his small
resources in a consummate manner; invents, contrives, attempts and
re-attempts, irrepressible by difficulty or discouragement, How could a
Friedrich himself have managed this Quebec in a more artistic way? The
small Battle itself, 5,000 to a side, and such odds of Savagery and
Canadians, reminds you of one of Friedrich's: wise arrangements; exact
foresight, preparation corresponding; caution with audacity; inflexible
discipline, silent till its time come, and then blazing out as we see.
The prettiest soldiering I have heard of among the English for several
generations. Amherst, Commander-in-chief, is diligently noosing, and
tying up, the French military settlements, Niagara, Ticonderoga; Canada
all round: but this is the heart or windpipe of it; keep this firm, and,
in the circumstances, Canada is yours.
Colonel Reatson, in his recent Pamphlet, THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM,--which,
especially on the military side, is distressingly ignorant and shallow,
though NOT intentionally incorrect anywhere,--gives Extracts from a
Letter of Montcalm's ("Quebec, 24th August, 1759"), which is highly
worth reading, had we room. It predicts to a hair's-breadth, not only
the way "M. Wolfe, if he understands his trade, will take to beat and
ruin me if we meet in fight;" but also,--with a sagacity singular to
look at, in the years 1775-1777, and perhaps still more in the years
1860-1863,--what will be the consequences to those unruly English,
Colonial and other. "If he beat me here, France has lost America
utterly," thinks Montcalm: "Yes;--and one's only consolation is, In ten
years farther, America will be in revolt against England!" Montcalm's
style of writing is not exemplary; but his power of faithful
observation, his sagacity, and talent of prophecy are so considerable,
we are tempted to give the IPSISSIMA VERBA of his long Letter in regard
to those two points,--the rather as it seems to have fallen much out of
sight in our day:--
MONTCALM TO A COUSIN IN FRANCE.
"CAMP BEFORE QUEBEC, 24th August, 1759.
"MONSIEUR ET CHER COUSIN,--Here I am, for more than three months past,
at handgrips with M. Wolfe; who ceases not day or night to bombard
Quebec, with a fury which is almost unexampled in the Siege of a Place
one intends to retain after taking it."... Will never take it in that
way, however, by attacking from the River or south shore; only ruins us,
but does not enrich himself. Not an inch nearer his object than he was
three months ago; and in one month more the equinoctial storms will
blow his Fleet and him away.--Quebec, then, and the preservation of
the Colony, you think, must be as good as safe?" Alas, the fact is
far otherwise. The capture of Quebec depends on what we call a
stroke-of-hand--[But let us take to the Original now, for Prediction
First]:--
"La prise de Quebec depend d'un coup de main. Les Anglais sont maitres
de la riviere: ils n'ont qu'a effectuer une descente sur la rive ou
cette Ville, sans fortifications et sans defense, est situee. Les voila
en etat de me presenter la bataille; que je ne pourrais plus refuser,
et que je ne devrais pas gagner. M. Wolfe, en effet, s'il entend son
metier, n'a qu'a essuyer le premier feu, venir ensuite a grands pas
sur mon armee, faire a bout portant sa decharge; mes Canadiens, sans
discipline, sourds a la voix du tambour et des instrumens militaires,
deranges pa cette escarre, ne sauront plus reprendre leurs rangs. Ils
sont d'ailleurs sans baionettes pour repondre a celles de l'ennemi: il
ne leur reste qu'a fuir,--et me voila battu sans ressource. [This is a
curiously exact Prediction! I won't survive, however; defeat here, in
this stage of our affairs, means loss of America altogether:] il est
des situations ou il ne reste plus a un General que de perir avec
honneur.... Mes sentimens sont francais, et ils le seront jusque dans le
tombeau, si dans le tombeau on est encore quelque chose.
"Je me consolerai du moins de ma defaite, et de la perte de la Colonie,
par l'intime persuasion ou je suis [Prediction Second, which is still
more curious], que cette defaite vaudra, un jour, a ma Patrie plus
qu'une victoire; et que le vainqueur, en s'agrandissant, trouvera un
tombeau dans son agrandissement meme.
"Ce que j'avance ici, mon cher Cousin, vous paraitra un paradoxe: mais
un moment de reflexion politique, un coup d'oeil sur la situation des
choses en Amerique, et la verite de mon opinion brillera dans tout son
jour. [Nobody will obey, unless necessity compel him: VOILA LES HOMMES;
GENE of any kind a nuisance to them; and of all men in the world LES
ANGLAIS are the most impatient of obeying anybody.] Mais si ce sont-la
les Anglais de l'Europe, c'est encore plus les Anglais d'Amerique.
Une grande partie de ces Colons sont les enfans de ces hommes qui
s'expatrierent dans ces temps de trouble ou l'ancienne Angleterre, en
proie aux divisions, etait attaquee dans ses privileges et droits; et
allerent chercher en Amerique une terre ou ils pussent vivre et mourir
libres et presque independants:--et ces enfans n'ont pas degenere des
sentimens republicains de leurs peres. D'autres sont des hommes
ennemis de tout frein, de tout assujetissement, que le gouvernement y
a transportes pour leurs crimes, D'autres, enfin, sont un ramas de
differentes nations de l'Europe, qui tiennent tres-peu a l'ancienne
Angleterre par le coeur et le sentiment; tous, en general, ne ce
soucient gueres du Roi ni du Parlement d'Angleterre.
"Je les connais bien,--non sur des rapports etrangers, mais sur
des correspondances et des informations secretes, que j'ai moi-meme
menagees; et dont, un jour, si Dieu me prete vie, je pourrai faire usage
a l'avantage de ma Patrie. Pour surcroit de bonheur pour eux, tous ces
Colons sont parvenues, dans un etat tres-florissant; ils sont nombreux
et riches:--ils recueillent dans le sein de leur patrie toutes les
necessites de la vie. L'ancienne Angleterre a ete assez sotte, et assez
dupe, pour leur laisser etablir chez eux les arts, les metiers, les
manufactures:--c'est a dire, qu'elle leur a laisse briser la chaine
de besoins qui les liait, qui les attachait a elle, et qui les fait
dependants. Aussi toutes ces Colonies Anglaises auraient-elles depuis
longtemps secoue le joug, chaque province aurait forme une petite
republique independante, si la crainte de voir les Francais a leur Porte
n'avait ete un frein qui les avait retenu. Maitres pour maitres, ils ont
pefere leurs compatriotes aux etrangers; prenant cependant pour maxime
de n'obeir que le moins qu'ils pourraient. Mais que le Canada vint a
etre conquis, et que les Canadiens et ces Colons ne fussent plus
qu'une seul peuple,--et la premiere occasion ou l'ancienne Angleterre
semblerait toucher a leurs interets, croyez-vous, mon cher Cousin, que
ces Colons obeiront? Et qu'auraient-ils a craindre en se revoltant?...
Je suis si sur de ce que j'ecris, que je ne donnerais pas dix ans apres
la conquete du Canada pour en voir l'accomplissement.
"Voila ce que, comme Francais, me console aujourd'hui du danger
imminent, que court ma Patrie, de voir cette Colonie perdue pour elle."
[In Beatson, Lieutenant-Colonel R.E., _The Plains of Abraham; Notes
original and selected_ (Gibraltar, Garrison Library Press, 1858), pp.
38 et seq.] Extract from _"Lettres de M. le Marquis de Montcalm a MM. De
Berryer et De la Mole:_ 1757-1759 (Londres, 1777),"--which is not in the
British-Museum Library, on applying; and seems to be a forgotten Book.
(NOTE OF FIRST EDITION, 1865.)
"A Copy is in the BOSTON ATHENAEUM LIBRARY, New-England: it is a
Pamphlet rather than a Book; contains Two Letters to Berryer MINISTRE
DE LA MARINE, besides this to Mole the Cousin: Publisher is the noted J.
Almon,--in French and English." (From _Boston Sunday Courier,_ of 19th
April, 1868, where this Letter is reproduced.)
In the Temple Library, London, I have since found a Copy: and, on
strict survey, am obliged to pronounce the whole Pamphlet a
FORGERY,--especially the Two Letters to "Berryer MINISTER OF MARINE;"
who was not yet Minister of anything, nor thought of as likely to be,
for many months after the date of these Letters addressed to him as
such! Internal evidence too, were such at all wanted, is abundant in
these BERRYER Letters; which are of gross and almost stupid structure in
comparison to the MOLE one. As this latter has already got into various
Books, and been argued of in Parliaments and high places (Lord Shelburne
asserting it to be spurious, Lord Mansfield to be genuine: REPORT OF
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES in _Gentleman's Magazine_ for NOVEMBER and for
DECEMBER, 1777, pp. 515, 560),--it may be allowed to continue here
in the CONDEMNED state. Forger, probably, some Ex-Canadian, or other
American ROYALIST, anxious to do the Insurgent Party and their British
Apologists an ill turn, in that critical year;--had shot off his
Pamphlet to voracious Almon; who prints without preface or criticism,
and even without correcting the press. (NOTE OF JULY, 1868.)
Montcalm had been in the Belleisle RETREAT FROM PRAG (December, 1742);
in the terrible EXILLES Business (July, 1747), where the Chevalier de
Belleisle and 4 or 5,000 lost their lives in about an hour. Captain
Cook was at Quebec, Master in the Royal Navy; "sounding the River,
and putting down buoys." Bougainville, another famous Navigator, was
Aide-de-Camp of Montcalm. There have been far-sounding Epics built
together on less basis than lies ready here, in this CAPTURE OF
QUEBEC;--which itself, as the Decision that America is to be English and
not French, is surely an Epoch in World-History! Montcalm was 48 when
he perished; Wolfe 33. Montcalm's skull is in the Ursulines Convent
at Quebec,--shown to the idly curious to this day. [Lieutenant-Colonel
Beatson, pp. 28, 15.]
It was on October 17th,--while Friedrich lay at Sophienthal, lamed
of gout, and Soltikof had privately fixed for home (went that day
week),--that this glorious bit of news reached England. It was only
three days after that other, bad and almost hopeless news, from the same
quarter; news of poor Wolfe's Repulse, on the other or eastern side
of Quebec, July 31st, known to us already, not known in England till
October 14th. Heightened by such contrast, the news filled all men with
a strange mixture of emotions. "The incidents of Dramatic Fiction,"
says one who was sharer in it, "could not have been conducted with more
address to lead an audience from despondency to sudden exultation, than
Accident had here prepared to excite the passions of a whole People.
They despaired; they triumphed; and they wept,--for Wolfe had fallen in
the hour of victory! Joy, grief, curiosity, astonishment, were
painted in every countenance: the more they inquired, the higher
their admiration rose. Not an incident but was heroic and affecting."
[Walpole, iii. 219.] America ours; but the noble Wolfe now not!
What Pitt himself said of these things, we do not much hear. On the
meeting of his Parliament, about a month hence, his Speech, somebody
having risen to congratulate and eulogize him, is still recognizably of
royal quality, if we evoke it from the Walpole Notes. Very modest, very
noble, true; and with fine pieties and magnanimities delicately audible
in it: "Not a week all Summer but has been a crisis, in which I have
not known whether I should not be torn to pieces, instead of being
commended, as now by the Honorable Member. The hand of Divine
Providence; the more a man is versed in business, the more he everywhere
traces that!... Success has given us unanimity, not unanimity success.
For my own poor share, I could not have dared as I have done, except in
these times. Other Ministers have hoped as well, but have not been so
circumstanced to dare so much.... I think the stone almost rolled to the
top of the hill; but let us have a care; it may rebound, and hideously
drag us down with it again." [Ib. iii. 225; Thackeray, i. 446.]
The essential truth, moreover, is, Pitt has become King of England;
so lucky has poor England, in its hour of crisis, again been. And
the difference between an England guided by some kind of Friedrich
(temporary Friedrich, absolute, though of insecure tenure), and by a
Newcastle and the Clack of Tongues, is very great! But for Pitt,
there had been no Wolfe, no Amherst; Duke Ferdinand had been the Royal
Highness of Cumberland,--and all things going round him in St. Vitus, at
their old rate. This man is a King, for the time being,--King really of
the Friedrich type;--and rules, Friedrich himself not more despotically,
where need is. Pitt's War-Offices, Admiralties, were not of themselves
quick-going entities; but Pitt made them go. Slow-paced Lords in Office
have remonstrated, on more than one occasion: "Impossible, Sir; these
things cannot be got ready at the time you order!" "My Lord, they
indispensably must," Pitt would answer (a man always reverent of coming
facts, knowing how inexorable they are); and if the Negative continued
obstinate in argument, he has been known to add: "My Lord, to the King's
service, it is a fixed necessity of time. Unless the time is kept, I
will impeach your Lordship!" Your Lordship's head will come to lie at
your Lordship's feet! Figure a poor Duke of Newcastle, listening to such
a thing;--and knowing that Pitt will do it; and that he can, such is his
favor with universal England;--and trembling and obeying. War-requisites
for land and for sea are got ready with a Prussian punctuality,--at what
multiple of the Prussian expense, is a smaller question for Pitt.
It is about eighteen months ago that Pownal, Governor of New England,
a kind of half-military person, not without sound sense, though sadly
intricate of utterance,--of whom Pitt, just entering on Office, has, I
suppose, asked an opinion on America, as men do of Learned Counsel on
an impending Lawsuit of magnitude,--had answered, in his long-winded,
intertwisted, nearly inextricable way, to the effect, "Sir, I incline to
fear, on the whole, that the Action will NOT lie,--that, on the
whole, the French will eat America from us in spite of our teeth." [In
THACKERAY, ii. 421-452, Pownal's intricate REPORT (his "DISCOURSE," or
whatever he calls it, "ON THE DEFENCE OF THE INLAND FRONTIERS," his &c.
&c.), of date "15th January, 1758."] January 15th, 1758, that is the
Pownal Opinion-of-Counsel;--and on September 13th, 1759, this is what
we have practically come to. And on September 7th, 1760: within twelve
months more,--Amherst, descending the Rapids from Ticonderoga side, and
two other little Armies, ascending from Quebec and Louisburg, to meet
him at Montreal, have proved punctual almost to an hour; and are in
condition to extinguish, by triple pressure (or what we call noosing),
the French Governor-General in Montreal, a Monsieur de Vaudreuil, and
his Montreal and his Canada altogether; and send the French bodily home
out of those Continents. [Capitulation between Amherst and Vaudreuil
("Montreal, 8th September, 1760"), in 55 Articles: in BEATSON, iii.
274-283.] Which may dispense us from speaking farther on the subject.
From the Madras region, too, from India and outrageous Lally, the news
are good. Early in Spring last, poor Lally,--a man of endless talent and
courage, but of dreadfully emphatic loose tongue, in fact of a blazing
ungoverned Irish turn of mind,--had instantly, on sight of some small
Succors from Pitt, to raise his siege of Madras, retire to Pondicherry;
and, in fact, go plunging and tumbling downhill, he and his India with
him, at an ever-faster rate, till they also had got to the Abyss. "My
policy is in these five words, NO ENGLISHMAN IN THIS PENINSULA," wrote
he, a year ago, on landing in India; and now it is to be No FRENCHMAN,
and there is one word in the five to be altered!--Of poor Lally, zealous
and furious over-much, and nearly the most unfortunate and worst-used
"man of genius" I ever read of, whose lion-like struggles against French
Official people, and against Pitt's Captains and their sea-fights and
siegings, would deserve a volume to themselves, we have said, and can
here say, as good as nothing,--except that they all ended, for Lally and
French India, in total surrender, 16th January, 1761; and that Lally,
some years afterwards, for toils undergone and for services done, got,
when accounts came to be liquidated, death on the scaffold. Dates I give
below. [28th April, 1758, Lands at Pondicherry; instantly proceeds
upon Fort St. David. 2d June, 1758, Takes it: meant to have gone now
on Madras; but finds he has no money;--goes extorting money from
Black Potentates about, Rajah of Travancore, &c., in a violent and
extraordinary style; and can get little. Nevertheless, 14th December,
1758, Lays Siege to Madras.]
16th February, 1759, Is obliged to quit trenches at Madras, and retire
dismally upon Pondicherry,--to mere indigence, mutiny ("ten mutinies"),
Official conspiracy, and chaos come again.
22d January, 1760, Makes outrush on Wandewash, and the English posted
there; is beaten, driven back into Pondicherry. April, 1760, Is besieged
in Pondicherry. 16th January, 1761, Is taken, Pondicherry, French India
and he;--to Madras he, lest the French Official party kill him, as they
attempt to do.
23d September, 1761, arrives, prisoner, in England: thence, on parole,
to France and Paris, 21st October. November, 1762, To Bastille; waits
trial nineteen months; trial lasts two years. 6th May, 1766, To be
BEHEADED,--9th May was. [See BEATSON, ii. 369-372, 96-110, &c.; Voltaire
(FRAGMENTS SUR L'INDE) in _OEuvres,_ xxix. 183-253; BIOGRAPHIC
UNIVERSELLE, Lally.]
"Gained Fontenoy for us," said many persons;--undoubtedly gained various
things for us, fought for us Berserkir-like on all occasions; hoped,
in the end, to be Marechal de France, and undertook a Championship of
India, which issues in this way! America and India, it is written,
are both to be Pitt's. Let both, if possible, remain silent to us
henceforth.
As to the Invasion-of-England Scheme, Pitt says he does not expect
the French will invade us; but if they do, he is ready. [Speech, 4th
November, supra.]