EDITOR’S OUTLOOK.

The C. L. S. C. on the Pacific Coast.

The following is a report of C. L. S. C. work on the Pacific coast,

sent us by Miss Norton, the Secretary of the Pacific Branch. It

contains so much information and inspiration that we publish it as an

editorial. The growth of which it tells is marvelous; the enthusiasm

it breathes is as sunny, vigorous, and fruitful as the fair land from

which it comes. It is such broad views and high endeavor that are

accomplishing the great results in our work. To know that far away

ranches and lonely camps are finding growth, life, happiness in this

work, ought to inspire every earnest heart to work, as our friends of

the Pacific coast are doing, that “its influence may go out to needy

sections where even school and church have failed.”

At the reunion held recently at the University of the Pacific, the

following report was read by Miss Norton:

As San Jose contains the largest local circle on

this coast, with a membership of about seventy-five,

it seems fitting that our members should be made

acquainted with a few facts respecting the general work

of the society.

The Pacific Branch of the C. L. S. C. was organized

under the name of the California Branch, four years

ago, while Dr. Vincent was on this coast, and during

these years about 1,500 members have been enrolled.

We have representatives of this branch in Oregon,

Washington Territory, Idaho, Nevada, Arizona, Mexico

and the Island of Jamaica, and hope soon for a local

circle on the Hawaiian Islands. During the present

year 290 new members have been received thus far, and

it is hoped that the number will exceed 300 before the

close of the year. This is an excess of 100 over those

received last year. The active local circles have also

increased, and now number twenty-six, with two or three

more to be heard from. Of these circles fifteen have

been formed the present year. The progress of the work

in the southern part of the State has been unusual,

the largest circle of the State except that of San

Jose, being at Riverside, with an enrollment of sixty

members. The president of this circle, Dr. Whittier, is

a graduate of the C. L. S. C., and a nephew of John G.

Whittier, the poet. The secretary, Miss Alfaretta Wood,

is an enthusiastic worker, and Riverside proposes to

have the “largest circle in the United States,” so that

San Jose will have to look well to her laurels.

Oakland sustains three active local circles with an

aggregate membership of about sixty, and under the

leadership of Dr. J. H. Wythe is doing excellent work.

Sacramento stands next in numbers, and has a most

energetic and enthusiastic circle; Rev. I. H. Dwinell,

D. D., Mrs. L. J. Nusbaum and Mrs. Brewer being the

officers.

The largest of three circles in San Francisco is the

“More Circle,” numbering twenty members and composed of

young people.

In its beautiful work as well as its name it does honor

to its first leader, Mrs Prof. More.

Ukiah has two local circles doing enthusiastic work.

In our smaller towns the C. L. S. C. often becomes

the center of literary interest, representing a

large proportion of the population, taking deeper

root, and bearing better fruits than in our cities.

But the richest rewards of the Secretary and other

officers for much unrecognized toil, come from mining

camps and lonely ranches, from mountain tops and

deserts, and sick-rooms, where solitary students

are cheered and uplifted by our C. L. S. C. To such

it goes with benedictions, inspiring new hopes and

noble aspirations. If, amid our crowding duties and

interests, we of the San Jose Circle find but little

room for individual work, or for the rich, intellectual

feasts which are often spread for us at our monthly

meetings, may we not gather courage to persevere, from

the thought that this influence has gone forth to needy

sections of our coast, where, in some instances, even

the church and the school have not been organized.

During the first year of its existence, the parent

society received 8,000 members, and of this number

1,700 graduated last summer. During the first year

of the Pacific Branch, under the wise and efficient

leadership of its secretary, Miss L. M. Washburn,

ably seconded by President Stratton and the executive

committee, the first class numbered 700. Of this number

about 100 are active members, or have paid their

annual fees and ought to graduate the coming summer,

if they have not fallen behind in their studies. All

who hope to graduate should promptly report to Miss L.

M. Washburn, Chairman of the Committee on Graduation.

In closing, I would earnestly invite the ex-members

to once more join hands with us, and help forward the

work of the Pacific Branch, as it reaches out its

helping hand to so many earnest students. Especially

let us urge upon the citizens of San Jose, the duty of

sustaining the work of this local circle, a work which

we believe would be an honor to the literary centers

of our Eastern States, or even to the “Hub of the

Universe.” We hope that the coming assembly at Monterey

will be the most interesting and largely attended of

any yet held upon this coast, and that San Jose will be

worthily represented on the occasion of the graduation

of our first C. L. S. C. Class of 1883.

Trial by Jury.

The constitution of the United States guarantees that every American

citizen shall have the privilege of having his cause tried and decided

before a jury of twelve of his peers. For centuries this jury system

has prevailed among the English. The framers of our constitution

modeling their laws on the basis of English jurisprudence, incorporated

it into our judicial system. Its purpose is to secure in every case

a just and impartial verdict, and one that is in accordance with the

evidence adduced in the progress of the trial.

It is the duty of every government to see that justice is meted out to

all its citizens, that their rights are duly respected, and that the

poor and weak among them are placed on at least civil equality with the

rich and the powerful. Many centuries of trial has proven it to be the

best means of securing these desirable results. The juror is supposed

to take his place in the jury-box with his mind wholly unbiased with

reference to the case to be tried. In many instances the jurors have

never heard of the case which they are summoned to try. The parties in

the suit are entire strangers to them, or at least are usually persons

in whom they have no especial interest. Under such circumstances a jury

of fair intelligence is pretty sure to bring in a righteous verdict.

But the matter of ignorance in reference to the case to be heard by

the jurors may be, and of late in many instances has been, carried to

an unreasonable extent. In many cases which are of public interest,

and which are of sufficient importance to be discussed by the press,

familiarity with what has been said is deemed sufficient to bar an

individual from sitting as a juror during their trial. As a result of

this it is often difficult to secure a jury in a case which has excited

much comment, and which has been the subject of discussion by the

press. The mere fact that a man has read newspaper accounts of events

that have transpired, or even editorial comments upon them, does not

necessarily disqualify him for being an impartial juror.

All intelligent men are to a greater or less extent readers of

newspapers, and to hold that knowledge thus obtained disqualifies one

for sitting as juror when the case is brought to trial, virtually

excludes men of even ordinary intelligence from the jury-box, and,

too, in those very cases where they are most needed in order to secure

just and righteous verdicts. The legitimate fruits of the exclusion

of the reading classes from sitting as jurors are such verdicts as

that rendered recently by a Fayette County (Pa.) jury, in the Dukes

trial, where, disregarding the charge of the judge,—the evidence

set forth,—the opinion of an entire community,—the jury brought

in a verdict of not guilty. The whole country was horrified and

disheartened, that a man clearly guilty could under this system be

cleared. Such outrages on right and justice are sure to result whenever

ignorance takes the place of intelligence in the jury-box, and will

sooner or later bring the whole matter of trial by jury into disrepute.

It is not _intelligence_, but ignorance, prejudice, and partiality

that should be excluded. The only question in this regard which a jury

when impaneled should be expected to answer is whether, under their

oaths, they can take their place on the jury and render an honest and

impartial verdict.

There is another grave danger in this custom. Not only are the

non-reading and ignorant classes disqualified for rendering a fair and

intelligent verdict, but they are for the most part sadly deficient in

principle and integrity, and hence are more readily corrupted, more

easily bribed, and more likely to be influenced by designing lawyers

than men of average intelligence and general information. The numerous

acquittals of individuals adjudged guilty by the popular verdict,

and in the very face of the evidence adduced, is proof positive that

in such instances the twelve men in the jury-box are in no sense the

custodians of the law or the mouthpiece of justice. If, for any reason,

intelligence is ruled out of the jury-box, the jury system will cease

to be regarded as a reliable instrument for the administration of

justice.

Stevens’s Madame De Staël.

This book, the American edition of which was published in two handsome

volumes by the Harpers, some little time ago, will perpetuate the fame

of a woman of regal intellect and immense influence upon her times. In

Byron’s judgment she was “the greatest woman in literature;” Macaulay

called her “the greatest woman of her times;” and many others, whose

opinions carry weight, could be quoted as giving her a foremost place

among the worlds gifted women. The biography fills a want; for, while

numerous pens have written of this woman, there has been before no

adequate portrayal of her career. The author, Dr. Abel Stevens, whose

reputation as a writer in history and biography is high and secure,

has for some years been living in Switzerland, where he has enjoyed

excellent facilities for the preparation of the work, “Madame De Staël,

a Study of her Life and Times, the first Revolution and the first

Empire.” The work is called, and in its completeness it will probably

remain, the standard biography of this illustrious woman, and will

need no successor. It shows great research and pains-taking, as well

as a skilled literary hand. A complete, much-needed biography, it is

more than this, it is a valuable history of that marvelous epoch in

the annals of France. It is of great value for its sketches of other

eminent persons, contemporaries of its subject, and for its intelligent

narration of events as sensational as any ever witnessed upon the

theater of Europe.

Madame De Staël lived from 1766 to 1817. Her full maiden name was Anne

Louise Germaine Necker. Her father was the great Necker, for a time

Minister from Geneva at the French court, and afterward the powerful

French Minister of Finance. Her mother was the daughter of a Swiss

pastor, and a woman of beautiful person and fine accomplishments, with

whom, while Mademoiselle Curchod, the historian Gibbon fell in love,

and for whom he always cherished a tender regard. The love of Madame De

Staël for her father approached idolatry, but for her mother was much

less ardent. She was an only child, and received a careful training and

the highest advantages. She was born and died in Paris, and this was

the place always where she loved best to live, though for many years,

through the persecutions of Napoleon, she was an exile from France. As

a child she was very precocious; a girl in her mother’s _salon_, she

astonished the people by the brilliancy of her conversation; she very

early tried her hand at writing, and showed marked literary gifts;

when fifteen years old, she had the maturity which might be looked for

in a young woman of twenty-five. At the age of twenty she became the

wife of Baron De Staël. The baron was thirty-seven. It was a marriage

of _convenance_, such as in France were customary, and on her part,

at least, there was no love. For a number of years they lived apart,

but she went to the baron in his last illness and remained with him

until his death. When she was forty-five years old, she made a second

marriage, with a young French officer, Rocca by name, twenty-two years

her junior. Strange as it may seem, this was a true love-match, and

the two, notwithstanding the disparity of age, lived together in great

devotion and happiness until her death. The marriage was secret, and

was known to but few persons in the life-time of Madame De Staël. Of

three children, offspring of the first marriage, one was killed in a

duel while the mother lived, and the others survived her and did her

honor. A son was also born from the second marriage.

What eventful years were those for France in which this woman lived. If

one with such a theme as our author can not make an interesting story,

the fault surely is not with his subject-matter. Madame De Staël saw

her father, whom she idolized, the idol of the French people; she saw

him—and it was a proud time in her life—after the jealousy of rival

ministers had brought about his retirement from the office of finance

minister, recalled by the king, and welcomed back to his old position

by such demonstrations of popular homage and devotion as have been

accorded to but few; and later she saw him again seeking the retirement

of his Swiss home execrated by the same fickle populace of France. She

saw the downfall of Louis XVI. and deplored this ill-starred monarch’s

fate, whose head was one of the trophies of the guillotine. She saw

the First Revolution with its horrors, and ardent champion as she was

for human freedom and popular rights, her heart was sickened at the

spectacle. She saw the hero of Corsica arise from nothingness to be the

terror of all Europe; the strides of his ambition she witnessed until

he stood the first monarch of the world, with crowns in his hands as

baubles to give away. She saw his “vaulting ambition o’erleap itself”

at last, and the tide of his fortunes reversed; the exile of Elba and

that of St. Helena passed before her view, and while she rejoiced to

see Napoleon crushed, she sorrowed as a true French woman over the

humiliation of France. She saw another Louis upon the French throne,

and was his trusted adviser and friend. Napoleon she hated with all her

soul. Acknowledging his consummate military genius, she loathed him

as a monster of selfishness—a tyrant whose god was self. The emperor

feared her pen in the cause of popular freedom, and after trying in

vain to gain her support he showed in various ways his malice toward

her. He banished her from France at length, and the story of her

years of exile—bravely borne with all its hardships, though she could

have escaped it by writing in praise of Napoleon—is very affecting.

Dr. Stevens uses as the appropriate motto of his book the saying of

Lamartine: “This woman was the last of the Romans under this Cæsar, who

dared not destroy her, and could not abase her.”

And mighty was the influence of Madame De Staël upon her age. To say

that it was equaled by that of no other woman is not to say enough.

Kings and queens were her personal friends. With chief men and women

in different lands—statesmen and warriors, persons distinguished in

science and letters—her relations were intimate. They admired her, and

bowed to her genius. In political affairs her influence was great, and

in the world of letters she made an impression deep and abiding. As a

writer, perhaps no woman of any time will be accorded equal rank with

her, unless some would concede it to George Eliot and Mrs. Browning.

Her best known works are “Delphine,” “Allemagne,” and “Corinne,” though

others have had a wide reading and been much admired. The “Allemagne”

produced a profound impression. Great as this woman was as a writer,

some have freely said she was greater as a conversationalist. With

wonderful brilliancy she shone in the _salon_. Her own _salon_ in

Paris would be thronged by distinguished men and women, and the great

attraction was herself. She would dazzle with her eloquence, as she

discussed various questions, some of them deep questions of philosophy

and religion. Her love of society was a passion. Her power of affection

was mighty, and her attachment to her friends most strong. When the

light of her life was quenched at the comparatively early age of

fifty-one, the number was large who mourned, not simply for a rare

woman of genius lost to the world, but for a friend, true, sympathetic,

loving, whose place could not be filled. More than one have said of her

that she was a man in intellect—though we do not make the remark our

own—but it is certain she was a woman in heart. Let our readers turn to

the new and best record of her life, which Dr. Stevens has given us,

and find delight from its perusal.

The Educational Problem.

One of the gravest matters claiming the attention of the American

people to-day is indicated by the above heading. It is a truism

that popular education is a prerequisite to the success of popular

government. We may be said, as a nation, to have done grand things

already in the way of the education of the people. Nearly fifty years

ago there was a wonderful awakening to the importance of this matter.

The people must be educated, was the thought which took possession of

the soul of Horace Mann, and his beneficent work has lived and grown.

Our common school system was set in operation. It has become our pride

and boast. In a way very gratifying we have seen the cause of education

advancing in our land. Compulsory education in late years has been

introduced to some extent.

At the present time, however, we are confronted with facts of a nature

to excite alarm. The late census shows a condition of things in popular

education in America over which it is impossible for citizens to feel

self-complacent. These facts have been set forth in a most impressive

manner by General Eaton, National Commissioner of Education, and by

Senator Blair, of New Hampshire, whose speech in the United States

Senate last summer on “Aid to Common Schools” has attracted much

attention. Some of the things we have to consider are as follows: In

a population of fifty millions in the United States, five millions of

people over ten years of age can neither read nor write; six and a

quarter millions can not write. There are two million of illiterate

voters here, in a total of ten millions. The number of illiterate

voters in the last presidential election was large enough to reverse

the result in all of the States but five. In illiteracy the North of

course does not approach the States of the South. In the latter there

are, in round numbers, five and a half millions of persons over ten

years of age unable to write, the number of white illiterates being

to the colored in the proportion of two to three. Nearly one-third of

all the voters in the South are illiterate, and more than two-thirds

of the colored voters. But with regard to the States of the North, the

showing is far from being what we could desire. From a recent report to

the Massachusetts Legislature, by Hon. Carroll D. Wright, it appears

that in this State even—the State of Horace Mann, and the vanguard

always in the cause of education—there are nearly seventy-five thousand

persons more than ten years of age, in an entire population of less

than two millions, who can not read. These are startling facts, and the

alarming truth is, that illiteracy in our land, instead of diminishing,

is on the increase. Ex-President Hayes, in his address at Cleveland

in October last, made this statement: “In more than one-third of the

Union the ignorant voters are almost one-third of the total number of

voters.” And the number of the illiterate voters is growing larger. It

was swelled in the South, in the decade from 1870 to 1880, by nearly

two hundred thousand. In the country at large the number of children

not attending school is increasing at a rate which, it is affirmed,

if it continues, will in ten years make the aggregate of children of

school age outside of school larger than of those within.

Surely, in view of these things, one of the greatest problems before

this nation is the educational problem. As a national safeguard the

people must be educated. If this mass of ignorance continues an element

of our population, and if it goes on increasing, how can we hope for

the perpetuity and prosperity of this “government of the people, for

the people, and by the people?” There must be compulsory education.

The different States must adopt the principle, and enforce it. It

is not strange that our statesmen are turning their thoughts to the

great question of national aid to education. Hitherto the national

government has done but little in providing ways and means for the

education of the people. It has been left for the several States to

look to the educating of their citizens. But it can hardly be doubted

that the time has fully come when the nation on a grand scale should

provide for this cause of such vital moment—popular education. We are

very ready to agree with General Eaton, when we consider the astounding

statistics he adduces, in the judgment that none of the measures

proposed by statesmen thus far are sufficiently large and liberal

in their devising. Enormous is the work to be done, and vast is the

expenditure of money needed. But whatever the nation expends to elevate

her people and fit them for citizenship is an investment for her own

safety, and is well expended. Joseph Cook, in the prelude to one of

his lectures, dwells upon such facts as we have cited. He affirms that

America is doing less for the education of her people, in proportion to

her wealth, than certain European nations. We fear that what he says is

true: “Instead of being, as a whole, at the front of the educational

advance of civilization, our proud nation is gradually dropping into

a laggard place.” Let us trust the time will come in the near future

when this can not be truthfully said; and while we may regret the delay

of needful national action, let us honor individuals who are giving so

nobly to make ignorance less in our land. If the generous scheme of Mr.

Slater for the good of the benighted millions of the South were to be

duplicated by other millionaires, how grand the results might be.

The Chautauquan, Vol. 03, May 1883 · 第 87 / 105 题