long in preparation. It was one part of that general progress,
complex in its character, which marked the fifteenth century
and the opening of the sixteenth as the period of transition
from the Middle Ages to modern civilization. ... But while the
Reformation was one part of a change extending over the whole
sphere of human knowledge and activity, it had its own
specific origin and significance. These are still, to some
extent, a subject of controversy. ... One of its causes, as
well as one of the sources of its great power, was the
increasing discontent with the prevailing corruption and
misgovernment in the Church, and with papal interference in
civil affairs. ... The misconduct of the popes in the last
half of the fifteenth century was not more flagrant than that
of their predecessors in the tenth century. But the fifteenth
century was an age of light. What was done by the pontiffs was
not done in a corner, but under the eyes of all Europe.
Besides, there was now a deep-seated craving, especially in
the Teutonic peoples, who had so long been under the tutelage
of a legal, judaizing form of Christianity, for a more
spiritual type of religion. ... The Reformation may be viewed
in two aspects. On the one hand it is a religious revolution
affecting the beliefs, the rites, the ecclesiastical
organization of the Church, and the form of Christian life. On
the other hand, it is a great movement in which sovereigns and
nations are involved; the occasion of wars and treaties; the
close of an old, and the introduction of a new, period in the
history of culture and civilization. Germany, including the
Netherlands and Switzerland, was the stronghold of the
Reformation. It was natural that such a movement should spring
up and rise to its highest power among a people in whom a love of
independence was mingled with a yearning for a more spiritual
form of religion than was encouraged by mediæval
ecclesiasticism. Hegel has dwelt with eloquence upon the fact
that while the rest of the world was gone out to America or to
the Indies, in quest of riches and a dominion that should
encircle the globe, a simple monk, turning away from empty
forms and the things of sense, was finding him whom the
disciples once sought in a sepulchre of stone. Unquestionably
the hero of the Reformation was Martin Luther. ... As an
English writer has pointed out, Luther's whole nature was
identified with his great work, and while other leaders, like
Melancthon and even Calvin, can be separated in thought from
the Reformation, Luther, apart from the Reformation, would
cease to be Luther.' ... In 1517 John Tetzel, a hawker of
indulgences, the proceeds of which were to help pay for the
building of St. Peter's Church, appeared in the neighborhood
of Wittenberg. To persuade the people to buy his spiritual
wares, he told them, as Luther himself testifies, that as soon
as their money clinked in the bottom of the chest the souls of
their deceased friends forthwith went up to heaven. Luther was
so struck with the enormity of this traffic that he determined
to stop it. He preached against it, and on October 31, 1517,
he posted on the door of the Church of All Saints, at
Wittenberg, his ninety-five theses. [For the full text of
these, see PAPACY: A. D. 1517], relating to the doctrine and
practice of selling indulgences. Indulgences ... were at first
commutations of penance by the payment of money. The right to
issue them had gradually become the exclusive prerogative of
the popes. The eternal punishment of mortal sin being remitted
or commuted by the absolution of the priest, it was open to the
pope or his agents, by a grant of indulgences, to remove the
temporal or terminable penalties, which might extend into
purgatory. For the benefit of the needy he could draw upon the
treasury of merit stored up by Christ and the saints. Although
it was expressly declared by Pope Sixtus IV., that souls are
delivered from purgatorial fires in a way analogous to the
efficacy of prayer, and although contrition was theoretically
required of the recipient of an indulgence, it often appeared
to the people as a simple bargain, according to which, on
payment of a stipulated sum, the individual obtained a full
discharge from the penalties of sin, or procured the release
of a soul from the flames. Luther's theses assailed the
doctrines which made this baneful traffic possible. ...
Unconsciously to their author, they struck a blow at the
authority of Rome and of the priesthood. Luther had no thought
of throwing off his allegiance to the Roman Church. Even his
theses were only propositions, propounded for academic debate,
according to the custom in mediæval universities. He concluded
them with the solemn declaration that he affirmed nothing, but
left all to the judgment of the Church. ...
{1457}
The theses stirred up a commotion all over Germany. ... A
controversy arose between the new champion of reform and the
defenders of indulgences. It was during this dispute that
Luther began to realize that human authority was against him
and to see the necessity of planting himself more distinctly
on the Scriptures. His clear arguments and resolute attitude
won the respect of the Elector of Saxony, who, though he often
sought to restrain his vehemence, nevertheless protected him
from his enemies. This the elector was able to do because of
his political importance, which became still greater when,
after the death of Maximilian, he was made regent of Northern
Germany."
_G. P. Fisher,
History of the Christian Church,
pages 287-293._
"At first neither Luther, nor others, saw to what the contest
about the indulgences would lead. The Humanists believed it to
be only a scholastic disputation, and Hutten laughed to see
theologians engaged in a fight with each other. It was not
till the Leipzig disputation (1519), where Luther stood
forward to defend his views against Eck, that the matter
assumed a grave aspect, took another turn, and after the
appearance of Luther's appeals 'To the Christian Nobility of
the German Nation,' 'On the Babylonian Captivity,' and against
Church abuses, that it assumed national importance. All the
combustible materials were ready, the spark was thrown among
them, and the flames broke out from every quarter. Hundreds of
thousands of German hearts glowed responsive to the complaints
which the Wittenberg monk flung against Papal Rome, in a
language whose sonorous splendour and iron strength were now
first heard in all the fulness, force, and beauty of the
German idiom. That was an imperishable service rendered to his
country by Luther. He wrote in German, and he wrote such
German. The papal ban hurled back against him in 1520 was
disregarded. He burnt it outside the gate of Wittenberg by the
leper hospital, in the place where the rags and plague-stained
garments of the lepers were wont to be consumed. The nobility,
the burghers, the peasants, all thrilled at his call. Now the
moment had come for a great emperor, a second Charlemagne, to
stand forward and regenerate at once religion and the empire.
There was, however, at the head of the state, only Charles V.,
the grandson of Maximilian, a man weak where he ought to have
been strong, and strong where he ought to have been weak, a
Spanish Burgundian prince, of Romance stock, who despised and
disliked the German tongue, the tongue of the people whose
imperial crown he bore, a prince whose policy was to combat
France and humble it. It was convenient for him, at the time,
to have the pope on his side, so he looked with dissatisfied
eyes on the agitation in Germany. The noblest hearts among the
princes bounded with hope that he would take the lead in the
new movement. The lesser nobility, the cities, the peasantry,
all expected of the emperor a reformation of the empire
politically and religiously. ... But all hopes were dashed.
Charles V. as little saw his occasion as had Maximilian. He
took up a hostile position to the new movement at once. He
was, however, brought by the influential friends of Luther,
among whom first of all was the Elector of Saxony, to hear
what the reformer had to say for himself, before he placed him
under the ban of the empire. Luther received the imperial
safe-conduct, and was summoned to the Diet of Worms, there to
defend himself. He went, notwithstanding that he was warned
and reminded of the fate of Huss. 'I will go to Worms,' said
he, 'even were as many devils set against me as there are
tiles on the roofs.' It was probably on this journey that the
thoughts entered his mind which afterwards (1530) found their
expression in that famous chorale, 'Eine feste Burg ist unser
Gott,' which became the battle-song of Protestants. Those were
memorable days, the 17th and 18th of April, 1521, in which a
poor monk stood up before the emperor and all the estates of
the empire, undazzled by their threatening splendour, and
conducted his own case. At that moment when he closed his
defence with the stirring words, 'Let me be contradicted out
of Holy Scripture--till that is done I will not recant. Here
stand I. I can do no other, so help me God, amen!' then he had
reached the pinnacle of his greatness. The result is well known.
The emperor and his papal adviser remained unmoved, and the
ban was pronounced against the heretic. Luther was carried off
by his protector, the Elector of Saxony, and concealed in the
Wartburg, where he worked at his translation of the Bible. ...
Brandenburg, Hesse, and Saxony declared in favour of reform.
In 1523 Magdeburg, Wismar, Rostock, Stettin, Danzig, Riga,
expelled the monks and priests, and appointed Lutheran
preachers. Nürnberg and Breslau hailed the Reformation with
delight."
_S. Baring-Gould,
The Church in Germany,
chapter 18._
See PAPACY: A. D. 1516-1517, to 1522-1525.
ALSO IN:
_L. von Ranke,
History of the Reformation in Germany._
_L. Hausser,
The Period of the Reformation._
_J. H. Merle d'Aubigne,
History of the Reformation._
_M. J. Spaulding,
History of the Protestant Reformation._
_F. Seebohm,
The Era of the Protestant Revolution._
_P. Bayne,
Martin Luther._
_C. Beard,
Martin Luther and the Reformation._
_J. Köstlin,
Life of Luther._
GERMANY: A. D. 1519,
Contest for the imperial crown,
Three royal candidates in the field.
Election of Charles V., the Austro-Spanish monarch of many
thrones.
In his last years, Maximilian made great efforts to secure the
Imperial Crown for his grandson Charles, who had already
inherited, through his mother Joanna, of Spain, the kingdoms
of Castile, Aragon, and the Two Sicilies, and through his
father, Philip of Austria, the duchy of Burgundy and the many
lordships of the Netherlands. "In 1518 he obtained the consent
of the majority of the electors to the Roman crown being
bestowed on that prince. The electors of Treves and Saxony
alone opposed the project, on the ground that, as Maximilian
had never received the Imperial crown [but was styled Emperor
Elect] he was himself still King of the Romans, and that
consequently Charles could not assume a dignity that was not
vacant. To obviate this objection, Maximilian pressed Leo to
send the golden crown to Vienna; but this plan was defeated by
the intrigues of the French court. Francis, who intended to
become a candidate for the Imperial crown, intreated the Pope
not to commit himself by such an act; and while these
negociations were pending, Maximilian died at Wels, in Upper
Austria, January 12th 1519. ... Three candidates for the
Imperial crown appeared in the field: the Kings of Spain,
France, and England.
{1458}
Francis I. [of France] was now at the height of his
reputation. His enterprises had hitherto been crowned with
success, the popular test of ability, and the world
accordingly gave him credit for a political wisdom which he
was far from possessing. He appears to have gained three or
four of the Electors by the lavish distribution of his money,
which his agent, Bonnivet, was obliged to carry through
Germany on the backs of horses; for the Fuggers, the rich
bankers of Augsburg, were in the interest of Charles, and
refused to give the French any accommodation. But the bought
votes of these venal Electors could not be depended on, some
of whom sold themselves more than once to different parties.
The infamy of Albert, Elector of Mentz, in these transactions,
was particularly notorious. The chances of Henry VIII. [of
England] were throughout but slender. Henry's hopes, like
those of Francis, were chiefly founded on the corruptibility
of the Electors, and on the expectation that both his rivals,
from the very magnitude of their power, might be deemed
ineligible. Of the three candidates the claims of Charles
seemed the best founded and the most deserving of success. The
House of Austria had already furnished six emperors, of whom
the last three had reigned eighty years, as if by an
hereditary succession. Charles's Austrian possessions made him
a German prince, and from their situation constituted him the
natural protector of Germany against the Turks. The previous
canvass of Maximilian had been of some service to his cause,
and all these advantages he seconded, like his competitors, by
the free use of bribery. ... Leo X., the weight of whose
authority was sought both by Charles and Francis, though he
seemed to favour each, desired the success of neither. He
secretly advised the Electors to choose an emperor from among
their own body; and as this seemed an easy solution of the
difficulty, they unanimously offered the crown to Frederick
the Wise, Elector of Saxony. But Frederick magnanimously
refused it, and succeeded in uniting the suffrages of the
Electors in favour of Charles; principally on the ground that
he was the sovereign best qualified to meet the great danger
impending from the Turk. ... The new Emperor, now in his 20th
year, assumed the title of Charles V. ... He was proclaimed as
'Emperor Elect,' the title borne by his grandfather, which he
subsequently altered to that of 'Emperor Elect of the Romans,'
a designation adopted by his successors, with the omission of
the word 'elect,' down to the dissolution of the empire."
_T. H. Dyer,
History of Modern Europe,
book 2, chapter 2 (volume l)._
On his election to the Imperial throne, Charles ceded to his
younger brother, Ferdinand, all the German possessions of the
family. The latter, therefore, became Archduke of Austria, and
the German branch of the House of Austria was continued
through him; while Charles himself became the founder of a new
branch of the House--the Spanish.
See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1496-1526.
ALSO IN:
_W. Robertson,
History of the Reign of Charles V.,
book 1._
_J. S. Brewer,
The Reign of Henry VIII.,
chapter 11 (volume 1)._
_J. Van Praet,
Essays on the Political History of the 15th-17th Centuries,
chapter 2, (volume 1)._
GERMANY: A. D. 1520-1521.
The Capitulation of Charles V.
His first Diet, at Worms, and its political measures.
The election of Charles V. "was accompanied with a new and
essential alteration in the constitution of the empire.
Hitherto a general and verbal promise to confirm the Germanic
privileges had been deemed a sufficient security; but as the
enormous power and vast possessions of the new emperor
rendered him the object of greater jealousy and alarm than his
predecessors, the electors digested into a formal deed or
capitulation all their laws, customs, and privileges, which
the ambassadors of Charles signed before his election, and
which he himself ratified before his coronation; and this
example has been followed by his successors. It consisted of
36 articles, partly relating to the Germanic body in general,
and partly to the electors and states in particular. Of those
relating to the Germanic body in general, the most prominent
were, not to confer the escheated fiefs, but to re-unite and
consolidate them, for the benefit of the emperor and empire;
not to intrust the charges of the empire to any but Germans;
not to grant dispensations of the common law; to use the
German language in the proceedings of the chancery; and to put
no one arbitrarily to the ban, who had not been previously
condemned by the diet or imperial chamber. He was to maintain
the Germanic body in the exercise of its legislative powers,
in its right of declaring war and making peace, of passing
laws on commerce and coinage, of regulating the contingents,
imposing and directing the perception of ordinary
contributions, of establishing and superintending the superior
tribunals, and of judging the personal causes of the states.
Finally, he promised not to cite the members of the Germanic
body before any tribunal except those of the empire, and to
maintain them in their legitimate privileges of territorial
sovereignty. The articles which regarded the electors were of
the utmost importance, because they confirmed the rights which
had been long contested with the emperors. ... Besides these
concessions, be promised not to make any attempt to render the
imperial crown hereditary in his family, and to re-establish the
council of regency, in conformity with the advice of the
electors and great princes of the empire. On the 6th of
January, 1521, Charles assembled his first diet at Worms,
where he presided in person. At his proposition the states
passed regulations to terminate the troubles which had already
arisen during the short interval of the interregnum, and to
prevent the revival of similar disorders. ... The imperial
chamber was re-established in all its authority, and the
public peace again promulgated, and enforced by new penalties.
In order to direct the affairs of the empire during the
absence of Charles, a council of regency was established. ...
It was to consist of a lieutenant-general, appointed by the
emperor, and 22 assessors, of' whom 18 were nominated by the
states, and four by Charles, as possessor of the circles of
Burgundy and Austria. ... At the same time an aid of 20,000
foot and 4,000 horse was granted, to accompany the emperor in
his expedition to Rome; but the diet endeavoured to prevent
him from interfering, as Maximilian had done, in the affairs
of Italy, by stipulating that these troops were only to be
employed as an escort, and not for the purpose of aggression."
_W. Coxe,
History of the House of Austria,
chapter 26 (volume 1)._
ALSO IN:
_L. von Ranke,
History of the Reformation in Germany,
book 2, chapter 4 (volume 1)._
{1459}
GERMANY: A. D. 1522-1525.
Systematic organization and adoption in northern Germany of
the Lutheran Reformation.
The Diets at Nuremberg.
The Catholic League of Ratisbon.
See PAPACY: A. D. 1522-1525.
GERMANY: A. D. 1524-1525.
The Peasants' War.
"A political ferment, very different from that produced by the
Gospel, had long been troubling the empire. The people,
weighed down under civil and ecclesiastical oppression,
attached in many places to the lands belonging to the lords,
and sold with them, threatened to rise, and furiously burst
their chains. In Holland, at the end of the preceding century,
the peasants had mustered around standards inscribed with the
words 'bread' and 'cheese,' to them the two necessaries of
life. In 1503 the 'Cobblers' League' ['Bundschuh'--see
GERMANY: A. D. 1492-1514] had burst forth in the neighbourhood
of Spires. In 1513 this was renewed in Brisgau, and encouraged
by the priests. In 1514 Wurtemburg had witnessed 'the League
of poor Conrad,' the object of which was to uphold 'the
justice of God' by revolt. In 1515 terrible commotions had
taken place in Carinthia and Hungary. These insurrections were
stifled by torrents of blood, but no relief had been given to
the peoples. A political reform was as much wanted as a
religious one. The people had a right to it, but they were not
ripe to enjoy it. Since the commencement of the Reformation
these popular agitations had been suspended, the minds of men
being absorbed with other thoughts. ... But everything showed
that peace would not last long. ... The main dykes which had
hitherto kept the torrent back were broken, and nothing could
restrain its fury. Perhaps it must be admitted that the
movement communicated to the people by the Reform gave new
force to the discontent which was fermenting in the nation.
... Erasmus did not hesitate to say to Luther: 'We are now
reaping the fruits of the seed you have sown.' ... The evil
was augmented by the pretensions of certain fanatical men, who
laid claim to celestial inspirations. ... The most
distinguished of these enthusiasts was Thomas Münzer. ... His
first appearance was at Zwickau. He left Wittenberg after
Luther's return [from his concealment at Wartburg, 1522],
dissatisfied with the inferior part he had played, and he
became pastor of the little town of Alstadt in Thuringia.
There he could not long be at rest, and he accused the
reformers of founding a new papacy by their attachment to the
letter, and of forming churches which were not pure and holy.
He regarded himself as called of God to bear a remedy for so
great an evil. ... He maintained that to obey princes,
'destitute of reason,' was to serve God and Belial at the same
time. Then, marching at the head of his parishioners, to a
chapel which was visited by pilgrims from all quarters, he
pulled it to the ground. After this exploit he was obliged to
quit the country, wandered over Germany, and came to
Switzerland, spreading as he went, wherever people would hear
him, his plan for a universal revolution. In every place he
found elements ready for his purpose. He threw his powder upon
the burning coals, and a violent explosion soon followed. ...
The revolt commenced in those regions of the Black Forest, and
the sources of the Danube, which were so often the scene of
popular disturbances. On the 19th of July, 1524, the
Thurgovian peasantry rose against the Abbot of Reichenau, who
would not grant them an evangelical preacher. Thousands soon
gathered around the little town of Tengen, to liberate an
ecclesiastic who was imprisoned there. The revolt spread, with
inconceivable rapidity, from Suabia to the Rhine countries, to
Franconia, to Thuringia, and to Saxony. In January, 1525, the
whole of these countries were in insurrection. Towards the end
of that month the peasants published a declaration in twelve
articles, asking the liberty to choose their own pastors, the
abolition of petty tithes, serfdom, the duties on inheritance,
and liberty to hunt, fish, cut wood, &c., and each demand was
supported by a passage of Scripture."
_J. H. Merle D'Aubigné,
The Story of the Reformation,
part 3, chapter 8,
(History of the Reformation, book 10, chapters 10-11)._