FREDERICK’S DEATH AND GREATNESS
The League of 1785 was Frederick’s last contribution to the politics of
Europe. He felt that his days were numbered, but answered the summons
of Death only by quickening the step with which he had long traversed
the routine of daily duty. In his last months he remained true to
his long-cherished ideal of life and still proved himself diligent,
imperious, stoical, and even gay.
The fatal shock to his health, which was already shaken by gout and
dyspepsia, seems to have been given at a review in Silesia on August
24, 1785. After the manœuvres of the previous year he had written
to the Infantry Inspector-General of the province that he was more
dissatisfied with his troops than ever before. “Were I to make
shoemakers or tailors into generals, the regiments could not be worse,”
declared the King by way of prelude to more particular strictures. He
threatened court-martial in the following year to whomsoever should not
then fulfil his duty.
[Illustration: DEATH-MASK OF FREDERICK THE GREAT.
FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE HOHENZOLLERN MUSEUM, BERLIN.]
When the time arrived for the visit of 1785 to Silesia, no symptoms of
disorder could keep the King from his post. As he made his usual
tour of inspection, thousands of the country-folk flocked in to see him
pass and to utter their gratitude for his subsidies. So he arrived at
the review of August 22nd-25th, which was held in the plain that lies
south of Breslau, and which military Europe regarded as one of the
greatest tactical displays of the year.
On the third morning of the four, Frederick insisted on teaching his
men their duty by sitting his horse for six hours in a deluge of rain
without the shelter of a cloak. In spite of the inevitable chill, he
then presided at dinner, at which the Duke of York, Lafayette, and
Cornwallis were among the guests. Fever and ague followed, but he shook
them off in a night and completed the review, the progress through
Silesia, the journey to Potsdam, and the inspection of artillery at
Berlin. On September 10th, he left his capital for the last time.
At Potsdam, on the eve of the Grand Review, the blow fell. Within a
month of his indiscretion in Silesia he was seized in the night with
a fit of apoplexy (September 18–19, 1785). Gout, asthma, dropsy, and
erysipelas set in, and after days of torment he was compelled to spend
his nights in fighting for breath in an armchair. Yet no disease could
break his spirit. “There is traceable,” says Carlyle with fine insight,
“only a complete superiority to Fear and Hope.”
Partly, perhaps, because Austrian troops might menace the frontiers if
his weakness were known, but doubtless in part out of fortitude and
pride, he concealed his illness so far as possible from his subjects
and from his friends. He performed the labours of the Cabinet with
unclouded brain and with a growing fever of energy. His mind was full
of plans for establishing new villages upon the districts reclaimed
from the sand, for providing technical instruction in agriculture, and
for arranging the coming manœuvres in Silesia. He continued to read
history day by day, and to converse cheerfully with his friends. Once
he enquired of the Duke of Courland whether he needed a good watchman,
maintaining that his sleeplessness at nights qualified him to fill the
post. After seven months of suffering he entertained Mirabeau with
lively conversation, though his state was so pitiable as to render the
interview painful to his favoured guest.
Very early on the morning of April 17, 1786, he left the palace
in Potsdam town, where he had passed the winter, and made a long,
circuitous journey to his favourite abode, Sans Souci. But the change
was powerless to bring relief. Some days he was too weak to converse as
usual with his guests. On June 30th, however, he shocked his doctor by
taking a copious dinner of strong soup full of spices, beef steeped in
brandy, maize and cheese flavoured with, garlic, and a whole plateful
of pungent eel-pie. Four days later he actually quitted his chair for a
short gallop on horseback, but the exertion left him prostrate.
Again he rallied, and until the middle of August disease and his
inflexible determination to accomplish the daily routine struggled
for the mastery. On August 10th, he sent a tender little note to his
widowed sister Charlotte of Brunswick. “The old,” wrote the dying
King, “must give place to the young, that each generation may find
room clear for it: and life, if we examine strictly what its course
is, consists in seeing one’s fellow-creatures die and be born.” By an
almost pathetic chance his last letter, written on August 14th, was to
de Launay, demanding more minute accounts of the hated excise.
Frederick, like his ancestors, died at his post. The Great Elector,
whose only fear was that dropsy might unfit him to govern, held a
Privy Council within two days of the end. Frederick William amid all
his torments spent his last days in private conference with his heir.
Frederick, an older man than either, began work at five o’clock on
the morning of Tuesday, August 15th. He made the arrangements for a
review at Potsdam and dictated despatches of weight with all his wonted
clearness. On Wednesday he failed, struggling in vain to give his
weeping general the parole. All that day he lay in his chair dying,
attended by valets, ministers, and physicians. In the evening he slept,
and when eleven o’clock struck he enquired the time and declared that
he would rise at four. Towards midnight he asked for his favourite dog
and bade them cover it with a quilt. Then for more than two hours his
faithful valet Strützky knelt by his chair to keep him upright, passing
both his arms around the half-unconscious King. At twenty minutes past
two in the morning of August 17th, Frederick passed quietly away.
Hertzberg closed his eyes and led his nephew and successor, Frederick
William, to the corpse. The King had willed to be buried on the terrace
of Sans Souci, but he could now command no longer. Throughout one day,
August 18th, he lay in state at Potsdam. In the evening his coffin was
borne to a vault in the garish church of the Potsdam garrison, where it
rests by the side of his father’s.
Frederick’s fame, as was inevitable in the case of one who died on
the eve of the French Revolution, has fluctuated with the current of
subsequent events. The world that he quitted paid to his memory the
homage due to one who had been for a generation the foremost among
its princes. Among his poorer subjects traces of a warmer feeling may
be discerned. The legend of the Prussian soldier who boasted all his
life that Frederick had answered his challenge with the words, “Dog,
hold thy peace,” is doubtless symbolic of the attitude of many of the
rank and file. It would be idle to imagine that multitudes of humble
serfs did not bewail the loss of the Father whose charity succoured
them in time of need and whose equity they could always invoke against
oppression. It would be no less idle to imagine that among his veteran
servants no hearts beat in unison with the heart of General Lentulus,
who craved the honour of following his great chief as rear-guard, since
Zieten, who died earlier in the year, had secured the place of pride in
the van.
[Illustration: COFFINS OF FREDERICK THE GREAT (RIGHT) AND FREDERICK
WILLIAM I. (LEFT) IN THE GARRISON CHURCH AT POTSDAM.]
Berlin, however, rejoiced that Frederick was no more. The cry of the
hour was, Back to Frederick William I! Led by a silly King (1786–1797)
Prussia plunged into a Teutonic reaction. Good-humour, pomp,
aggressive orthodoxy, the use of the German speech, and a grandiose
foreign policy marked the royal condemnation of Frederick’s practices.
Prussia was tempted by profits in Poland and in Germany to regard the
convulsions of France with narrow selfishness. On the field of Jena,
twenty years after Frederick’s death, she paid the price of all her
errors (1806). Next year her Russian ally agreed with Napoleon that she
should lose half her land, forego the right to arm, and submit for the
future to be hemmed in by four hostile States.
Prussia was rescued from this plight by forces which found no place
in Frederick’s system. Great ministers now gained ascendancy over
the King. The nation flung off the fetters of feudalism, all classes
joined in the War of Liberation, and the final triumph in 1813–1815 was
inspired by the spirit not of autocracy but of German nationality. The
memory of Frederick faded into that of a ruler of that old despotic
type which the sovereigns, in defiance of the claims of their people,
were striving to restore.
It was the spirit of nationality, however, that in the long run revived
Frederick’s renown. The German people cried out for an organisation
that should be closer and more virile than the federation into which
they had been formed after the overthrow of Napoleon. In 1848–49, while
Austria was paralysed by revolt, they turned hopefully to Prussia for
leadership, but the reigning King refused to accept an Imperial crown
at the hands of the mob. From that time onwards, however, the theory
gained wide credence that it was the destiny of Prussia to unite and
to regenerate Germany.
When in 1866 she worked her will with Austria, and when in 1871 the
Imperial crown was handed to her over the body of prostrate France, the
Hohenzollern legend grew. Results so glorious, men thought, could have
been achieved only because a long series of national heroes had worked
towards a common goal. The Hohenzollerns, and Frederick chief among
them, were extolled by a thousand pens as the pioneers of a solid and
triumphant Germany. A generation which salutes by the title of “Great”
the Emperor whom Bismarck was wont to hoodwink and cajole is logically
compelled to regard Frederick as superhuman.
The student who reviews the life-work of Frederick without either the
sympathy or the bias of German patriotism may return a calmer answer to
the question,—Is Frederick rightly termed “The Great”? Having followed
the main steps in his long career, we may at its close sift out and set
down those qualities and achievements, if such exist, which entitle
him not merely to a place among the great, but to a place in that
small circle of the world’s heroes whose memory is so illustrious that
greatness is always coupled with their names.
As a thinker, Frederick falls very far short of greatness. Though he
struggled all his life with the problem of the World and its Maker,
he convinced himself only that nature furnished irresistible proof of
an intelligent Creator, but that the idea of an act of creation was
absurd. In no department of thought was his range of vision long, but
he saw with wonderful clearness so far as his sight could penetrate.
The very fact that all objects within his ken seemed so distinct
prevented him from realising that great forces might lie beyond.
Thus the method of progress which he followed was that of devising
ingenious improvements in a world that was settled and known. Though he
witnessed the American Revolution and died within three years of the
great explosion in France, he seems to have had no suspicion that the
framework of the world might change.
This lack of sympathy with the deeper currents of human progress
reveals itself by many signs in almost all the phases of Frederick’s
activity. In the art of war, indeed, he had witnessed too great an
advance during his own career not to suppose that further advance was
possible. He had himself given the infantry a mobility then unrivalled.
He had introduced horse-artillery, and created the finest cavalry in
the world. In his old age he turned to account the lessons of wars
in both hemispheres, by raising his artillery to the importance of
a separate arm and experimenting with the straggling tactics of the
Americans.
Literature and learning, however, he regarded with a less open
mind. While Voltaire lived, he viewed him as the sole surviving man
of letters. He treated the work of young Goethe, his own fervent
admirer, with contempt and showed himself no less blind to the latent
possibilities of natural science and mathematics. What he saw clearly
was that these studies claimed much devotion, but sometimes failed to
produce practical results. “Is it not true,” he demanded of d’Alembert,
“that electricity and all the miracles that it reveals have only
served to excite our curiosity? Is it not true that the forces of
attraction and gravitation have only astonished our imagination? Is it
not true that all the operations of chemistry are in the same case?”
Euler himself had failed to make the fountains at Sans Souci play
successfully, and the King jeered at geometricians as the very type
of the pig-headed. In the campaign of 1778 an officer who trusted his
theodolite in preference to his eye was bidden to go to the devil with
his trigonometry.
None of Frederick’s opinions or whims can be termed unimportant, for
his power was so unfettered that he could embody any of them in acts
of State. The building of the New Palace furnishes a hint of how
great might have been the consequences had he given rein to a single
enthusiasm in the sphere of art. But with this reservation it is in the
domain of statecraft, especially in his system of foreign policy, his
economic doctrine, and his theory of the organisation of the State,
that we must seek the true measure of his mind.
In his conception of the political world and of Prussia’s place in it,
acuteness and lack of profundity are again apparent. The acuteness is
indeed impaired because of the existence of two political factors,
honesty and women, that Frederick never understood. The former, it
is true, was so rare that his ignorance of its nature hampered him
but little, save when Augustus frustrated all his plans in 1756, and
when in the later stages of the Seven Years’ War Louis XV. fulfilled
his unprofitable engagements with the Queen. But during Frederick’s
lifetime women played an unusually prominent part in Europe, and his
misjudgment of them was a serious political defect. Prussia suffered
severely for his belief that Maria Theresa was pliable, Elizabeth
of Russia incapable, the Pompadour insignificant, and Catherine II.
shallow.
In general, however, Frederick was as gifted a tactician in politics
as in war, and in both he knew how to profit by experience. Compared
with his handling of France in his early years, his handling of
Russia from 1762 to 1779 shows an advance as marked as that of his
guardianship between Mollwitz and Leuthen. The circumstances of the age
favoured a policy of opportunism for Prussia. Dexterity, not depth, was
profitable, and Frederick therefore earned handsome rewards—Silesia,
East Frisia, and West-Preussen.
The pillars of his system, none the less, were built of crumbling
stone. The triumphs of his successors have to this day shored up some
among them—that profit ranks before promises in affairs of State, that
morals are to be reserved for manifestoes, and that the rectitude of
an act is determined by its success. Some, on the other hand, were
swiftly demolished by the course of subsequent events. That Austria
was Prussia’s most dangerous foe, that the German princes were her
least desirable allies, and that lasting concord with Russia was
expedient, may be regarded as mistakes, natural enough but damaging to
Frederick’s reputation for profound statesmanship.
His economic errors have been discussed in earlier chapters of this
book. Where an original thinker would have reflected and enquired,
Frederick plunged into ill-judged action. While he claimed for Prussia
a place among the Great Powers, he was bent on administering her
resources as despotically as though she were a farm and he the steward.
His thrift and industry palliated but could not cure the evils which
flowed from this confusion. The birth of individual enterprise was
retarded, while by the concentration of its attention upon petty cash
the hereditary tendency of the Prussian Government to be sordid was
intensified. The King, though admirably acquainted with the details
of the production of material wealth, was insensible to the vastly
greater value of goods which cannot be seen or handled. How, it may
be wondered, could his Government foster honour, initiative, or
independence—qualities which in the long run are the fundamentals even
of material success?
In foreign policy Frederick was successful, and in economic practice
his failure was qualified. But his lack of true insight into the
functions of government was fraught with terrible consequences for
Prussia. Judged by the standard of the age, it is true, Frederick’s
administration was a pattern to the world. The State, as the fashion
then was, interfered everywhere and with irresistible strength. Its
machinery, though cumbrous, ran smooth and true, and the actual
expense was small. “If Prussia perishes,” wrote Mirabeau, “the art of
government will return to its infancy.”
From the same pen, however, came a verdict, damning, indeed, yet
unshaken by appeal to reason or to the event. “If ever a foolish
prince ascends this throne we shall see the formidable giant suddenly
collapse, and Prussia will fall like Sweden.” Frederick secured his own
triumph by making it impossible to succeed him.
Against this department of his statecraft a double indictment must be
brought. He was not profound enough to see that the machine which he
laboured to render indissoluble was such that only an unbroken series
of monarchs as gifted as he could guide it. Nor was he wise enough,
though he knew that the next steersman of the State would be a fool, to
alter the machine so as to give it some power of self-direction.
The folly of tacitly assuming that successors like himself would be
forthcoming was shared by Frederick with many of the great autocrats
of history. Men abhor the thought of a vacuum created by their own
disappearance. The self-abnegation of a Washington is as much rarer as
it is wiser than the augmented industry of an aged Louis XIV. Yet the
sketch that has been given in this book of the all-embracing activity
of the King, who nominated even the sergeants and corporals in an army
of 200,000 men, and allowed no branch of his civil hierarchy the least
real independence, suffices to show how improbable it was that an
ordinary prince could put himself in Frederick’s place, and how fatal
it would be to the Government if he did not.
Frederick himself stated clearly the ruin that would ensue if a King
of Prussia relaxed his grip on the finances, embarked upon schemes
of premature aggression, or paused to enjoy his kingship. His nephew
and heir, to look no further into the future, was a man whom he knew
to be likely to commit all these faults. The remedy was to call into
existence a body outside the throne and to entrust to its keeping some
share in the power which had grown too great for the monarchy to wield.
In the bureaucracy Frederick possessed a body of loyal and upright
men who were not connected with any dangerous caste. Yet so far from
training them for partial independence, he continued to treat them,
from the General Directory downwards, like schoolboys who deserved
to be flogged. His standing recipe was to keep them between fear and
hope. In 1780, to cite only one instance from many, he wrote to the
Chamber for West-Preussen: “Ye are arch-rogues not worth the bread
that is given you, and all deserve to be turned out. Just wait till I
come to Preussen!” It is not surprising that men of birth and capacity
hesitated to serve in the administration during Frederick’s lifetime
and that narrow-minded pedantry soon became its distinguishing feature
after he died. The King bequeathed an impossible task to posterity and
the catastrophe of the Prussian State at Jena was the result.
[Illustration: FREDERICK THE SECOND, KING OF PRUSSIA.
AFTER THE PAINTING BY CHODOWIECKI.]
As a thinker, then, even in politics and administration, Frederick
falls very far short of greatness. His powers were, in reality,
those of a man of action. The versatility with which he entered into
every department of government in turn is no more astounding than
the clearness with which he perceived the immediate obstacles to be
overcome in each, the courage with which he faced them, and the force,
swift, steady, and irresistible, by which he triumphed. The wonderful
energy which prompted him to bear on his own shoulders all the burden
of the State in war and peace, and to put forth all his strength at
every blow, was yet more marvellous because it was susceptible of
control. Frederick, as we have seen, ceased from the labours of the
Seven Years’ War, only to undertake the reconstruction of the economic
life of a great kingdom. By mere overflow of force he finished his
_History of the War_ early in the year after that in which peace
was made. Yet, with all his energy, he was able to realise that not
seldom force needs the help of time. He was gratified when some of his
enterprises began to repay him after twenty years, and he declined to
aggrandise Prussia beyond the limit which his statesmanlike instinct
taught him that her strength would warrant.
Among Frederick’s powers, then, energy alone is truly great, but his
energy was such that to him few achievements were impossible. If we
turn from his powers to his performance, we find his name associated
with three great phenomena of history. Under his guidance Prussia rose
at one step from the third to the highest grade among the Powers.
He was, moreover, the pattern of the monarchs of his time, the type
of the benevolent despots of the later eighteenth century. Finally,
in the great series of events by which Germany has become a united
military Empire his life-work fills a conspicuous place. How far, we
may enquire, should his work in any of these three fields compel the
admiration of succeeding ages?
That part of the Hohenzollern legend which portrays Frederick as the
conscious or semi-conscious architect of the modern German Empire finds
little support in the record of his life. Sometimes, it is true, he
used the language of Teutonic patriotism and posed as the indignant
defender of German liberties against the Hapsburg. But he posed with
equal indignation as the protector of Polish or Swedish “liberties”
against a reforming king or as the champion of Protestantism against
Powers who might be represented as its foes. The whole course of his
life witnessed to his preference for French civilisation over German,
and to his indifference as to the race of his subjects and assistants,
if only they were serviceable to the State. His point of view was
invariably and exclusively Prussian. It would never have occurred to
him to refuse to barter his Rhenish provinces for parts of Bohemia or
Poland because the former were inhabited by Germans and the latter by
Slavs. He was far from being shocked at the suggestion that he might
one day partition the Empire with the Hapsburgs. He struggled for
equality with Austria, never dreaming of the time when his descendants
should expel her from Germany and assume the Imperial crown. Thus,
though his work was a step towards their triumph, it was unconscious.
He must be judged by viewing his achievements in relation to his own
designs.
Frederick’s influence upon his contemporaries was enormous, and in
many respects it cannot be overpraised. He found what has been styled
“Sultan and harem economy” prevalent among his peers, together with
a tendency to regard the income of the State as the pocket-money of
the ruler. For this he substituted in Europe a great measure of his
own ideal of royal duty. Fearing nothing and hoping little from any
future state, he was yet too proud to flinch from an atom of the
lifelong penance that he believed was prescribed for kings by some law
of nature. Duty to his House and duty to his State were to him the
same, and they dictated a life of incessant labour for his subjects’
good, and forbade the appropriation of more than a living wage. Other
sovereigns followed the Prussian mode, and “benevolent despotism” came
to be regarded as the panacea for the ills of Europe. Though it hardly
survived the storm of the Revolution, it was instrumental in removing
many abuses and in promoting during several decades the comfort of
the common people. Thanks in great part to Frederick, irresponsible
monarchy became impossible for ever.
Frederick’s fame, none the less, finds its most solid basis in the
achievement to which all else in his life was subordinate,—the
successful aggrandisement of Prussia. Though it may be true that
another and a better way lay open to him, that the path which he
marked out led straight to Jena, that he owed much of his success to
fortune, and that his work was rescued by forces which he had not
prized, in spite of all it is to him that Prussia owes her place among
the nations. By his single will he shaped the course of history. His
rule completed the fusion of provinces into a State, his victories
gave it prestige, and the success of his work of aggrandisement was
great enough to consecrate the very arts by which it was accomplished.
Two decades after his death a king of Prussia entered his tomb by
night, seeking inspiration to confront Napoleon. The architects of
modern Germany declare that all that they have built rests upon the
foundations that he laid. As long as the German Empire flourishes and
the world is swayed by the principles of its founders, so long will the
fame of Frederick the Great remain secure.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
INDEX
A
Agriculture, Prussian, 309 _ff._
Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen), 129;
Peace of (1748), 156, 157, 194
Alembert, d’, 160, 337, 339, 352
Algarotti, 82, 160
Amelia, Princess, 31
Anhalt-Dessau, Leopold, Prince of (“the Old Dessauer”), 78, 82, 109,
116, 126, 140, 143, 150 _ff._
Anhalt-Dessau, Leopold, Prince of (“the Young Dessauer”), 104, 105,
109, 115, 262
Anne of Russia, 44, 91
Ansbach, Margravine of, 81
Anti-Machiavel, 53
Archenholtz, cited, 289
Armed Neutrality of 1780, 339
Army, Prussian, 15, 19, 22, 66, 78, 81, 104, 109, 114, 117, 126, 147,
150, 165 _ff._, 188, 203, 221, 243, 247, 267, 271, 289, 293,
302 _ff._, 336, 344, 351
Augustus III., Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, 66, 67, 130, 138,
148, 151, 153, 204, 206 _ff._, 324, 352
Augustus William, Prince, 112, 203, 228, 230 _ff._, 251, 264
B
Baireuth, 81, 82, 135
Baireuth, Margrave of, 41, 43, 82
Bank, Prussian, 318
Barberina, 131, 132
Baumgarten, 109
Bautzen, 230, 232
Bavaria, in 1778, 333, 334;
in 1785, 342, 343
Bavarian Succession, war of the, 334 _ff._
Belleisle, Marshal, 118, 121, 139
Berg, 61 _ff._, 76, 85, 98 Berlin, 28, 35, 80, 98, 129, 150, 171, 173,
233, 290, 307, 314, 345, 348;
treaty of (1728), 62;
treaty of (1742), 127, 136, 149, 153
Bevern, Duke of, 212, 219, 220, 224, 232, 238
Bismarck, 3, 94, 350
Black Eagle, Order of the, 20
Bohemia, campaign in (1778), 334 _ff._
Book of Rights, Prussian, 337
Borcke, 100, 102, 205
Botta, Marquis di, 98–100
Breslau, 79, 90, 103, 105, 118, 119, 121, 145, 239 _ff._, 252, 285
Brieg, 104, 109, 116, 121
Broglie, Marshal, 160
Browne, 207, 216
Brühl, Count, 150, 151, 204
Brünn, 125
Bunzelwitz, 294
Bureaucracy, Prussian, 356
Burkersdorf, battle of, 298
Bute, Lord, 295, 299, 323
C
Camas, Madame de, 29, 51, 161, 305
Carlyle, Thomas, cited, 15, 20, 24, 47, 79, 104, 107, 113, 130, 143,
158, 172, 200, 306, 345
Carteret, 125, 135
Catherine II. of Russia, 298, 324, 326, 331, 339, 340, 342, 353
Catt, M. de, 74, 75
Charles I. of England, 10
Charles V., Emperor, 56–58
Charles VI., Emperor, 58 _ff._, 62, 66, 70, 75, 88, 96, 103, 181
Charles XII. of Sweden, 65, 278
Charles Albert of Bavaria (Emperor Charles VII.), 118, 123, 132, 141
Charles, Prince, of Lorraine, 125, 126, 142, 144, 145, 214 _ff._, 228,
232 _ff._, 238, 239, 241 _ff._
Charles of Brandenburg-Schwedt, 259
Charlotte of Brunswick, 347
Chotusitz (battle also called Czaslau), 126, 127, 147
Cleve, or Cleves, 6, 9, 10, 14, 17, 63, 71, 79, 80, 98, 171
Cocceji, 176, 181
Codex Fridericianus, 176
Coffee in Prussia, 319
Colberg, 71, 294
Colbert, 70
Commerce, Prussian, 316 _ff._
Contribution, the, 165, 178
Cornwallis, 345
Cosel, 145
Curland, or Courland, 68
Courland, Duke of, 346
Cumberland, Duke of, 232
Cüstrin, 34, 37, 41, 44, 46, 73, 81, 90, 257 _ff._
D
Danzig, or Dantsic, 66, 68, 73, 317, 327, 330
Daun, 215, 218 _ff._, 232, 247, 248, 256, 262 _ff._, 266 _ff._, 277
_ff._, 283, 285 _ff._, 290 _ff._, 298
Dessauer, the Old and the Young. _See_ Anhalt-Dessau.
Dettingen, 135, 144, 194
Dohna, 255, 259
Domstädtl, 256
Dresden, 151 _ff._, 262, 264, 276, 284, 293;
Treaty of (1745), 154, 155
Duhan, 29, 78
E
East Frisia, 187, 188
Eastern Question, 325
Edict of 1723, 23
Education, Prussian, 338
Eichel, 150, 164, 180, 182, 201, 225, 226, 232, 233, 239, 240,
242, 265, 279
Elector Palatine, 333, 342
Elizabeth of Brunswick-Bevern, 44 _ff._, 161
Elizabeth of Russia, 130, 193, 197, 257, 296, 353
Emden, 133
Empire, Holy Roman, 4, 13, 36, 56 _ff._, 62, 75, 76, 86, 95, 210
England, 21, 31, 58, 60, 61, 84, 92, 135, 136, 148, 317, 332
Ermland, 327
Eugene, 44, 52, 66, 96
Euler, 185, 352
Europe 1713–56, 191 _ff._
Excise, 165, 178, 347
F
Fehrbellin, battle of, 16, 17, 46, 65
Ferdinand of Brunswick, 231, 238, 252, 253, 276, 283
Ferdinand, Prince, 99, 266
Fermor, 257 _ff._
Finck, 274, 279
Finckenstein, 285, 292
Fleury, 63, 84, 96, 99, 107, 108, 117, 119, 122, 135
Fontenoy, 143, 148, 194
Fouqué, 283, 284
Francis of Lorraine (Emperor Francis I.), 97, 100, 101, 149
Frankfort, on the Main, 81, 118
Frankfort, Union of, 136
Frankfurt-on-Oder, 99, 185, 269
Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg 1640–86. _See_ Great Elector.
Frederick I. (King in Prussia 1701), otherwise Frederick III., Elector
of Brandenburg 1686–1713, 18–20, 22, 25, 32, 72
Frederick II. of Prussia, called Frederick the Great, statue (Berlin,
Unter den Linden), 1;
policy, 3, 62 _ff._, 77, 83 _ff._, 102, 129 _ff._, 169 _ff._,
183 _ff._;
and his forerunners, Chapter I. _passim_, 14, 17, 23;
on Thirty Years’ War, 8;
mother, _see_ Sophia Dorothea;
birth, 25;
personality, 25, 49 _ff._, 107, 128, 132, 133, 143, 159 _ff._, 261,
262, 281, 282, 296, 305;
education, 28 _ff._, 41 _ff._;
marriage, 31, 44 _ff._;
plan of flight (1730), 32, 33;
trial and imprisonment, 33 _ff._;
writings, 53, 55, 75, 163;
philosophy, etc., 53 _ff._, 73 _ff._, 160, 290, 291, 295,
304 _ff._, 319;
accession and early measures, 77 _ff._;
seizure of Silesia, 89 _ff._;
campaign of 1741, 109 _ff._;
Klein Schnellendorf, etc., 120 _ff._;
campaign of 1742, 123 _ff._;
diplomacy of 1743–44, 134 _ff._;
campaign of 1744, 137 _ff._;
campaign of 1745, 141 _ff._;
in peace, 1746–56, 155 _ff._;
and religion, 79, 105, 170 _ff._;
habits, 162 _ff._;
power, 164 _ff._;
and Seven Years’ War, 195 _ff._;
in 1757, 211 _ff._;
in 1758, 251 _ff._;
in 1759, 266 _ff._;
in 1760, 281 _ff._;
in 1761, 293 _ff._;
in 1762, 296 _ff._;
in 1763, 299 _ff._;
his work of restoration, 306 _ff._;
economic policy, 312 _ff._;
foreign policy from 1763, 322 _ff._;
partition of Poland, 325 _ff._;
and West-Preussen, 330, 331;
foreign policy from 1772, 332;
Bavarian Succession, 333 _ff._;
life and government from 1779, 337 _ff._;
foreign policy from 1779, 339 visit to Silesia in 1785, 344;
illness and death, 345 _ff._;
estimate of, 350 _ff._
Frederick William I., King of Prussia, 1713–40 (the “Sergeant King”),
father of Frederick the Great, 20 _ff._, 25 _ff._, 45 _ff._,
60 _ff._, 76–78, 86, 97, 104, 167, 177–180, 182, 347
Frederick William II., King of Prussia (1786–1787), 274, 348, 349, 356
Freiberg, battle of, 299
Frisia, East, 73, 133
Füssen, Treaty of, 141
G
General Directory, 177 _ff._, 320
George II., 31, 32, 84, 108, 135, 149, 194
George William, Elector of Brandenburg, 1619–40, 6, 8, 78
Glatz, 79, 122, 126, 132, 140, 142, 284, 300
Glogau, 103 _ff._, 121
Goethe, 351
Golden Bull, 13
Goltz, 231
Gotter, 101, 102
Great Elector, The (_see_ Frederick William), 6, 8–20, 22, 64, 65, 72,
73, 83, 165, 347
Great-Fredericksburgh, 72
Gross-Jägersdorf, 233
Grumbkow, 34, 35, 39, 44, 45, 61, 76–78
Guichard, Colonel, 302
Gundling, 27
Gustavus Adolphus, 6, 16, 65, 76, 85, 113
Gustavus III. of Sweden, 332
H
Hadik, 269, 274
Hagen, 318
Halberstadt, 13, 21
Halle, 150, 307
Hamburg, 317;
Peace of (1762), 297
Hanover, 18, 25, 31, 32, 63, 71, 84, 133, 135, 194 _ff._, 206, 232;
Convention of (1745), 149, 153
Hapsburgs, policy of, 94 _ff._
Hastenbeck, 232
Hedwigs-Kirche, 171
Hennersdorf, 151
Henry, Prince, 99, 231, 237, 242, 264, 266, 268, 275, 277, 278, 289,
299, 305, 327, 330, 333, 335 _ff._
Herstal, 81, 87, 88, 102
Hertzberg, 314, 341, 347
Hesse-Cassel, Landgrave of 86
Hille, 41, 44, 47, 90
_History of the War_, Frederick’s, 357
Hochkirch, battle of, 262, 263
Hohenfriedberg, 145 _ff._;
_March of_, 148
Hohenzollern, Albert of, 5
Hohenzollern, Frederick of, 4;
family policy and traits, 4 _ff._, 19, 20, 36, 46, 52, 59, 61–64,
80, 85, 93, 132, 143;
legend, 350, 358
Hoorn, 88
Hubertusburg, Peace of, 299, 300, 322, 323
Hyndford, Lord, 120, 122
J
Jena, 349, 356, 359
Jenkins’ Ear, war of, 193
Jesuits, 171, 172, 338
Jews in Prussia, 314, 330
Joachim II., Elector of Brandenburg, 1535–71, 6
John Sigismund, Elector of Brandenburg, 1608–19, 6
Jordan, 82
Joseph II., Emperor, 300, 322, 323, 326, 333, 335, 336, 339 _ff._
Jülich, 61 _ff._, 118
Junius Brutus, the new (= Frederick William I.), 31
K
Katte, Lieutenant von, 32, 34, 35, 37–39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 78;
father of, 78
Katzbach, 287
Kaunitz, 191, 194 _ff._, 326, 339
Kay, battle of, 268
Keith, 217, 233, 258, 262, 263;
Lieutenant, 78
Kesselsdorf, 151, 152
Klein Schnellendorf, Convention, 119 _ff._, 139
Klinggräffen, 203, 204
Kolin, battle of, 220 _ff._
Königgrätz, 145, 147
Königsberg, 5, 9, 10, 15, 19, 80, 257, 258
Königsbrück, 239
Königstein, 206
Koser, Professor, cited, 133, 310, 311, 317
Kunersdorf, battle of, 269 _ff._
L
Lacy, 284, 285, 335
Lafayette, 345
Lagos, 282
Landrat (or Sheriff), 177
Landshut, 283, 284
Laudon, 256, 268, 269, 272, 273, 283 _ff._, 294, 326, 335, 336
Launay, de, 320, 347
Lavisse, cited, 21
Law-reforms, Frederick’s, 176
League of Princes (_Fürstenbund_), 340 _ff._
Lehwaldt, 198, 218, 228, 238, 254
Leipzig, 151, 233, 234, 293
Leitmeritz, 228
Lemberg, 327
Lentulus, 348
Leuthen, battle of, 245 _ff._
Lichtenstein, 208
Liège, 87
Liegnitz, 105, 245;
battle of, 286 _ff._
Lissa, 244, 251
Lobositz, 207, 208
Louis XIV., 16, 17, 28, 32, 58, 70, 93, 94
Louis XV., 32, 117, 130, 141, 143, 353
Louis XVI., 342
Luchesi, 247, 249
Lusatia, 228, 230, 232, 233
Luther, 5
M
Macaulay, 189
Magdeburg, 13, 50, 169, 235
Mahon, Lord, cited, 50, 173
Mainz, 86, 102
Mannheim, 33
Manstein, General, 223
Maria Theresa, statue (Vienna, Hofburg), 1, 44, 92, 96, 101, 102, 119,
122, 123, 138, 142, 148, 150, 154, 214, 240, 253, 299, 323,
327, 328, 334, 338, 353
Marine Commercial Company, Prussian, 318
Mark, the, of Brandenburg, 4 _ff._, 9, 14, 63, 169
Mark-Lissa, 266, 268
Maupertuis, 82
Maurice of Anhalt-Dessau, 223, 225, 233
Maxen, 279, 283, 284
Meissen, 151
Melnik, 205
Memel, 71, 72
Menzel, 198
Merseburg, 236, 237
Mietzel, 259
Miller, Arnold, case of, 174, 175
Minden, 13;
battle of, 276, 282
Mirabeau, 346, 355
Mitchell, Sir Andrew, 199, 201, 202, 206, 212, 227, 230, 234, 286
Mollwitz, 112 _ff._, 147
Münchow, 182
N
Nachod, 335
Nantes, Edict of, 58
Napoleon, 207, 349, 360
Naumburg on the Queiss, 239
Neckar, 86
Neipperg, 110 _ff._, 120, 144
Neisse, 104 _ff._, 119–121, 144, 262, 264
Neumarkt, 239 _ff._
Newcastle, Duke of, 295
New Palace (Neues Palais), 308, 352
Nippern, 246, 247
Noailles, 135
O
Ohlau, 111, 112, 114
Oliva, Peace of, 65
Olmütz, 122, 256
Oppeln, 114
Ordinance of 1748, 182
Ostend, 70
Ost-Preussen (East Prussia), 5, 9, 10, 14, 15, 17, 53, 54, 65, 68, 69,
80, 233, 238, 257, 282, 297, 298, 324
P
Panten, 286, 287
Paper industry in Prussia, 315, 316
Parchwitz, 240, 241, 244
Paris, Peace of (1763), 299, 323
Partition of Poland, 325 _ff._
Peene, 22, 69
Peter the Great of Russia, 27, 68, 70, 73
Peter III. of Russia, 296–298
Pfalz-Sulzbach, House of, 63
Philippson, Professor, cited, 168
Pillau, 71, 72
Pirna, 205 _ff._
Pitt, William, 213, 238, 254, 276, 282, 295
Podewils, 89, 91, 98, 99, 131, 135, 150, 201, 202, 209, 210, 226, 285
Poland, 10, 34, 64 _ff._
Polish Succession, War of, 52
Pöllnitz, 172
Pomerellen, 329
Pompadour, 194, 196, 227, 229, 353
Population, statistics of, 187, 306
Porcelain, Prussian, 314
“Potato War,” 336
Potsdam, 113, 129, 162, 171, 308, 345 _ff._
Potsdam, Ogre of (= Frederick the Great), 31
Pragmatic Sanction, 59–61, 66, 70, 92, 95, 96, 118
Prague, 121, 123, 126, 138, 139, 206, 218 _ff._;
battle of, 214 _ff._
Pretender, the, 148
Prussia, early history, 3;
East (_see_ Ost-Preussen).
Q
Quarter of the Inn (_Innviertel_), 337
Quebec, 282
Quiberon, 282
Quintus Icilius, 302
R
Rambonnet, 87
Regie, 320, 321
Rheinsberg, 52 _ff._, 82, 88, 98
Richelieu, 232
Rittner, Andreas, 7
Rochow, von, 33
Rossbach, battle of, 235 _ff._
Roucoulle, Madame de, 29
Rumianzow, 342
Rutowski, 151, 152
S
Sagschütz, 246–248
Salt, Prussian, 319
Salzach, 86
Sans Souci, 129, 161, 187, 346, 348
Sazawa, 217, 218
Schäfer, cited, 216
Schaffgotsch, 171
Schandau, 208
Schmettau, 274, 276
Schönhausen, 129, 161
Schulenburg, General von, 36, 37, 78
Schwarzenburg, 6, 9, 17
Schwarzwasser, 286
Schwedt, Margravine of, 305
Schweidnitz, 238, 239, 241, 256, 294, 298, 299
Schwerin, 89, 105, 109 _ff._, 114 _ff._, 122, 126, 138 _ff._, 200,
205, 208, 214, 216, 217, 228
Schwiebus, circle of, 19
Serfdom in Prussia, 312, 313
Sergeant King, the. _See_ Frederick William I.
Seydlitz, 237, 238, 260, 273
Sigismund, 329
Silesia, 16, 20, 67, 89 _ff._, 126, 141 _ff._, 155–157, 171, 182, 283,
306, 315, 317, 324, 340, 344 _ff._
Sime, Mr. James (cited), 322
Soltykoff, 268 _ff._, 285
Soor, 149, 150
Sophia Dorothea, Queen-mother of Frederick the Great, 25, 27, 31, 45,
81, 148, 161, 226, 227
Soubise, 232 _ff._, 253
Spandau, 33
Spanish Succession, War of the, 20
Stanislaus Poniatowski, 324, 329
Stettin, 17, 65, 71, 72
Strasburg, 81
Strehlen, 114
Striegau, 146
Strützky, 347
Sweden and Swedes, 7, 11, 13, 16, 22, 64, 65, 71, 332
Sweden, Queen of, 253
Swedish drink, 7
T
Tangermünde, 7
Tauentzien, 285
Teschen, Peace of, 336, 337, 342
Teutonic Knights, 5
Thiennes, 223, 224
Thirty Years’ War, 6 _ff._, 13, 57, 58
Thorn, 330
Tobacco, in Prussia, 315, 319
Tobacco Parliament, 27
Torgau, battle of, 291 _ff._
Tournay, 143, 144
Traun, 140–142, 144, 150, 153
Turenne, 16
Turin, battle of (1706), 19, 60
U
United States of America, 317
Usedom, 22
Utrecht, Peace of, 58, 70, 84
V
Valori, Marquis de, 202
Vasa, House of, 64
Versailles, Treaty of (May, 1756), 197, 198
Vistula, 68, 69
Voltaire, 51, 53, 81, 82, 89, 98, 129, 130, 158, 162, 163, 172, 187,
228, 279, 280, 310, 330, 337, 351
W
Wales, Prince of, 31
Wallis, 104
Walpole, Robert, 58, 84, 125, 192, 193
Wartha, 34
Wedell, 267, 268
Weissenfels on the Saale, 234
Wesel, 33, 80, 81, 87
Westminster, Convention of, 195–197
Westphalia, Peace of (1648), 13, 14, 57, 60, 65, 337
West-Preussen, 326, 327, 330, 331
Wilhelmina, Princess, sister of Frederick the Great, 26, 27, 31, 35,
43, 49, 80 _ff._, 135, 226, 227, 240, 252, 264
William I., German Emperor, 350
William II., German Emperor, 69, 173
Winterfeldt, 203, 206, 231
Wladislaus IV. of Poland, 10
Wobersnow, 267
Wolden, 47
Wolf, 27
Wollin, 22
Worms, Treaty of (1743), 136
Wreech, Madame von, 43
Wusterhausen, 28, 95
Y
York, Duke of, 345
Young Pretender, 197
Z
Zieten, 216, 222, 241, 248, 256, 262, 291 _ff._, 348
Zips, 327
Zittau, 228
Zorndorf, battle of, 260 _ff._
Zweibrücken, Charles of, 334, 342, 343
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
The Story of the Nations.
In the story form the current of each National life is distinctly
indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are
presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other
as well as to universal history.
It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into
the real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as
they actually lived, labored, and struggled—as they studied and wrote,
and as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths,
with which the history of all lands begins, will not be overlooked,
though these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history,
so far as the labors of the accepted historical authorities have
resulted in definite conclusions.
The subjects of the different volumes have been planned to cover
connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so
that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative
the chief events in the great STORY OF THE NATIONS; but it is, of
course, not always practicable to issue the several volumes in their
chronological order.
Nos. 1–61, each $1.50
Half leather 1.75
Nos. 62 and following Nos., each (by mail, 1.50
net 1.35
Half leather (by mail, $1.75) net 1.60
_For list of volumes see next page._
THE STORY OF THE NATIONS.
GREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.
ROME. Arthur Gilman.
THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer.
CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin.
GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould.
NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen.
SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale.
HUNGARY. Prof. A. Vámbéry.
CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church.
THE SARACENS. Arthur Gilman.
THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole.
THE NORMANS. Sarah Orne Jewett.
PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin.
ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Rawlinson.
ALEXANDER’S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Mahaffy.
ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley.
IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless.
TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole.
MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
MEDIÆVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustave Masson.
HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers.
MEXICO. Susan Hale.
PHŒNICIA. George Rawlinson.
THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zimmern.
EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred J. Church.
THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. Stanley Lane-Poole.
RUSSIA. W. R. Morfill.
THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. D. Morrison.
SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh.
SWITZERLAND. R. Stead and Mrs. A. Hug.
PORTUGAL. H. Morse-Stephens.
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C. W. C. Oman.
SICILY. E. A. Freeman.
THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bella Duffy.
POLAND. W. R. Morfill.
PARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson.
JAPAN. David Murray.
THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OF SPAIN. H. E. Watts.
AUSTRALASIA. Greville Tregarthen.
SOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. M. Theal.
VENICE. Alethea Wiel.
THE CRUSADES. T. S. Archer and C. L. Kingsford.
VEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
BOHEMIA. C. E. Maurice.
CANADA. J. G. Bourinot.
THE BALKAN STATES. William Miller.
BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R. W. Frazer.
MODERN FRANCE. André Le Bon.
THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. Two vols.
THE FRANKS. Lewis Sergeant.
THE WEST INDIES. Amos K. Fiske.
THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. Justin MCCarthy, M.P. Two vols.
AUSTRIA. Sidney Whitman.
CHINA. Robt. K. Douglass.
MODERN SPAIN. Major Martin A. S. Hume.
MODERN ITALY. Pietro Orsi.
THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. Helen A. Smith. Two vols.
WALES AND CORNWALL. Owen M. Edwards. Net $1.35.
MEDIÆVAL ROME. Wm. Miller.
THE PAPAL MONARCHY. Wm. Barry.
MEDIÆVAL INDIA. Stanley Lane-Poole.
BUDDHIST INDIA. T. W. Rhys-Davids.
THE SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS. Thomas C. Dawson. Two vols.
PARLIAMENTARY ENGLAND. Edward Jenks.
[Illustration]
Heroes of the Nations.
A series of biographical studies of the lives and work of a number of
representative historical characters about whom have gathered the great
traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have been
accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National ideals.
With the life of each typical character will be presented a picture of
the National conditions surrounding him during his career.
The narratives are the work of writers who are recognized authorities
on their several subjects, and, while thoroughly trustworthy as
history, will present picturesque and dramatic “stories” of the Men and
of the events connected with them.
To the Life of each “Hero” will be given one duodecimo volume,
handsomely printed in large type, provided with maps and adequately
illustrated according to the special requirements of the several
subjects.
Nos. 1–32, each $1.50
Half leather 1.75
No. 33 and following Nos., each
(by mail $1.50, net 1.35)
Half leather (by mail, $1.75) net 1.60
_For full list of volumes see next page._
HEROES OF THE NATIONS
NELSON. By W. Clark Russell.
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By C. R. L. Fletcher.
PERICLES. By Evelyn Abbott.
THEODORIC THE GOTH. By Thomas Hodgkin.
SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By H. R. Fox-Bourne.
JULIUS CÆSAR. By W. Warde Fowler.
WYCLIF. By Lewis Sergeant.
NAPOLEON. By W. O’Connor Morris.
HENRY OF NAVARRE. By P. F. Willert.
CICERO. By J. L. Strachan-Davidson.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By Noah Brooks.
PRINCE HENRY (OF PORTUGAL) THE NAVIGATOR. By C. R. Beazley.
JULIAN THE PHILOSOPHER. By Alice Gardner.
LOUIS XIV. By Arthur Hassall.
CHARLES XII. By R. Nisbet Bain.
LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. By Edward Armstrong.
JEANNE D’ARC. By Mrs. Oliphant.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. By Washington Irving.
ROBERT THE BRUCE. By Sir Herbert Maxwell.
HANNIBAL. By W. O’Connor Morris.
ULYSSES S. GRANT. By William Conant Church.
ROBERT E. LEE. By Henry Alexander White.
THE CID CAMPEADOR. By H. Butler Clarke.
SALADIN. By Stanley Lane-Poole.
BISMARCK. By J. W. Headlam.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT. By Benjamin I. Wheeler.
CHARLEMAGNE. By H. W. C. Davis.
OLIVER CROMWELL. By Charles Firth.
RICHELIEU. By James B. Perkins.
DANIEL O’CONNELL. By Robert Dunlop.
SAINT LOUIS (Louis IX of France). By Frederick Perry.
LORD CHATHAM. By Walford Davis Green.
OWEN GLYNDWR. By Arthur G. Bradley. $1.35 net.
HENRY V. By Charles L. Kingsford. $1.35 net.
EDWARD I. By Edward Jenks. $1.35 net.
AUGUSTUS CÆSAR. By J. B. Firth. $1.35 net.
FREDERICK THE GREAT. By W. F. Reddaway.
WELLINGTON. By W. O’Connor Morris.
Other volumes in preparation are:
CONSTANTINE. By J. B. Firth.
MOLTKE. By Spencer Wilkinson.
JUDAS MACCABÆUS. By Israel Abrahams.
SOBIESKI. By F. A. Pollard.
ALFRED THE TRUTHTELLER. By Frederick Perry.
FREDERICK II. By A. L. Smith.
MARLBOROUGH. By C. W. C. Oman.
RICHARD THE LION-HEARTED. By T. A. Archer.
WILLIAM THE SILENT. By Ruth Putnam.
CHARLES THE BOLD. By Ruth Putnam.
GREGORY VII. By F. Urquhart.
MAHOMET. By D. S. Margoliouth.
G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS, PUBLISHERS,
NEW YORK, LONDON.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant
preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks retained.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained; occurrences of
inconsistent hyphenation have not been changed.
Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references.
Title page: “OVID, IN LIVIAM, 266” should be “265”.