Chapter I.--PRELIMINARIES TO A FOURTH CAMPAIGN.

The posting of the Five Armies this Winter--Five of them in Germany, not

counting the Russians, who have vanished to Cimmeria over the horizon,

for their months of rest--is something wonderful, and strikes the

picturesque imagination. Such a Chain of Posts, for length, if for

nothing else! From the centre of Bohemia eastward, Daun's Austrians are

spread all round the western Silesian Border and the southeastern

Saxon; waited on by Prussians, in more or less proximity. Next are

the Reichsfolk; scattered over Thuringen and the Franconian Countries;

fronting partly into Hessen and Duke Ferdinand's outskirts:--the main

body of Duke Ferdinand is far to westward, in Munster Country, vigilant

upon Contades, with the Rhine between. Contades and Soubise,--adjoining

on the Reichsfolk are these Two French Armies: Soubise's, some 25,000,

in Frankfurt-Ems Country, between the Mayn and the Lahn, with its back

to the Rhine; then Contades, onward to Maes River and the Dutch Borders,

with his face to the Rhine,--and Duke Ferdinand observant of him on the

other side. That is the "CORDON of Posts" or winter-quarters this Year.

"From the Giant Mountains and the Metal Mountains, to the Ocean;--to the

mouth of Rhine," may we not say; "and back again to the Swiss Alps or

springs of Rhine, that Upper-Rhine Country being all either French or

Austrian, and a basis for Soubise?" [Archenholtz, i. 306.] Not to speak

of Ocean itself, and its winged War-Fleets, lonesomely hovering and

patrolling; or of the Americas and Indies beyond!

"This is such a Chain of mutually vigilant Winter-quarters," says

Archenholtz, "as was never drawn in Germany, or in Europe, before."

Chain of about 300,000 fighting men, poured out in that lengthy manner.

Taking their winter siesta there, asleep with one eye open, till

reinforced for new business of death and destruction against Spring.

Pathetic surely, as well as picturesque. "Three Campaigns there have

already been," sighs the peaceable observer: "Three Campaigns, surely

furious enough; Eleven Battles in them," [Stenzel, v. 185. This,

I suppose, would be his enumeration: LOBOSITZ (1756); PRAG, KOLIN,

Hastenbeck, Gross-Jagersdorf, ROSSBACH, Breslau, LEUTHEN, (1757);

Crefeld, ZORNDORF, HOCHKIRCH (1758): "eleven hitherto in all."] a Prag,

a Kolin, Leuthen, Rossbach;--must there still be others, then, to

the misery of poor mankind?" thus sigh many peaceful persons. Not

considering what are, and have been, the rages, the iniquities, the loud

and silent deliriums, the mad blindnesses and sins of mankind; and what

amount, of CALCINING these may reasonably take. Not calcinable in three

Campaigns at all, it would appear! Four more Campaigns are needed: then

there will be innocuous ashes in quantity; and a result unexpected, and

worth marking in World-History.

It is notably one of Friedrich's fond hopes,--of which he keeps up

several, as bright cloud-hangings in the haggard inner world he now

has,--that Peace is just at hand; one right struggle more, and Peace

must come! And on the part of Britannic George and him, repeated

attempts were made,--one in the end of this Year 1759;--but one and all

of them proved futile, and, unless for accidental reasons, need not be

mentioned here. Many men, in all nations, long for Peace; but there are

Three Women at the top of the world who do not; their wrath, various in

quality, is great in quantity, and disasters do the reverse of appeasing

it.

The French people, as is natural, are weary of a War which yields them

mere losses and disgraces; "War carried on for Austrian whims, which

likewise seem to be impracticable!" think they. And their Bernis

himself, Minister of Foreign Affairs, who began this sad French-Austrian

Adventure, has already been remonstrating with Kaunitz, and grumbling

anxiously, "Could not the Swedes, or somebody, be got to mediate? Such

a War is too ruinous!" Hearing which, the Pompadour is shocked at the

favorite creature of her hands; hastens to dismiss him ("Be Cardinal

then, you ingrate of a Bernis; disappear under that Red Hat!")--and

appoints, in his stead, one Choiseul (known hitherto as STAINVILLE,

Comte de Stainville, French Excellency at Vienna, but now made Duke on

this promotion), Duc de Choiseul; [Minister of Foreign Affairs,

"11th November, 1758" (Barbier, iv. 294).] who is a Lorrainer, or

Semi-Austrian, by very birth; and probably much fitter for the place. A

swift, impetuous kind of man, this Choiseul, who is still rather young

than otherwise; plenty of proud spirit in him, of shifts, talent of the

reckless sort; who proved very notable in France for the next twenty

years.

French trade being ruined withal, money is running dreadfully low:

but they appoint a new Controller-General; a M. de Silhouette, who is

thought to have an extraordinary creative genius in Finance. Had he but

a Fortunatus-Purse, how lucky were it! With Fortunatus Silhouette as

purse-holder, with a fiery young Choiseul on this hand, and a fiery

old Belleisle on that, Pompadour meditates great things this

Year,--Invasions of England; stronger German Armies; better German

Plans, and slashings home upon Hanover itself, or the vital point;--and

flatters herself, and her poor Louis, that there is on the anvil, for

1759, such a French Campaign as will perhaps astonish Pitt and another

insolent King. Very fixed, fell and feminine is the Pompadour's humor

in this matter. Nor is the Czarina's less so; but more, if possible;

unappeasable except by death. Imperial Maria Theresa has masculine

reasons withal; great hopes, too, of late. Of the War's ending till flat

impossibility stop it, there is no likelihood.

To Pitt this Campaign 1759, in spite of bad omens at the outset, proved

altogether splendid: but greatly the reverse on Friedrich's side; to

whom it was the most disastrous and unfortunate he had yet made, or did

ever make. Pitt at his zenith in public reputation; Friedrich never so

low before, nothing seemingly but extinction near ahead, when this Year

ended. The truth is, apart from his specific pieces of ill-luck, there

had now begun for Friedrich a new rule of procedure, which much altered

his appearance in the world. Thrice over had he tried by the aggressive

or invasive method; thrice over made a plunge at the enemy's heart,

hoping so to disarm or lame him: but that, with resources spent to such

a degree, is what he cannot do a fourth time: he is too weak henceforth

to think of that.

Prussia has always its King, and his unrivalled talent; but that is

pretty much the only fixed item: Prussia VERSUS France, Austria, Russia,

Sweden and the German Reich, what is it as a field of supplies for war!

Except its King, these are failing, year by year; and at a rate fatally

SWIFT in comparison. Friedrich cannot now do Leuthens, Rossbachs;

far-shining feats of victory, which astonish all the world. His fine

Prussian veterans have mostly perished; and have been replaced by new

levies and recruits; who are inferior both in discipline and native

quality;--though they have still, people say, a noteworthy taste of the

old Prussian sort in them; and do, in fact, fight well to the last. But

"it is observable," says Retzow somewhere, and indeed it follows from

the nature of the case, "that while the Prussian Army presents always

its best kind of soldiers at the beginning of a war, Austria, such are

its resources in population, always improves in that particular, and its

best troops appear in the last campaigns." In a word, Friedrich stands

on the defensive henceforth; disputing his ground inch by inch: and is

reduced, more and more, to battle obscurely with a hydra-coil of enemies

and impediments; and to do heroisms which make no noise in the Gazettes.

And, alas, which cannot figure in History either,--what is more a sorrow

to me here!

Friedrich, say all judges of soldiership and human character who have

studied Friedrich sufficiently, "is greater than ever," in these four

Years now coming. [Berenhorst, in _Kriegskunst;_ Retzow; &c.] And

this, I have found more and more to be a true thing; verifiable and

demonstrable in time and place,--though, unluckily for us, hardly in

this time or this place at all! A thing which cannot, by any method,

be made manifest to the general reader; who delights in shining

summary feats, and is impatient of tedious preliminaries and

investigations,--especially of MAPS, which are the indispensablest

requisite of all. A thing, in short, that belongs peculiarly to

soldier-students; who can undergo the dull preliminaries, most dull but

most inexorably needed; and can follow out, with watchful intelligence,

and with a patience not to be wearied, the multifarious topographies,

details of movements and manoeuvrings, year after year, on such a

Theatre of War. What is to be done with it here! If we could, by

significant strokes, indicate, under features true so far as they went,

the great wide fire-flood that was raging round the world; if we could,

carefully omitting very many things, omit of the things intelligible and

decipherable that concern Friedrich himself, nothing that had meaning:

IF indeed--! But it is idle preluding. Forward again, brave reader,

under such conditions as there are!

Friedrich's Winter in Breslau was of secluded, silent, sombre character,

this time; nothing of stir in it but from work only: in marked contrast

with the last, and its kindly visitors and gayeties. A Friedrich given

up to his manifold businesses, to his silent sorrows. "I have passed my

winter like a Carthusian monk," he writes to D'Argens: "I dine alone; I

spend my life in reading and writing; and I do not sup. When one is sad,

it becomes at last too burdensome to hide one's grief continually; and

it is better to give way to it by oneself, than to carry one's gloom

into society. Nothing solaces me but the vigorous application required

in steady and continuous labor. This distraction does force one to put

away painful ideas, while it lasts: but, alas, no sooner is the work

done, than these fatal companions present themselves again, as if

livelier than ever. Maupertuis was right: the sum of evil does certainly

surpass that of good:--but to me it is all one; I have almost nothing

more to lose; and my few remaining days, what matters it much of what

complexion they be?" ["Breslau, 1st March, 1759," To D'Argens (_OEuvres

de Frederic,_ xix. 56).]

The loss of his Wilhelmina, had there been no other grief, has darkened

all his life to Friedrich. Readers are not prepared for the details of

grief we could give, and the settled gloom of mind they indicate. A loss

irreparable and immeasurable; the light of life, the one loved heart

that loved him, gone. His passionate appeals to Voltaire to celebrate

for him in verse his lost treasure, and at least make her virtues

immortal, are perhaps known to readers: [ODE SUR LA MORT DE S. A. S.

MADAME LA PRINCESSE DE BAREITH (in _OEuvres de Voltaire,_ xviii. 79-86):

see Friedrich's Letter to him (6th November, 1758); with Voltaire's

VERSES in Answer (next month); Friedrich's new Letter (Breslau, 23d

January 1759), demanding something more,--followed by the ODE just

cited (Ib. lxxii. 402; lxxviii. 82, 92; or _OEuvres de Frederic,_

xxiii. 20-24: &c.) alas, this is a very feeble kind of immortality, and

Friedrich too well feels it such. All Winter he dwells internally on the

sad matter, though soon falling silent on it to others.

The War is ever more dark and dismal to him; a wearing, harassing,

nearly disgusting task; on which, however, depends life or death. This

Year, he "expects to have 300,000 enemies upon him;" and "is, with his

utmost effort, getting up 150,000 to set against them." Of business,

in its many kinds, there can be no lack! In the intervals he also wrote

considerably: one of his Pieces is a SERMON ON THE LAST JUDGMENT; handed

to Reader De Catt, one evening:--to De Catt's surprise, and to ours; the

Voiceless in a dark Friedrich trying to give itself some voice in this

way! [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xv. 1-10 (see Preuss's PREFACE there;

Formey, _SOUVENIRS,_ i. 37; &c. &c.)] Another Piece, altogether

practical, and done with excellent insight, brevity, modesty, is ON

TACTICS; [REFLEXIONS SUR LA TACTIQUE: in _OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxviii.

153-166.]--properly it might be called, "Serious very Private Thoughts,"

thrown on paper, and communicated only to two or three, "On the new kind

of Tactics necessary with those Austrians and their Allies," who are

in such overwhelming strength. "To whose continual sluggishness, and

strange want of concert, to whose incoherency of movements, languor of

execution, and other enormous faults, we have owed, with some excuse for

our own faults, our escaping of destruction hitherto,"--but had better

NOT trust that way any longer! Fouquet is one of the highly select,

to whom he communicates this Piece; adding along with it, in Fouquet's

case, an affectionate little Note, and, in spite of poverty, some

New-year's Gift, as usual,--the "Widow's Mite [300 pounds, we find];

receive it with the same heart with which it was set apart for you: a

small help, which you may well have need of, in these calamitous times."

["Breslau, 23d December, 1758;" with Fouquet's Answer, 2d January, 1759:

in _OEuvres de Frederic,_ xx. 114-117.] Fouquet much admires the new

Tactical Suggestions;--seems to think, however, that the certainly

practicable one is, in particular, the last, That of "improving our

Artillery to some equality with theirs." For which, as may appear, the

King has already been taking thought, in more ways than one.

Finance is naturally a heavy part of Friedrich's Problem; the part which

looks especially impossible, from our point of vision! In Friedrich's

Country, the War Budget does not differ from the Peace one. Neither is

any borrowing possible; that sublime Art, of rolling over on you know

not whom the expenditure, needful or needless, of your heavy-laden self,

had not yet--though England is busy at it--been invented among Nations.

Once, or perhaps twice, from the STANDE of some willing Province,

Friedrich negotiated some small Loan; which was punctually repaid when

Peace came, and was always gratefully remembered. But these are as

nothing, in face of such expenses; and the thought how he did contrive

on the Finance side, is and was not a little wonderful. An ingenious

Predecessor, whom I sometimes quote, has expressed himself in these

words:--

"Such modicum of Subsidy [he is speaking of the English Subsidy in

1758], how useful will it prove in a Country bred everywhere to Spartan

thrift, accustomed to regard waste as sin, and which will lay out no

penny except to purpose! I guess the Prussian Exchequer is, by this

time, much on the ebb; idle precious metals tending everywhere towards

the melting-pot. At what precise date the Friedrich-Wilhelm balustrades,

and enormous silver furnitures, were first gone into, Dryasdust has

not informed me: but we know they all went; as they well might. To me

nothing is so wonderful as Friedrich's Budget during this War. One day

it will be carefully investigated, elucidated and made conceivable and

certain to mankind: but that as yet is far from being the case. We

walk about in it with astonishment; almost, were it possible, with

incredulity. Expenditure on this side, work done on that: human nature,

especially British human nature, refuses to conceive it. Never in this

world, before or since, was the like. The Friedrich miracles in War are

great; but those in Finance are almost greater. Let Dryasdust bethink

him; and gird his flabby loins to this Enterprise; which is very

behooveful in these Californian times!"--

The general Secret of Prussian Thrift, I do fear, is lost from the

world. And how an Army of about 200,000, in field and garrison, could

be kept on foot, and in some ability to front combined Europe, on about

Three Million Sterling annually ("25 million THALERS"=3,150,000

pounds, that is the steady War-Budget of those years), remains to us

inconceivable enough;--mournfully miraculous, as it were; and growing

ever more so in the Nugget-generations that now run. Meanwhile, here are

what hints I could find, on the Origins of that modest Sum, which also

are a wonder: [Preuss, ii. 388-392; Stenzel, v. 137-141.]--

"The hoarded Prussian Moneys, or 'TREASURES' [two of them, KLEINE

SCHATZ, GROSSE SCHATZ, which are rigidly saved in Peace years, for

incidence of War], being nearly run out, there had come the English

Subsidy: this, with Saxony, and the Home revenues and remnants of SCHATZ

had sufficed for 1758; but will no longer suffice. Next to Saxony,

the English Subsidy (670,000 pounds due the second time this year) was

always Friedrich's principal resource: and in the latter years of the

War, I observe, it was nearly twice the amount of what all his Prussian

Countries together, in their ravaged and worn-out state, could yield

him. In and after 1759, besides Home Income, which is gradually

diminishing, and English Subsidy, which is a steady quantity,

Friedrich's sources of revenue are mainly Two:--

"FIRST, there is that of wringing money from your Enemies, from those

that have deserved ill of you,--such of them as you can come at.

Enemies, open or secret, even Ill-wishers, we are not particular,

provided only they lie within arm's-length. Under this head fall

principally three Countries (and their three poor Populations, in lieu

of their Governments): Saxony, Mecklenburg (or the main part of it,

Mecklenburg-SCHWERIN), and Anhalt; from these three there is a continual

forced supply of money and furnishings. Their demerits to Friedrich

differ much in intensity; nor is his wringing of them--which in the

cases of Mecklenburg and Saxony increases year by year to the nearly

intolerable pitch--quite in the simple ratio of their demerits; but in a

compound ratio of that and of his indignation and of his wants.

"Saxony, as Prime Author of this War, was from the first laid hold of,

collared tightly: 'Pay the shot, then, what you can' (in the end it was

almost what you cannot)! As to Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the grudge against

Prussia was of very old standing, some generations now; and the present

Duke, not a very wise Sovereign more than his Ancestors, had always

been ill with Friedrich; willing to spite and hurt him when possible:

in Reichs Diet he, of all German Princes, was the first that voted for

Friedrich's being put to Ban of the Reich,--he; and his poor People know

since whether that was a wise step! The little Anhalt Princes, too,

all the Anhalts, Dessau, Bernburg, Cothen, Zerbst [perhaps the latter

partially excepted, for a certain Russian Lady's sake], had voted, or

at least had ambiguously half-voted, in favor of the Ban, and done other

unfriendly things; and had now to pay dear for their bits of enmities.

Poor souls, they had but One Vote among them all Four;--and they only

half gave it, tremulously pulling it back again. I should guess it was

their terrors mainly, and over-readiness to reckon Friedrich a sinking

ship; and to leap from the deck of him,--with a spurn which he took for

insolent! The Anhalt-Dessauers particularly, who were once of his very

Army, half Prussians for generations back, he reckoned to have used him

scandalously ill.

"This Year the requisition on the Four Anhalts--which they submit to

patiently, as people who have leapt into the wrong ship--is, in precise

tale: of money, 330,000 thalers (about 50,000 pounds); recruits, 2,200;

horses, 1,800. In Saxony, besides the fixed Taxes, strict confiscation

of Meissen Potteries and every Royalty, there were exacted heavy

'Contributions,' more and more heavy, from the few opulent Towns,

chiefly from Leipzig; which were wrung out, latterly, under great

severities,--'chief merchants of Leipzig all clapt in prison, kept

on bread-and-water till they yielded,'--AS great severities as would

suffice, but NOT greater; which also was noted. Unfortunate chief

merchants of Leipzig,--with Bruhl and Polish Majesty little likely to

indemnify them! Unfortunate Country altogether. An intelligent Saxon,

who is vouched for as impartial, bears witness as follows: 'And this

I know, that the oppressions and plunderings of the Austrians and

Reichsfolk, in Saxony, turned all hearts away from them; and it was

publicly said, We had rather bear the steady burden of the Prussians

than such help as these our pretended Deliverers bring.' [Stenzel

(citing from KRIEGSKANZLEI, which I have not), v. 137 n.] Whereby, on

the whole, the poor Country got its back broken, and could never look up

in the world since. Resource FIRST was abundantly severe.

"Resource SECOND is strangest of all;--and has given rise to criticism

enough! It is no other than that of issuing base money; mixing your gold

and silver coin with copper,--this, one grieves to say, is the Second

and extreme resource. A rude method--would we had a better--of

suspending Cash-payments, and paying by bank-notes instead!' thinks

Friedrich, I suppose. From his Prussian Mints, from his Saxon [which are

his for the present], and from the little Anhalt-Bernburg Mint [of which

he expressly purchased the sad privilege,--for we are not a Coiner,

we are a King reduced to suspend Cash-payments, for the time being],

Friedrich poured out over all Germany, in all manner of kinds, huge

quantities of bad Coin. This, so long as it would last, is more and

more a copious fountain of supply. This, for the first time, has had to

appear as an item in War-Budget 1759: and it fails in no following,

but expands more and more. It was done through Ephraim, the not lovely

Berlin Jew, whom we used to hear of in Voltaire's time;--through Ephraim

and two others, Ephraim as President: in return for a net Sum, these

shall have privilege to coin such and such amounts, so and so alloyed;

shall pay to General Tauentzien, Army Treasurer, at fixed terms, the

Sums specified: 'Go, and do it; our Mint-Officers sharply watching you;

Mint-Officers, and General Tauentzien [with a young Herr Lessing, as

his Chief Clerk, of whom the King knows nothing]; Go, ye unlovely!' And

Ephraim and Company are making a great deal of money by the unlovely

job. Ephraim is the pair of tongs, the hand, and the unlovely job, are a

royal man's. Alas, yes. And none of us knows better than King Friedrich,

perhaps few of us as well, how little lovely a job it was; how

shockingly UNkingly it was,--though a practice not unknown to German

Kings and Kinglets before his time, and since down almost to ours. [In

STENZEL (v. 141) enumeration of eight or nine unhappy Potentates, who

were busy with it in those same years.] In fact, these are all unkingly

practices;--and the English Subsidy itself is distasteful to a proud

Friedrich: but what, in those circumstances, can any Friedrich do?

"The first coinages of Ephraim had, it seems, in them about 3-7ths of

copper; something less than the half, and more than the third,"--your

gold sovereign grown to be worth 28s. 6d. "But yearly it grew worse; and

in 1762 [English Subsidy having failed] matters had got inverted;

and there was three times as much copper as silver. Commerce, as was

natural, went rocking and tossing, as on a sea under earthquakes; but

there was always ready money among Friedrich's soldiers, as among no

other: nor did the common people, or retail purchasers, suffer by it.

'Hah, an Ephraimite!' they would say, grinning not ill-humoredly, at

sight of one of these pieces; some of which they had more specifically

named 'BLUE-GOWNS' [owing to a tint of blue perceivable, in spite of

the industrious plating in real silver, or at least "boiling in

some solution" of it]; these they would salute with this rhyme, then

current:--

"Von aussen schon, van innen schlimm;

Von aussen Friedrich, von innen Ephraim.

Outside noble, inside slim:

Outside Friedrich, inside Ephraim.

"By this time, whatever of money, from any source, can be scraped

together in Friedrich's world, flows wholly into the Army-Chest, as the

real citadel of life. In these latter years of the War, beginning, I

could guess, from 1759, all Civil expenditures, and wages of Officials,

cease to be paid in money; nobody of that kind sees the color even of

bad coin; but is paid only in 'Paper Assignments,' in Promises to Pay

'after the Peace.' These Paper Documents made no pretence to the rank of

Currency: such holders of them as had money, or friends, and could wait,

got punctual payment when the term did arrive; but those that could

not, suffered greatly; having to negotiate their debentures on

ruinous terms,--sometimes at an expense of three-fourths.--I will

add Friedrich's practical Schedule of Amounts from all these various

Sources; and what Friedrich's own view of the Sources was, when he could

survey them from the safe distance.

"SCHEDULE OF AMOUNTS [say for 1761]. To make up the Twenty-five Million

thalers, necessary for the Army, there are:--

"From our Prussian Countries, ruined, harried as THALERS

they have been,.......... 4 millions only.

From Saxony and the other Wringings, ..... 7 millions.

English Subsidy (4 of good gold; becoppered

into double),........... 8 "

From Ephraim and his Farm of the Mint

(MUNZ-PATENT), .......... 7 "

In sum Twenty-six Millions; leaving you one Million of margin,--and

always a plenty of cash in hand for incidental sundries. [Preuss, ii.

388.]

"Friedrich's own view of these sad matters, as he closes his _History

of the Seven-Years War_ [at "Berlin, 17th December, 1763"], is in these

words: 'May Heaven grant,--if Heaven deign to look down on the paltry

concerns of men,--that the unalterable and flourishing destiny of this

Country preserve the Sovereigns who shall govern it from the scourges

and calamities which Prussia has suffered in these times of trouble and

subversion; that they may never again be forced to recur to the violent

and fatal remedies which we (L'ON) have been obliged to employ in

maintenance of the State against the ambitious hatred of the Sovereigns

of Europe, who wished to annihilate the House of Brandenburg, and

exterminate from the world whatever bore the Prussian name!'" [_OEuvres

de Frederic,_ v. 234.]

OF THE SMALL-WAR IN SPRING, 1759. THERE ARE FIVE DISRUPTIONS OF THAT

GRAND CORDON (February-April); AND FERDINAND OF BRUNSWICK FIGHTS HIS

BATTLE OF BERGEN (April 13th).

Friedrich, being denied an aggressive course this Year, by no means

sits idly expectant and defensive in the interim; but, all the more

vigorously, as is observable, from February onwards, strikes out from

him on every side: endeavoring to spoil the Enemy's Magazines, and

cripple his operations in that way. So that there was, all winter

through, a good deal of Small-War (some of it not Small), of more

importance than usual,--chiefly of Friedrich's originating, with the

above view, or of Ferdinand his Ally's, on a still more pressing score.

And, on the whole, that immense Austrian-French Cordon, which goes from

the Carpathians to the Ocean, had by no means a quiet time; but was

broken into, and violently hurled back, in different parts: some four,

or even five, attacks upon it in all; three of them by Prince Henri,--in

two of which Duke Ferdinand's people co-operated; the business being for

mutual behoof. These latter Three were famous in the world, that Winter;

and indeed are still recognizable as brilliant procedures of their kind;

though, except dates and results, we can afford almost nothing of them

here. These Three, intended chiefly against Reichs people and their

Posts and Magazines, fell out on the western and middle part of

the Cordon. Another attack was in the extreme eastward, and was for

Friedrich's own behoof; under Fouquet's management;--intended against

the Austrian-Moravian Magazines and Preparations, but had little

success. Still another assault, or invasive outroad, northward against

the Russian Magazines, there also was; of which by and by. Besides all

which, and more memorable than all, Duke Ferdinand, for vital reasons of

his own, fought a Battle this Spring, considerable Battle, and did NOT

gain it; which made great noise in the world.

It is not necessary the reader should load his memory with details of

all these preliminary things; on the contrary, it is necessary that he

keep his memory clear for the far more important things that lie ahead

of these, and entertain these in a summary way, as a kind of foreground

to what is coming. Perhaps the following Fractions of Note, which put

matters in something of Chronological or Synoptical form, will suffice

him, or more than suffice. He is to understand that the grand tug of

War, this Year, gradually turns out not to be hereabouts, nor with Daun

and his adjacencies at all, but with the Russians, who arrive from the

opposite Northern quarter; and that all else will prove to be merely

prefatory and nugatory in comparison.

JANUARY 2d, 1759: FRANKFURT-ON-MAYN, THOUGH IT IS A REICHSTADT, FINDS

ITSELF SUDDENLY BECOME FRENCH. "Prince de Soubise lies between Mayn and

Lahn, with his 25,000; beautifully safe and convenient,--though ill off

for a place-of-arms in those parts. Opulent Frankfurt, on his right; how

handy would that be, were not Reichs Law so express! Marburg, Giessen

are outposts of his; on which side one of Ferdinand's people, Prince von

Ysenburg, watches him with an 8 or 10,000, capable of mischief in that

quarter.

"On the Eve of New-year's day, or on the auspicious Day itself, Soubise

requests, of the Frankfurt Authorities, permission for a regiment of his

to march through that Imperial City. To which, by law and theory, the

Imperial City can say Yes or No; but practically cannot, without grave

inconvenience, say other than Yes, though most Frankfurters wish it

could. 'Yes,' answer the Frankfurt Magnates; Yes surely, under the known

conditions. Tuesday, January 2d, about 5 in the morning, while all is

still dark in Frankfurt, regiment Nassau appears, accordingly, at the

Sachsenhausen Gate, Town-guard people all ready to receive it and escort

it through; and is admitted as usual. Quite as usual: but instead

of being escorted through, it orders, in calm peremptory voice, the

Town-guard, To ground arms; with calm rapidity proceeds to admit ten

other regiments or battalions, six of them German; seizes the artillery

on the Walls, seizes all the other Gates:--and poor Frankfurt finds

itself tied hand and foot, almost before it is out of bed! Done with

great exactitude, with the minimum of confusion, and without a hurt skin

to anybody. The Inhabitants stood silent, gazing; the Town-guard laid

down their arms, and went home. Totally against Law; but cleverly done;

perhaps Soubise's chief exploit in the world; certainly the one real

success the French have yet had.

"Soubise made haste to summon the Magistrates: 'Law of Necessity alone,

most honored Sirs! Reichs Law is clear against me. But all the more

shall private liberties, religions, properties, in this Imperial

Free-Town, be sacred to us. Defence against any aggression: and the

strictest discipline observed. Depend on me, I bid you!'--And kept his

word to an honorable degree, they say; or in absence, made it be kept,

during the Four Years that follow. Most Frankfurters are, at heart,

Anti-French: but Soubise's affability was perfect; and he gave evening

parties of a sublime character; the Magistrates all appearing there, in

their square perukes and long gowns, with a mournful joy." [Tempelhof,

iii. 7-8; Stenzel, v. 198-200.]

Soubise soon went home, to assist in important businesses,--Invasion of

England, no less; let England look to itself this Summer!--and Broglio

succeeded him, as Army-Captain in the Frankfurt parts; with laurels

accruing, more or less. Soubise, like Broglio, began with Rossbach;

Soubise ends with Frankfurt, for the present; where Broglio also gains

his chief laurels, as will shortly be seen. Frankfurt is a great gain to

France, though an illicit one. It puts a bar on Duke Ferdinand in that

quarter; secures a starting-point for attacks on Hessen, Hanover; for

co-operation with Contades and the Lower Rhine. It is the one success

France has yet had in this War, or pretty much that it ever had in it.

Due to Prince de Soubise, in that illegal fashion.--A highly remarkable

little Boy, now in his tenth year, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, has his

wondering eyes on these things: and, short while hence, meets daily, on

the stairs and lobbies at home, a pleasant French Official Gentlemen who

is quartered there; between whom and Papa occur rubs,--as readers may

remember, and shall hear in April coming.

GRAND CORDON DISRUPTED: ERFURT COUNTRY, 16th FEBRUARY-2d MARCH. "About

six weeks after this Frankfurt achievement, certain Reichsfolk and

Austrian Auxiliaries are observed to be cutting down endless timber,

'18,800 palisades, 6,000 trees of 60 feet,' and other huge furnishings,

from the poor Duke of Gotha's woods; evidently meaning to fortify

themselves in Erfurt. Upon which Prince Henri detaches a General

Knobloch thitherward, Duke Ferdinand contributing 4,000 to meet him

there; which combined expedition, after some sharp knocking and shoving,

entirely disrooted the Austrians and Reichsfolk, and sent them packing.

Had them quite torn out by the end of the month; and had planned to

'attack them on two sides at once' (March 2d), with a view of swallowing

them whole,--when they (these Reichs Volscians, in such a state of

flutter) privately hastened off, one and all of them, the day before."

[Narrative, in _Helden-Geschichte,_ v. 1022 et seq.]

This was BREAKAGE FIRST of the Grand Cordon; an explosive hurling of

it back out of those Erfurt parts. Done by Prince Henri's people, in

concert with Duke Ferdinand's,--who were mutually interested in the

thing.

BREAKAGE SECOND: ERFURT-FULDA COUNTRY, 31st MARCH-8th APRIL. "About the

end of March, these intrusive Austrian Reichsfolk made some attempt to

come back into those Countries; but again got nothing but hard knocks;

and gave up the Erfurt project. For, close following on this FIRST,

there was a SECOND still deeper and rougher Breakage, in those same

regions; the Hereditary Prince of Brunswick dashing through, on a

special Errand of Ferdinand's own [of which presently], with an 8 or

10,000, in his usual fiery manner; home into the very bowels of the

Reich (April 3d, and for a week onward); and returning with 'above

2,000 prisoners' in hand; especially with a Reich well frightened behind

him;--still in time for Duke Ferdinand's Adventure [in fact, for his

Battle of Bergen, of which we are to hear]. Had been well assisted by

Prince Henri, who 'made dangerous demonstrations in the distance,' and

was extremely diligent--though the interest was chiefly Ferdinand's this

time." [Tempelhof, iii. 19-22.]--Contemporary with that FIRST Erfurt

Business, there went on, 300 miles away from it, in the quite opposite

direction, another of the same;--too curious to be omitted.

ACROSS THE POLISH FRONTIER: FEBRUARY, 24th-MARCH 4th. "In the end of

February, General Wobersnow, an active man, was detached from Glogau,

over into Poland, Posen way, To overturn the Russian provision

operations thereabouts; in particular, to look into a certain

high-flying Polack, a Prince Sulkowski of those parts; who with all

diligence is gathering food, in expectation of the Russian advent; and

indeed has formally 'declared War against the King of Prussia;' having

the right, he says, as a Polish Magnate, subject only to his own

high thought in such affairs. The Russians and their wars are dear to

Sulkowski. He fell prisoner in their cause, at Zorndorf, last Autumn;

was stuck, like all the others, Soltikoff himself among them, into the

vaulted parts of Custrin Garrison: 'I am sorry I have no Siberia for

you,' said Friedrich, looking, not in a benign way, on the captive

Dignitaries, that hot afternoon; 'go to Custrin, and see what you have

provided for yourselves!' Which they had to do; nothing, for certain

days, but cellarage to lodge in; King inexorable, deaf to remonstrance.

Which possibly may have contributed to kindle Sulkowski into these

extremely high proceedings.

"At any rate, Wobersnow punctually looks in upon him: seizes his

considerable stock of Russian proviants; his belligerent force, his high

person itself; and in one luckless hour snuffs him out from the list

of potentates. His belligerent force, about 1,000 Polacks, were all

compelled, 'by the cudgel, say my authorities, to take Prussian service

[in garrison regiments, and well scattered about, I suppose]; his

own high person found itself sitting locked in Glogau, left to its

reflections. Sat thus 'till the War ended,' say some; certainly till

the Sulkowski War had been sufficiently exploded by the laughter of

mankind." Here are, succinctly, the dates of this small memorability:--

"End of February, Wobersnow gathers, at Glogau, a force of about 8,000

horse and foot. Marches, 24th FEBRUARY, over Oder Bridge, straight

into Poland; that same night, to the neighborhood of Lissa and Reisen

(Sulkowski's dominion), about thirty miles northeast of Glogau.

Sulkowski done next day;--part of the capture is 'fifteen small guns.'

Wobersnow goes, next, for Posen; arrives, 28th FEBRUARY; destroys

Russian Magazine, ransoms Jews. Shoots out other detachments on the

Magazine Enterprise;--detaches Platen along the Warta, where are picked

up various items, among others 'eighty tuns of brandy,'--but himself

proceeds no farther than Posen. MARCH 4th, sets out again from Posen,

homewards." [NACHRICHT VON DER UNTERNEHMUNG DES GENERAL-MAJORS VON

WOBERSNOW IN POLEN, IM FEB. UND MARZ. 1759: in Seyfarth, _Beylagen,_ ii.

526-529. _Helden-Geschichte,_ v. 829.] We shall hear again of Wobersnow,

in a much more important way, before long.

To the Polish Republic so called, Friedrich explained politely, not

apologetically: "Since you allow the Russians to march through you in

attack of me, it is evident to your just minds that the attacked party

must have similar privilege." "Truly!" answered they, in their just

minds, generally; and I made no complaint about Sulkowski (though Polish

Majesty and Primate endeavored to be loud about "Invasion" and the

like):--and indeed Polish Republic was lying, for a long while past, as

if broken-backed, on the public highway, a Nation anarchic every fibre

of it, and under the feet and hoofs of travelling Neighbors, especially

of Russian Neighbors; and is not now capable of saying much for itself

in such cases, or of doing anything at all.

FRANKFURT COUNTRY, APRIL 13th: DUKE FERDINAND'S BATTLE OF BERGEN. "Duke

Ferdinand, fully aware what a stroke that seizure of Frankfurt was to

him, resolved to risk a long march at this bad season, and attempt

to drive the French out. Contades was absent in Paris,--no fear of an

attack from Contades's Army; Broglio's in Frankfurt, grown now to about

35,000, can perhaps be beaten if vigorously attacked. Ferdinand appoints

a rendezvous at Fulda, of various Corps, Prince Ysenburg's and others,

that lie nearest, Hessians many of them, Hanoverians others; proceeds,

himself, to Fulda, with a few attendants [a drive of about 200

miles];--having left Lord George Sackville [mark the sad name

of him!]--Sackville, head of the English, and General Sporken, a

Hanoverian,--to take charge in Munster Country, during his absence. It

was from Fulda that he shot out the Hereditary Prince on that important

Errand we lately spoke of, under the head of 'BREAKAGE SECOND,'--namely,

to clear his right flank, and scare the Reich well off him, while he

should be marching on Frankfurt. All which, Henri assisting from the

distance, the Hereditary Prince performed to perfection,--and was back

(APRIL 8th) in excellent time for the Battle.

"Ferdinand stayed hardly a day in Fulda, ranking himself and getting on

the road. Did his long march of above 100 miles without accident or loss

of time;--of course, scaring home the Broglio Outposts in haste enough,

and awakening Broglio's attention in a high degree;--and arrives,

Thursday, April 12th, at Windecken, a Village about fifteen miles

northeast of Frankfurt; where he passes the night under arms; intending

Battle on the morrow. Broglio is all assembled, 35,000 strong; his

Assailant, with the Hereditary Prince come in, counts rather under

30,000. Broglio is posted in, and on both sides of, Bergen, a high-lying

Village, directly on Ferdinand's road to Frankfurt. Windecken is about

fifteen miles from Frankfurt; Bergen about six:--idle Tourists of our

time, on their return from Homburg to that City, leave Bergen a little

on their left. The ground is mere hills, woody dales, marshy brooks;

Broglio's position, with its Village, and Hill, and ravines and

advantages, is the choicest of the region; and Broglio's methods,

procedures and arrangements in it are applauded by all judges.

"FRIDAY, 13th APRIL, 1759, Ferdinand is astir by daybreak; comes on,

along one of those woody balleys, pickeering, reconnoitring;--in the

end, directly up the Hill of Bergen; straight upon the key-point. It is

about 10 A.M., when the batteries and musketries awaken there; very loud

indeed, for perhaps two hours or more. Prince von Ysenburg is leader of

Ferdinand's attacking party. Their attack is hot and fierce, and they

stick to it steadily; though garden-hedges, orchards and impediments are

many, and Broglio, with, much cannon helping, makes vigorous defence.

These Ysenburgers fought till their cartridges were nearly spent, and

Ysenburg himself lay killed; but could not take Bergen. Nor could the

Hereditary Prince; who, in aid of them, tried it in flank, with his own

usual impetuosity rekindling theirs, and at first with some success; but

was himself taken in flank by Broglio's Reserve, and obliged to desist.

No getting of Bergen by that method.

"Military critics say coolly, 'You should have smashed it well with

cannon, first [which Ferdinand had not in stock here]; and especially

have flung grenadoes into it, till it was well in flame: impossible

otherwise!' [Mauvillon, ii. 19.] The Ysenburgers and Hereditary Prince

withdraw. No pursuit of them; or almost less than none; for the one or

two French regiments that tried it (against order), nearly got cut up.

Broglio, like a very Daun at Kolin, had strictly forbidden all such

attempts: 'On no temptation quit your ground!'

"The Battle, after this, lay quiet all afternoon; Ferdinand still in

sight; motioning much, to tempt French valor into chasing of him. But

all in vain: Broglio, though his subalterns kept urging, remonstrating,

was peremptory not to stir. Whereupon, towards evening, across certain

woody Heights, perhaps still with some hope of drawing him out,

Ferdinand made some languid attempt on Broglio's wing, or wings;--and

this also failing, had to give up the affair. He continued cannonading

till deep in the night; withdrew to Windecken: and about two next

morning, marched for home,--still with little or no pursuit: but without

hope of Frankfurt henceforth. And, in fact, has a painful Summer ahead.

"Ferdinand had lost 5 cannon, and of killed and wounded 2,500; the

French counted their loss at about 1,900. [Mauvillon, ii. 10-19;

Tempelhof, iii. 26-31.] The joy of France over this immense victory was

extraordinary. Broglio was made Prince of the Reich, Marechal de France;

would have been raised to the stars, had one been able,--for the time

being. 'And your immense victory,' so sneered the by-standers, 'consists

in not being beaten, under those excellent conditions;--perhaps victory

is a rarity just now!'"

This is the Battle which our Boy-Friend Johann Wolfgang watched with

such interest, from his garret-window, hour after hour; all Frankfurt

simmering round him, in such a whirlpool of self-contradictory emotions;

till towards evening, when, in long rows of carts, poor wounded Hessians

and Hanoverians came jolting in, and melted every heart into pity, into

wailing sorrow, and eagerness to help. A little later, Papa Goethe,

stepping downstairs, came across the Official French Gentleman; who said

radiantly: "Doubtless you congratulate yourself and us on this victory

to his Majesty's arms." "Not a whit (KEINESWEGS)," answers Papa Goethe,

a stiff kind of man, nowise in the mood of congratulating: "on the

contrary, I wish they had chased you to the Devil, though I had had to

go too!" Which was a great relief to his feelings, though a dangerous

one in the circumstances. [Goethe's WERKE (Stuttgart und Tubingen,

1829), xxiv. (DICHTUNG UND WAHRHEIT, i.), 153-157.]

BREAKAGE THIRD: OVER THE METAL MOUNTAINS INTO BOHMEN (APRIL 14th-20th).

"Ferdinand's Battle was hardly ending, when Prince Henri poured across

the Mountains,--in two columns, Hulsen leading the inferior or rightmost

one,--into Leitmeritz-Eger Country; and made a most successful business

of the Austrian Magazines he found there. Magazines all filled; Enemy

all galloping for Prag:--Daun himself, who is sitting vigilant, far in

the interior, at Jaromirtz this month past, was thrown into huge flurry,

for some days! Speedy Henri (almost on the one condition of BEING

speedy) had his own will of the Magazines: burnt, Hulsen and he, 'about

600,000 pounds worth' of Austrian provender in those parts, 'what would

have kept 50,000 men five months in bread' (not to mention hay at all);

gave the Enemy sore slaps (caught about 3,000 of him, NOT yet got on

gallop for Prag); burnt his 200 boats on the Elbe:--forced him to begin

anew at the beginning; and did, in effect, considerably lame and retard

certain of his operations through the Summer. Speedy Henri marched

for home April 20th; and was all across the Mountains April 23d: a

profitable swift nine days." [Tempelhof iii. 47-53; _Helden-Geschichte,_

v. 963-966.]--And on the sixth day hence he will have something similar,

and still more important, on foot. A swift man, when he must!

BREAKAGE FOURTH: INTO MAHREN (APRIL 16th-21st). "This is Fouquet's

attempt, alluded to above; of which--as every reader must be satisfied

with Small-War--we will give only the dates. Fouquet, ranking at

Leobschutz, in Neisse Country, did break through into Mahren, pushing

the Austrians before him; but found the Magazines either emptied, or too

inaccessible for any worth they had;--could do nothing on the Magazines;

and returned without result; home at Leobschutz again on the fifth

day." [_ Helden-Geschichte,_ v. 958-963; Tempelhof, iii. 44-47.] This,

however, had a sequel for Fouquet; which, as it brought the King himself

into those neighborhoods, we shall have to mention, farther on.

BREAKAGE FIFTH: INTO FRANKEN (MAY 5th-JUNE 1st). "This was Prince

Henri's Invasion of the Bamberg-Nurnberg Countries; a much sharper thing

than in any former Year. Much the most famous, and," luckily for us,

"the last of the Small-War affairs for the present. Started,--from

Tschopau region, Bamberg way,--April 29th-May 5th. In Three Columns:

Finck leftmost, and foremost (Finck had marched April 29th, pretending

to mean for Bohemia); after whom Knobloch; and (May 5th) the Prince

himself. Who has an eye to the Reichs Magazines and Preparations, as

usual;--nay, an eye to their Camp of Rendezvous, and to a fight with

their miscellaneous Selves and Auxiliaries, if they will stand fight.

'You will have to leave Saxony, and help us with the Russians, soon:

beat those Reichs people first!' urged the King; 'well beaten, they

will not trouble Saxony for a while.' If they will stand fight? But they

would not at all. They struck their tents everywhere; burnt their

own Magazines, in some cases; and only went mazing hither and

thither,--gravitating all upon Nurnberg, and an impregnable Camp which

they have in that neighborhood. Supreme Zweibruck was himself with

them; many Croats, Austrians, led by Maguire and others; all marching,

whirling at a mighty rate; with a countenance sometimes of vigor, but

always with Nurnberg Camp in rear. There was swift marching, really

beautiful manoeuvring here and there; sharp bits of fighting, too,

almost in the battle-form:--Maguire tried, or was for trying, a stroke

with Finck; but made off hastily, glad to get away. [Templehof, iii.

64.] May 11th, at Himmelskron in Baireuth, one Riedesel of theirs had

fairly to ground arms, self and 2,500, and become prisoners of war."

Much of this manoeuvring and scuffling was in Baireuth Territory. Twice,

or even thrice, Prince Henri was in Baireuth Town: "marched through

Baireuth," say the careless Old Books. Through Baireuth:--No Wilhelmina

now there, with her tremulous melodies of welcome! Wilhelminn's loves,

and terrors for her loved, are now all still. Perhaps her poor Daughter

of Wurtemberg, wandering unjustly disgraced, is there; Papa, the

Widower Margraf, is for marrying again: [Married 20th September, 1759

(a Brunswick Princess, Sister's-daughter of his late Wife); died within

four years.]--march on, Prince Henri!

"In Bamberg," says a Note from Archenholtz, "the Reichs troops burnt

their Magazine; and made for Nurnberg, as usual; but left some thousand

or two of Croats, who would not yet. Knobloch and his Prussians appeared

shortly after; summoned Bamberg, which agreed to receive them; and were

for taking possession; but found the Croats determined otherwise. Fight

ensued; fight in the streets; which, in hideousness of noises, if in

nothing else, was beyond parallel. The inhabitants sat all quaking in

their cellars; not an inhabitant was to be seen: a City dead,--and given

up to the demons, in this manner. Not for some hours were the Croats

got entirely trampled out. Bamberg, as usual, became a Prussian

place-of-arms; was charged to pay ransom of 40,000 pounds;--'cannot

possibly!'--did pay some 14,000 pounds, and gave bills for the

remainder." [Archenholtz. i. 371-373.] Which bills, let us mark withal,

the Kaiser in Reichs Diet decreed to be invalid: "Don't pay them!"

A thing not forgotten by Friedrich;--though it is understood the

Bambergers, lest worse might happen, privately paid their bills. "The

Expedition lasted, in whole, not quite four weeks: June 1st, Prince

Henri was at the Saxon frontier again; the German world all ringing

loud,--in jubilation, counter-jubilation and a great variety of

tones,--with the noise of what he had done. A sharp swift man; and,

sure enough, has fluttered the Reichs Volscians in their Corioli to an

unexpected degree." [Seyfarth, _Beylagen,_ ii. 537-563; BERICHT VON

DER UNTERNEHMUNG DES PRINZEN HEINRICH IN FRANKEN, IM JAHR, 1759;

_Helden-Geschichte,_ v. 1033-1039; Tempelhof,????, et seq.]---[COPY

ILLEGIBLE PAGE 203,]

A Colonel Wunsch (Lieutenant-Colonel of the Free Corps WUNSCH)

distinguished himself in this Expedition; The beginning of notably great

things to him in the few following months. Wunsch is a Wurtemberger by

birth; has been in many services, always in subaltern posts, and, this

year, will testify strangely how worthy he was of the higher. What a

Year, this of 1759, to stout old Wunsch! In the Spring, here has he just

seen his poor son, Lieutenant Wunsch, perish in one of these scuffles;

in Autumn, he will see himself a General, shining suddenly bright, to

his King and to all the world; before Winter, he will be Prisoner to

Austria, and eclipsed for the rest of this war!--Kleist, of the GREEN

HUSSARS, also made a figure here; and onwards rapidly ever higher; to

the top of renown in his business:--fallen heir to Mayer's place, as it

were. A Note says: "Poor Mayer of the Free Corps does not ride with

the Prince on this occasion. Mayer, dangerously worn down with the hard

services of last Year, and himself a man of too sleepless temper, caught

a fever in the New-year time; and died within few days: burnt away

before his time; much regretted by his Brethren of the Army, and some

few others. Gone in this way; with a high career just opening on him at

the long last! Mayer was of Austrian, of half Spanish birth; a musical,

really melodious, affectionate, but indignant, wildly stormful mortal;

and had had adventures without end. Something of pathos, of tragedy,

in the wild Life of him. [Still worth reading: in Pauli (our old watery

BRANDENBURG-HISTORY Friend). _Leben grosser Helden_ (Halle, 1759-1764,

9 vols.), iii. 142-188;--much the best Piece in that still rather

watery (or windy) Collection, which, however, is authentic, and has

some tolerable Portraits.] A man of considerable genius, military

and other:--genius in the sleepless kind, which is not the best kind;

sometimes a very bad kind. The fame of Friedrich invites such people

from all sides of the world; and this was no doubt a sensible help to

him."--But enough of all this.

Here, surely, is abundance of preliminary Small-War, on the part of a

Friedrich reduced to the defensive!--Fouquet's Sequel, hinted at above,

was to this effect. On Fouquet's failing to get hold of the Moravian

Magazines, and returning to his Post at Leobschutz, a certain rash

General Deville, who is Austrian chief in those parts, hastily rushed

through the Jagerndorf Hills, and invaded Fouquet. Only for a few days;

and had very bad success, in that bit of retaliation. The King, who is

in Landshut, in the middle of his main cantonments, hastened over

to Leobschutz with reinforcement to Fouquet; in the thought that a

finishing-stroke might be done on this Deville;--and would have done it,

had not the rash man plunged off again (May 1st, or the night before);

homewards, at full speed. So that Friedrich, likewise at full speed,

could catch nothing of him; but merely cannonade him in the Passes

of Zuckmantel, and cut off his rear-guard of Croats. Poor forlorn of

Croats, whom he had left in some bushy Chasm; to gain him a little time,

and then to perish if THEY must! as Tempelhof remarks. [Tempelhof, iii.

56.] Upon which Friedrich returned to Landshut; and Fouquet had peace

again.

It was from this Landshut region, where his main cantonments are,

that Friedrich had witnessed all these Inroads, or all except the very

earliest of them; the first Erfurt one, and the Wobersnow-Sulkowski. He

had quitted Breslau in the end of March, and gone to his cantonments;

quickened thither, probably, by a stroke that had befallen him at

Griefenberg, on his Silesian side of the Cordon. At Griefenberg

stood the Battalion Duringshofen, with its Colonel of the same

name,--grenadier people of good quality, perhaps near 1,000 in whole.

Which Battalion, General Beck, after long preliminary study of it,

from his Bohemian side,--marching stealthily on it, one night (March

25-26th), by two or more roads, with 8,000 men, and much preliminary

Croat-work,--contrived to envelop wholly, and carry off with him, before

help could come up. This, I suppose, had quickened Friedrich's arrival.

He has been in that region ever since,--in Landshut for the last week or

two; and returns thither after the Deville affair.

And at Landshut,--which is the main Pass into Bohemia or from it, and is

the grand observatory-point at present,--he will have to remain till the

first days of July; almost three months. Watching, and waiting on the

tedious Daun, who has the lifting of the curtain this Year! Daun

had come to Jaromirtz, to his cantonments, "March 24th" (almost

simultaneously with Friedrich to his); expecting Friedrich's Invasion,

as usual. Long days sat Daun, expecting the King in Bohemia:--"There

goes he, at last!" thought Daun, on Prince Henri's late flamy appearance

there (BREAKAGE THIRD we labelled it);--and Daun had hastily pushed a

Division thitherward, double-quick, to secure Prag; but found it was

only the Magazines. "Above four millions worth [600,000 pounds, counting

the THALERS into sterling], above four millions worth of bread

and forage gone to ashes, and the very boats burnt? Well; the

poor Reichsfolk, or our poor Auxiliaries to them, will have empty

haversacks:--but it is not Prag!" thinks Daun.

At what exact point of time Daun came to see that Friedrich was not

intending Invasion, and would, on the contrary, require to be invaded, I

do not know. But it must have been an interesting discovery to Daun, if

he foreshadowed to himself what results it would have on him: "Taking

the defensive, then? And what is to become of one's Cunctatorship in

that case!" Yes, truly. Cunctatorship is not now the trade needed; there

is nothing to be made of playing Fabius-Cunctator:--and Daun's fame

henceforth is a diminishing quantity. The Books say he "wasted above

five weeks in corresponding with the Russian Generals." In fact, he

had now weeks enough on hand; being articulately resolved (and even

commanded by Kriegshofrath) to do nothing till the Russians came

up;--and also (INarticulately and by command of Nature) to do as little

as possible after! This Year, and indeed all years following, the

Russians are to be Daun's best card.

Waiting for three months here till the curtain rose, it was Friedrich

that had to play Cunctator. A wearisome task to him, we need not doubt.

But he did it with anxious vigilance; ever thinking Daun would try

something, either on Prince Henri or on him, and that the Play would

begin. But the Play did not. There was endless scuffling and

bickering of Outposts; much hitching and counter-hitching, along that

Bohemian-Silesian Frontier,--Daun gradually hitching up, leftwards,

northwards, to be nearer his Russians; Friedrich counter-hitching,

and, in the end, detaching against the Russians, as they approached in

actuality. The details of all which would break the toughest patience.

Not till July came, had both parties got into the Lausitz; Daun into

an impregnable Camp near Mark-Lissa (in Gorlitz Country); Friedrich,

opposite and eastward of him, into another at Schmottseifen:--still

after which, as the Russians still were not come, the hitching (if we

could concern ourselves with it), the maze of strategic shuffling and

counter-dancing, as the Russians get nearer, will become more intricate

than ever.

Except that of General Beck on Battalion Duringshofen,--if that was

meant as retaliatory, and was not rather an originality of Beck's, who

is expert at such strokes,--Daun, in return for all these injurious

Assaults and Breakages, tried little or no retaliation; and got

absolutely none. Deville attempted once, as we saw; Loudon once, as

perhaps we shall see: but both proved futile. For the present absolutely

none. Next Year indeed, Loudon, on Fouquet at Landshut--But let us not

anticipate! Just before quitting Landshut for Schmottseifen, Friedrich

himself rode into Bohemia, to look more narrowly; and held Trautenau, at

the bottom of the Pass, for a day or two--But the reader has had enough

of Small-War! Of the present Loudon attempt, Friedrich, writing to

Brother Henri, who is just home from his Franconian Invasion (BREAKAGE

FIFTH), has a casual word, which we will quote. "Reich-Hennersdorf" is

below Landshut, farther down the Pass; "Liebau" still farther down,--and

its "Gallows," doubtless, is on some knoll in the environs!

REICH-HENNERSDORF, 9th JUNE. "My congratulations on the excellent

success you have had [out in Frankenland yonder]! Your prisoners, we

hear, are 3,000; the desertion and confusion in the Reichs Army are

affirmed to be enormous:--I give those Reichs fellows two good months

[scarcely took so long] to be in a condition to show face again. As for

ourselves, I can send you nothing but contemptibilities. We have never

yet had the beatific vision of Him with the Hat and Consecrated

Sword [Papal Daun, that is]; they amuse us with the Sieur Loudon

instead;--who, three days ago [7th July, two days] did us the honor of

a visit, at the Gallows of Liebau. He was conducted out again, with all

the politeness imaginable, on to near Schatzlar," well over the Bohemian

Border; "where we flung a score of cannon volleys into the"--into the

"DERRIERE of him, and everybody returned home." [In SCHONING, ii. 65:

"9th June, 1759."]

Perhaps the only points now noticeable in this tedious Landshut interim,

are Two, hardly noticed then at all by an expectant world. The first is:

That in the King's little inroad down to Trautenau, just mentioned, four

cannon drawn by horses were part of the King's fighting gear,--the first

appearance of Horse Artillery in the world. "A very great invention,"

says the military mind: "guns and carriages are light, and made of the

best material for strength; the gunners all mounted as postilions to

them. Can scour along, over hill and dale, wherever horse can; and burst

out, on the sudden, where nobody was expecting artillery. Devised in

1758; ready this Year, four light six-pounders; tried first in the

King's raid down to Trautenau [June 29th-30th]. Only four pieces as

yet. But these did so well, there were yearly more. Imitated by the

Austrians, and gradually by all the world." [Seyfarth, ii. 543.]

The second fact is: That Herr Guichard (Author of that fine Book on the

War-methods of the Greeks and Romans) is still about Friedrich, as he

has been for above a year past, if readers remember; and, during those

tedious weeks, is admitted to a great deal of conversation with the

King. Readers will consent to this Note on Guichard; and this shall be

our ultimatum on the wearisome Three Months at Landshut.

MAJOR QUINTUS ICILIUS. "Guichard is by birth a Magdeburger, age now

thirty-four; a solid staid man, with a good deal of hard faculty in him,

and of culture unusual for a soldier. A handy, sagacious, learned and

intelligent man; whom Friedrich, in the course of a year's experience,

has grown to see willingly about him. There is something of positive in

Guichard, of stiff and, as it were, GRITTY, which might have offended a

weaker taste; but Friedrich likes the rugged sense of the man; his real

knowledge on certain interesting heads; and the precision with which

the known and the not rightly known are divided from one another, in

Guichard.

"Guichard's business about the King has been miscellaneous, not worth

mention hitherto; but to appearance was well done. Of talk they are

beginning to have more and more; especially at Landshut here, in these

days of waiting; a great deal of talk on the Wars of the Ancients,

Guichard's Book naturally leading to that subject. One night, datable

accidentally about the end of May, the topic happened to be Pharsalia,

and the excellent conduct of a certain Centurion of the Tenth Legion,

who, seeing Pompey's people about to take him in flank, suddenly flung

himself into oblique order [SCHRAGE STELLUNG, as we did at Leutheu],

thereby outflanking Pompey's people, and ruining their manoeuvre and

them. 'A dexterous man, that Quintus Icilius the Centurion!' observed

Friedrich. 'Ah, yes: but excuse me, your Majesty, his name was Quintus

Caecilius,' said Guichard. 'No, it was Icilius,' said the King, positive

to his opinion on that small point; which Guichard had not the art to

let drop; though, except assertion and counter-assertion, what could be

made of it there? Or of what use was it anywhere?

"Next day, Guichard came with the book [what "Book" nobody would ever

yet tell me], and putting his finger on the passage, 'See, your Majesty:

Quintus CAEcilius!' extinguished his royal opponent. 'Hm,' answered

Friedrich: 'so?--Well, you shall be Quintus Icilius, at any rate!'

And straightway had him entered on the Army Books 'as Major Quintus

Icilius;' his Majorship is to be dated '10th April, 1758' (to give him

seniority); and from and after this '26th May, 1759,' he is to

command the late Du Verger's Free-Battalion. All which was done:--the

War-Offices somewhat astonished at such advent of an antique Roman

among them; but writing as bidden, the hand being plain, and the man an

undeniable article. Onward from which time there is always a 'Battalion

Quintus' on their Books, instead of Battalion Du Verger; by degrees

two Batallions Quintus, and at length three, and Quintus become a

Colonel:--at which point the War ended; and the three Free-Battalions

Quintus, like all others of the same type, were discharged." This is

the authentic origin of the new name Quintus, which Guichard got, to

extinction of the old; substantially this, as derived from Quintus

himself,--though in the precise details of it there are obscurities,

never yet solved by the learned. Nicolai, for example, though he had

the story from Quintus in person, who was his familiar acquaintance, and

often came to see him at Berlin, does not, with his usual punctuality,

say, nor even confess that he has forgotten, what Book it was that

Quintus brought with him to confute the King on their Icilius-Caecilius

controversy; Nicolai only says, that he, for his part, in the fields of

Roman Literature and History, knows only three Quintus-Iciliuses,

not one of whom is of the least likelihood; and in fact, in the above

summary, I have had to INVERT my Nicolai on one point, to make the story

stick together. [Nicolai, _Anekdoten,_ vi. 129-145.]

"Quintus had been bred for the clerical profession; carefully, at

various Universities, Leyden last of all; and had even preached, as

candidate for license,--I hope with moderate orthodoxy;--though he soon

renounced that career. Exchanged it for learned and vigorous general

study, with an eye to some College Professorship instead. He was still

hardly twenty-three, when, in 1747, the new Stadtholder," Prince of

Orange, whom we used to know, "who had his eye upon him as a youth of

merit, graciously undertook to get him placed at Utrecht, in a vacancy

which had just occurred there,--whither the Prince was just bound, on

some ceremonial visit of a high nature. The glad Quintus, at that time

Guichard and little thinking of such an alias, hastened to set off in

the Prince's train; but could get no conveyance, such was the press of

people all for Utrecht. And did not arrive till next day,--and found

quarter, with difficulty, in the garret of some overflowing Inn.

"In the lower stories of his Inn, solitary Guichard, when night fell,

heard a specific GAUDEAMUS going on; and inquired what it was.

'A company of Professors, handselling a newly appointed

Professor;'--appointed, as the next question taught, to the very Chair

poor Quintus had come for! Serene Highness could not help himself; the

Utrechters were so bent on the thing. Quintus lay awake, all night, in

his truckle-bed; and gloomily resolved to have done with Professorships,

and become a soldier. 'If your Serene Highness do still favor me,'

said Quintus next day, 'I solicit, as the one help for me, an ensign's

commission!'--And persisted rigorously, in spite of all counsellings,

promises and outlooks on the professorial side of things. So that Serene

Highness had to grant him his commission; and Quintus was a soldier

thenceforth. Fought, more or less, in the sad remainder of that

Cumberland-Saxe War; and after the Peace of 1748 continued in the Dutch

service. Where, loath to be idle, he got his learned Books out again,

and took to studying thoroughly the Ancient Art of War. After years of

this, it had grown so hopeful that he proceeded to a Book upon it; and,

by degrees, determined that he must get to certain Libraries in

England, before finishing. In 1754, on furlough, graciously allowed and

continued, he came to London accordingly; finished his manuscript there

(printed at the Hague 1757 [_Memoires Militaires sur les &c._ (a La

Haye, 1757: 2 vols. 4to);--was in the 5th edition when I last heard of

it.]): and new War having now begun, went over (probably with English

introductions) as volunteer to Duke Ferdinand. By Duke Ferdinand he

was recommended to Friedrich, the goal of all his efforts, as of every

vagrant soldier's in those times:--and here at last, as Quintus

Icilius, he has found permanent billet, a Battalion and gradually three

Battalions, and will not need to roam any farther.

"They say, what is very credible, that Quintus proved an active, stout

and effectual soldier, in his kind; and perhaps we may hear of some of

his small-war adventures by and by: that he was a studious, hard-headed,

well-informed man, and had written an excellent Book on his subject,

is still abundantly clear. Readers may look in the famous Gibbon's

_Autobiography,_ or still better in the Guichard Book itself, if

they want evidence. The famous Gibbon was drilling and wheeling, very

peaceably indeed, in the Hampshire Militia, in those wild years of

European War. Hampshire Militia served as key, or glossary in a sort,

to this new Book of Guichard's, which Gibbon eagerly bought and studied;

and it, was Guichard, ALIAS Quintus Icilius, who taught Gibbon all he

ever knew of Ancient War, at least all the teaching he ever had of it,

for his renowned DECLINE AND FALL." [See Gibbon's _Works_ (4to, London,

1796: _Memoirs of my Life and Writings_], i. 97; and (_Extraits de mes

Lectures_), ii. 52-54, of dates May 14th-26th, 1762,--during which days

Gibbon is engaged in actual reading of the _Memoires Militaires;_ and

already knows the Author by his ALIAS of Quintus Icilius, "a man of

eminent sagacity and insight, who was in the Dutch, and is now, I

believe, in the Prussian service."

It was in the last days of June that Daun, after many litchings, got

into more decisive general movement northward; and slowly but steadily

planted himself at Mark-Lissa in the Lausitz: upon which, after some

survey of the phenomenon, Friedrich got to Schmottseifen, opposite

him, July 10th. Friedrich, on noticing such stir, had ridden down to

Trautenau (June 29th-30th), new Horse-Artillery attending, to look

closer into Daun's affairs; and, seeing what they were, had thereupon

followed. Above a month before this, Friedrich had detached a

considerable force against the Russians,--General Dohna, of whom in next

Chapter:--and both Daun and he again sit waiting, till they see farther.

Rapid Friedrich is obliged to wait; watching Daun and the Dohna-Russian

adventure: slow Daun will continue to wait and watch there, long weeks

and months, after that is settled, that and much else, fully to his

mind! Each is in his impregnable Camp; and each, Daun especially,

has his Divisions and Detachments hovering round him, near or far, on

different strategic errands; each Main-Camp like a planet with various

moons--Mark-Lissa especially, a kind of sun with planets and comets and

planetary moons:--of whose intricate motions and counter-motions, mostly

unimportant to us, we promised to take no notice, in face of such a

crisis just at hand.

By the 6th of July, slow Daun had got hitched into his Camp of

Mark-Lissa; and four days after, Friedrich attending him, was in

Schmottseifen: where again was pause; and there passed nothing

mentionable, even on Friedrich's score; and till July was just ending,

the curtain did not fairly rise. Panse of above two weeks on Friedrich's

part, and of almost three months on Daun's. Mark-Lissa, an impregnable

Camp, is on the Lausitz Border; with Saxony, Silesia, Bohemia all

converging hereabouts, and Brandenburg itself in the vicinity,--there is

not a better place for waiting on events. Here, accordingly, till

well on in September, Daun sat immovable; not even hitching now,--only

shooting out Detachments, planetary, cometary, at a great rate, chiefly

on his various Russian errands.

Daun, as we said, had been uncomfortably surprised to find, by degrees,

that Invasion was not Friedrich's plan this Year; that the dramatic

parts are redistributed, and that the playing of Fabius-Cunctator will

not now serve one's turn. Daun, who may well be loath to believe such

a thing, clings to his old part, and seems very lazy to rise and try

another. In fact, he does not rise, properly speaking, or take up his

new part at all. This Year, and all the following, he waits carefully

till the Russian Lion come; will then endeavor to assist,--or even do

jackal, which will be safer still. The Russians he intends shall act

lion; he himself modestly playing the subaltern but much safer part!

Diligent to flatter the lion; will provide him guidances, and fractional

sustenances, in view of the coming hunt; will eat the lion's leavings,

once the prey is slaughtered. This really was, in some sort, Daun's

yearly game, so long as it would last!--

July ending, and the curtain fairly risen, we shall have to look at

Friedrich with our best eyesight. Preparatory to which, there is, on

Friedrich's part, ever since the middle of June, this Anti-Russian Dohna

adventure going on:--of which, at first, and till about the time of

getting to Schmottseifen, he had great hopes; great, though of late

rapidly sinking again:--into which we must first throw a glance, as

properly the opening scene.

Fouquet has been left at Landshut, should the Daun remnants still in

Bohemia think of invading. Fouquet is about rooting himself rather

firmly into that important Post; fortifying various select Hills round

Landshut, with redoubts, curtains, communications; so as to keep ward

there, inexpugnable to a much stronger force. There for about a year,

with occasional short sallies, on errands that arise, Fouquet sat

successfully vigilant; resisting the Devilles, Becks, Harsches;

protecting Glatz and the Passes of Silesia: in about a year we shall

hear of his fortunes worsening, and of a great catastrophe to him in

that Landshut Post.

Friedrich allowed the Reichsfolk "two good months," after all that

flurrying and havoc done on them, "before they could show face in

Saxony." They did take about that time; and would have taken more,

had not Prince Henri been called away by other pressing occasions in

Friedrich's own neighborhood; and Saxony, for a good while (end of June

to beginning of September), been left almost bare of Prussian troops.

Which encourages the Reichs Army to hurry afield in very unprepared

condition,--still rather within the two months. End of July, Light

people of them push across to Halberstadt or Halle Country; and are

raising Contributions, and plundering diligently, if nothing else. Of

which we can take no notice farther: if the reader can recollect it,

well; if not, also well. The poor Reichs Army nominally makes a figure

this Year, but nominally only; the effective part of it, now and

henceforth, being Austrian Auxiliaries, and the Reichs part as flaccid

and insignificant as ever.

Prince Henri's call to quit Saxony was this. Daun, among the numerous

Detachments he was making, of which we can take no notice, had shot

out Two (rather of COMETARY type, to use our old figure),--which every

reader must try to keep in mind. Two Detachments, very considerable:

Haddick (who grew at last to 20,000), and Loudon (16,000); who are

hovering about mysteriously over the Lausitz;--intending what? Their

intention, Friedrich thinks, especially Haddick's intention, may be

towards Brandenburg, and even Berlin: wherefore he has summoned Henri to

look after it. Henri, resting in cantonments about Tschopau and Dresden,

after the late fatigues, and idle for the moment, hastens to obey;

and is in Bautzen neighborhood, from about the end of June and onward.

Sufficiently attentive to Haddick and Loudon: who make no attempt on

Brandenburg; having indeed, as Friedrich gradually sees, and as all of

us shall soon see, a very different object in view!--

History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 19 · 第 1 / 9 章