The choice made (A. D. 1273) by the German Electors of Rodolph

of Hapsburg for King of the Romans (see AUSTRIA: A. D.

1246-1282), was duly approved and confirmed by Pope Gregory

X., who silenced, by his spiritual admonitions, the rival

claims of King Alfonso of Castile. But Rodolph, to secure this

papal confirmation of his title, found it necessary to

promise, through his ambassadors, a renewal of the

Capitulation of Otho IV., respecting the temporalities of the

Pope. This he repeated in person, on meeting the Pope at

Lausanne, in 1275, On that occasion, "an agreement was entered

into which afterwards ratified to the Church the long disputed

gift of Charlemagne, comprising Ravenna, Æmilia, Bobbio,

Cesena, Forumpopoli, Forli, Faenza, Imola, Bologna, Ferrara,

Comacchio, Adria, Rimini, Urbino, Monteferetro, and the

territory of Bagno. Rodolph also bound himself to protect the

privileges of the Church, and to maintain the freedom of

Episcopal elections, and the right of appeal in all

ecclesiastical causes; and having stipulated for receiving the

imperial crown in Rome he promised to undertake an expedition

to the holy land. If Rodolph were sincere in these last

engagements, the disturbed state of his German dominions

afforded him an apology for their present non-fulfilment: but

there is good reason for believing that he never intended to

visit either Rome or Palestine; and his indifference to Italy

has even been the theme of panegyric with his admirers. The

repeated and mortifying reverses of the two Frederics were

before his eyes; there was little to excite his sympathy with

the Italians; and though Lombardy seemed ready to acknowledge

his supremacy, the Tuscan cities evinced aspirations after

independence." During the early years of Rodolph's reign he

was employed in establishing his authority, as against the

contumacy of Ottocar, King of Bohemia, and the Duke of Bavaria.

See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1246-1282.

Meantime, Gregory X. and three short-lived successors in the

papal office passed away, and Nicholas III. had come to it

(1277). That vigorous pontiff called Rodolph to account for

not having yet surrendered the states of the Church in due

form, and whispered a hint of excommunication and interdict.

"Rodolph was too prudent to disregard this admonition: he

evaded the projected crusade and journey to Rome; but he took

care to send thither an emissary, who in his name surrendered

to the Pope the territory already agreed on. ... During his

entire reign Rodolph maintained his indifference towards

Italy." His views "were rather directed to the wilds of

Hungary and Germany than to the delicious regions of the

south. ... He compelled Philip, Count of Savoy, to surrender

Morat, Payerne, and Guminen, which had been usurped from the

Empire. By a successful expedition across the Jura, he brought

back to obedience Otho IV. Count of Burgundy; and forced him

to renounce the allegiance he had proffered to Philip III.

King of France. ... He crushed an insurrection headed by an

impostor, who had persuaded the infatuated multitude to

believe that he was the Emperor Frederic II.

{1450}

And he freed his dominions from rapine and desolation by the

destruction of several castles, whose owners infested the

country with their predatory incursions." Before his death, in

1291, Rodolph "grew anxious to secure to his son Albert the

succession to the throne, and his nomination by the Electors

ere the grave closed upon himself. ... But all his entreaties

were unavailing; he was coldly reminded that he himself was

still the 'King,' and that the Empire was too poor to support

two kings. Rodolph might now repent his neglect to assume the

imperial crown: but the character of Albert seems to have been

the real obstacle to his elevation. With many of the great

qualities of his father, this prince was deficient in his

milder virtues; and his personal bravery and perseverance were

tainted with pride, haughtiness; and avarice." On Rodolph's

death, the Electors chose for his successor Adolphus, Count of

Nassau, a choice of which they soon found reason to repent. By

taking pay from Edward I. of England, for an alliance with the

latter against the King of France, and by attempts to enforce

a purchased claim upon the Landgraviate of Thuringia, Adolphus

brought himself into contempt, and in 1298 he was solemnly

deposed by the Electors, who now conferred the kingship upon

Albert of Austria whom they had rejected six years before.

"The deposed sovereign was, however, strongly supported; and

he promptly collected his adherents, and marched at the head

of a vast army against Albert, who was not unprepared for his

reception. A great battle took place at Gelheim, near Worms;

and, after a bloody contest, the troops of Adolphus were

entirely defeated," and he himself was slain. But Albert, now

unopposed in Germany, found his title disputed at Rome.

Boniface VIII., the most arrogant of all popes, refused to

acknowledge the validity of his election, and drove him into a

close alliance with the Pope's implacable and finally

triumphant enemy, Philip IV. of France (see PAPACY: A. D.

1294-1348). He was soon at enmity, moreover, with a majority

of the Electors who had given the crown to him, and they,

stimulated by the Pope, were preparing to depose him, as they

had deposed Adolphus. But Albert's energy broke up their

plans. He humbled their leader, the Archbishop-Elector of

Mentz, and the rest became submissive. The Pope now came to

terms with him, and invited him to Rome to receive the

imperial crown; also offering to him the crown of France, if

he would take it from the head of the excommunicated Philip;

but while these proposals were under discussion, Boniface

suffered humiliations at the hands of the French king which

caused his death. During most of his reign, Albert was busy

with undertakings of ambition and rapacity which had no

success. He attempted to seize the counties of Holland,

Zealand, and Friesland, as fiefs reverting to the crown, on

the death of John, Count of Holland, in 1299. He claimed the

Bohemian crown in 1306, when Wenceslaus V., the young king,

was assassinated, and invaded the country; but only to be

beaten back. He was defeated at Lucka, in 1308, when

attempting to grasp the inheritance of the Landgrave of

Thuringia--under the very transaction which had chiefly caused

his predecessor Adolphus to be deposed, and he himself

invested with the Roman crown. Finally, he was in hostilities

with the Swiss Forest Cantons, and was leading his forces

against them, in May, 1308, when he was assassinated by

several nobles, including his cousin John, whose enmity he had

incurred.

_Sir R. Comyn,

History of the Western Empire,

chapters 14-17 (volume 1)._

ALSO IN;

_W. Coxe,

History of the House of Austria,

chapter 5 (volume 1)._

GERMANY: A. D. 1282.

Acquisition of the duchy of Austria by the House of Hapsburg.

See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1246-1282.

GERMANY: A. D. 1308-1313.

The reign of Henry of Luxemburg.

The king (subsequently crowned emperor) chosen to succeed

Albert was Count Henry of Luxemburg, an able and excellent

prince. The new sovereign was crowned as Henry VII. "Henry did

not make the extension of his private domains his object, yet

favoring fortune brought it to him in the largest measure.

Since the death of Wenzel III., the succession to the throne

of Bohemia had been a subject of constant struggles. A very

small party was in favor of Austria; but the chief power was

in the hands of Henry of Carinthia, husband of Anna, Wenzel's

eldest daughter. But he was hated by the people, whose hopes

turned more and more to Elizabeth, a younger daughter of

Wenzel; though she was kept in close confinement by Henry, who

was about to marry her, it was supposed, below her rank. She

escaped, fled to the emperor, and implored his aid. He gave

her in marriage to his young son John, sending him to Bohemia

in charge of Peter Aichspalter; to take possession of the

kingdom. He did so, and it remained for more than a century in

the Luxemburg family. This King John of Bohemia was a man of

mark. His life was spent in the ceaseless pursuit of

adventure--from tournament to tournament, from war to war,

from one enterprise to another. We meet him now in Avignon,

and now in Paris; then on the Rhine, in Prussia, Poland, or

Hungary, and then prosecuting large plans in Italy, but hardly

ever in his own kingdom. Yet his restless activity

accomplished very little, apart from some important

acquisitions in Silesia. Henry then gave attention to the

public peace; came to an understanding with Leopold and

Frederick, the proud sons of Albert, and put under the ban

Everard of Wirtemberg, long a fomenter of disturbances,

sending against him a strong imperial army. ... At the Diet of

Spires, in September, 1309, it was cheerfully resolved to

carry out Henry's cherished plan of reviving the traditional

dignity of the Roman emperors by an expedition to the Eternal

City. Henry expected thus to renew the authority of his title

at home, as well as in Italy, where, in the traditional view,

the imperial crown was as important and as necessary as in

Germany. Every thing here had gone to confusion and ruin since

the Hohenstaufens had succumbed to the bitter hostility of the

popes. The contending parties still called themselves Guelphs

and Ghibellines, though they retained little of the original

characteristics attached to these names. A formal embassy,

with Matteo Visconti at its head, invited Henry to Milan; and

the parties every where anticipated his coming with hope. The

great Florentine poet, Dante, hailed him as a saviour for

distracted Italy. Thus, with the pope's approval, he crossed

the Alps in the autumn of 1310, attended by a splendid escort

of princes of the empire.

{1451}

The news of his approach excited general wonder and

expectation, and his reception at Milan in December was like a

triumph. He was crowned King of Lombardy without opposition.

But when, in the true imperial spirit, he announced that he

had come to serve the nation, and not one or another party,

and proved his sincerity by treating both parties alike, all

whose selfish hopes were deceived conspired against him.

Brescia endured a frightful siege for four months, showing

that the national hatred of German rule still survived. At

length a union of all his adversaries was formed under King

Robert of Naples, the grandson of Charles of Anjou, who put

Conradin to death. Meanwhile Henry VII. went to Rome, May

1312, and received the crown of the Cæsars from four

cardinals, plenipotentiaries of the pope, in the church of St.

John Lateran, south of the Tiber, St. Peter's being occupied

by the Neapolitan troops. But many of his German soldiers left

him, and he retired, with a small army, to Pisa, after an

unsuccessful effort to take Florence. From the faithful city

of Pisa he proclaimed King Robert under the ban, and, in

concert with Frederick of Sicily, prepared for war by land and

sea. But the pope, now a mere tool of the King of France,

commanded an armistice; and when Henry, in an independent

spirit, hesitated to obey, Clement V. pronounced the ban of

the Church against him. It never reached the emperor, who died

suddenly in the monastery of Buon-Convento: poisoned, as the

German annalists assert, by a Dominican monk, in the

sacramental cup, August 24, 1313. He was buried at Pisa.

Meanwhile his army in Bohemia had been completely successful

in establishing King John on the throne."

_C. T. Lewis,

A History of Germany,

book 3, chapter 10._

See, also, ITALY: A. D. 1310-1313.

GERMANY: A. D. 1314-1347.

Election of rival emperors, Lewis (Ludowic) of Bavaria and

Frederic of Austria.

Triumph of Lewis at the Battle of Mühldorf.

Papal interference and excommunication of Lewis.

Germany under interdict.

Unrelenting hostility of the Church.

"The death of Heinric [Henry] replunged Germany into horrors

to which, since the extinction of the Swabian line of

emperors, it had been a stranger. The Austrian princes, who

had never forgiven the elevation of the Luxemburg family,

espoused the interests of Frederic, their head; the Bohemians

as naturally opposed them. From the accession of John, the two

houses were of necessity hostile; and it was evident that

there could be no peace in Germany until one of them was

subjected to the other. The Bohemians, indeed, could not hope

to place their king on the vacant throne, since their project

would have found an insurmountable obstacle in the jealousy of

the electors; but they were at least resolved to support the

pretensions of a prince hostile to the Austrians. ... The diet

being convoked at Frankfort, the electors repaired thither,

but with very different views; for, as their suffrages were

already engaged, while the more numerous party proclaimed the

duke of Bavaria as Ludowic V., another no less eagerly

proclaimed Frederic. Although Ludowic was a member of the

Austro-Hapsburg family--his mother being a daughter of Rodolf

I.--he had always been the enemy of the Austrian princes, and

in the same degree the ally of the Luxemburg faction. The two

candidates being respectively crowned kings of the Romans,

Ludowic at Aix-la-Chapelle, by the archbishop of

Mentz--Frederic at Bonn, by the metropolitan of Cologne, a

civil war was inevitable: neither had virtue enough to

sacrifice his own rights to the good of the state. ... The

contest would have ended in favour of the Austrians, but for

the rashness of Frederic, who, in September 1322, without

waiting for the arrival of his brother Leopold, assailed

Ludowic between Mahldorf and Ettingen in Bavaria. ... The

battle was maintained with equal valour from the rising to the

setting sun; and was evidently in favour of the Austrians,

when an unexpected charge in flank by a body of cavalry under

the margrave of Nuremburg decided the fortune of the day.

Heinric of Austria was first taken prisoner; and Frederic

himself, who disdained to flee, was soon in the same

condition. To his everlasting honour, Ludowic received

Frederic with the highest assurances of esteem; and though the

latter was conveyed to the strong fortress of Trapnitz, in the

Upper Palatinate, he was treated with every indulgence

consistent with his safe custody. But the contest was not yet

decided; the valiant Leopold was still at the head of a

separate force; and pope John XXII., the natural enemy of the

Ghibelins, incensed at some succours which Ludowic sent to

that party in Lombardy, excommunicated the king of the Romans,

and declared him deposed from his dignity. Among the

ecclesiastics of the empire this iniquitous sentence had its

weight; but had not other events been disastrous to the king,

he might have safely despised it. By Leopold he was signally

defeated; he had the mortification to see the inconstant king

of Bohemia join the party of Austria; and the still heavier

misfortune to learn that the ecclesiastical and two or three

secular electors were proceeding to another choice--that of

Charles de Valois, whose interests were warmly supported by

the pope. In this emergency, his only chance of safety was a

reconciliation with his enemies; and Frederic was released on

condition of his renouncing all claim to the empire. But

though Frederic sincerely resolved to fulfil his share of the

compact, Leopold and the other princes of his family refused;

and their refusal was approved by the pope. With the

magnanimity of his character, Frederic, unable to execute the

engagements which he had made, voluntarily surrendered himself

to his enemy. But Ludowic, who would not be outdone in

generosity, received him, not as a prisoner, but a friend.

'They ate,' says a contemporary writer, 'at the same table,

slept on the same couch;' and when the King left Bavaria, the

administration of that duchy was confided to Frederic. Two

such men could not long remain even politically hostile; and

by another treaty, it was agreed that they should exercise

conjointly the government of the empire. When this arrangement

was condemned both by the pope and the electors, Ludowic

proposed to take Italy as his seat of government, and leave

Germany to Frederic. But the death [1326] of the war-like

Leopold--the great support of the Austrian cause--and the

continued opposition of the states to any compromise, enabled

Ludowic to retain the sceptre of the kingdom; and in 1329,

that of Frederic strengthened his party. But his reign was

destined to be one of troubles. ... His open warfare against

the head of the church did not much improve his affairs, the

vindictive pope, in addition to the former sentence, placing

all Germany under an interdict. ...

{1452}

In 1338, the diet of Frankfort issued a declaration for ever

memorable in the annals of freedom. That the imperial

authority depended on God alone; that the pope had no temporal

influence, direct or indirect, within the empire; ... it

concluded by empowering the emperor (Ludowic while in Italy

[see ITALY: A. D. 1313-1330] had received the imperial crown

from the anti-pope whom he had created in opposition to John

XXII.) to raise, of his own authority, the interdict which,

during four years, had oppressed the country. Another diet,

held the following year, ratified this bold declaration. ...

But this conduct of the diet was above the comprehension of

the vulgar, who still regarded Ludowic as under the curse of

God and the church. ... Unfortunately for the national

independence, Ludowic himself contradicted the tenor of his

hitherto spirited conduct, by mean submissions, by humiliating

applications for absolution. They were unsuccessful; and he

had the mortification to see the king of Bohemia, who had

always acted an unaccountable part, become his bitter enemy.

... From this moment the fate of Ludowic was decided. In

conjunction with the pope and the French king, Charles of

Bohemia, who in 1346 succeeded to his father's kingdom and

antipathy, commenced a civil war; and in the midst of these

troubled scenes the emperor breathed his last [October 11,

1347]. Twelve months before the decease of Ludowic, Charles of

Bohemia [son of John, the blind king of Bohemia, who fell,

fighting for the French, at the battle of Crecy], assisted by

Clement VI., was elected king of the Romans."

_S. A. Dunham,

History of the Germanic Empire,

book 1, chapter 4 (volume 1)._

ALSO IN:

_J. I. von Döllinger,

Studies in European History,

chapter 5._

_J. C. Robertson,

History of the Christian Church,

book 8, chapter 2, V. 7._

_M. Creighton,

History of the Papacy during the Period of the Reformation,

introduction, chapter 2._

GERMANY: A. D. 1347-1493.

The Golden Bull of Charles IV.

The Luxemburg line of emperors, and the reappearance of the

Hapsburgs.

The Holy Roman Empire as it was at the end of the Middle Ages.

"John king of Bohemia did not himself wear the imperial crown;

but three of his descendants possessed it, with less

interruption than could have been expected. His son Charles

IV. succeeded Louis of Bavaria in 1347; not indeed without

opposition, for a double election and a civil war were matters

of course in Germany. Charles IV. has been treated with more

derision by his contemporaries, and consequently by later

writers, than almost any prince in history; yet he was

remarkably successful in the only objects that he seriously

pursued. Deficient in personal courage, insensible of

humiliation, bending without shame to the pope, to the

Italians, to the electors, so poor and so little reverenced as

to be arrested by a butcher at Worms for want of paying his

demand, Charles IV. affords a proof that a certain dexterity

and cold-blooded perseverance may occasionally supply, in a

sovereign, the want of more respectable qualities. He has been

reproached with neglecting the empire. But he never deigned to

trouble himself about the empire, except for his private'

ends. He did not neglect the kingdom of Bohemia, to which he

almost seemed to render Germany a province. Bohemia had been

long considered as a fief of the empire, and indeed could

pretend to an electoral vote by no other title. Charles,

however, gave the states by law the right of choosing a king,

on the extinction of the royal family, which seems derogatory

to the imperial prerogative. ... He constantly resided at

Prague, where he founded a celebrated university, and

embellished the city with buildings. This kingdom, augmented

also during his reign by the acquisition of Silesia, he

bequeathed to his son Wenceslaus, for whom, by pliancy towards

the electors and the court of Rome, he had procured, against

all recent example, the imperial succession. The reign of

Charles IV. is distinguished in the constitutional history of

the empire by his Golden Bull [1356]; an instrument which

finally ascertained the prerogatives of the electoral college.

See above: A. D. 1125-1152.

The Golden Bull terminated the disputes which had arisen

between different members of the same house as to their right

of suffrage, which was declared inherent in certain definite

territories. The number was absolutely restrained to seven.

The place of legal imperial elections was fixed at Frankfort;

of coronations, at Aix-la-Chapelle: and the latter ceremony

was to be performed by the arch-bishop of Cologne. These

regulations, though consonant to ancient usage, had not always

been observed, and their neglect had sometimes excited

questions as to the validity of elections. The dignity of

elector was enhanced by the Golden Bull as highly as an

imperial edict could carry it: they were declared equal to

kings, and conspiracy against their persons incurred the

penalty of high treason. Many other privileges are granted to

render them more completely sovereign within their dominions.

It seems extraordinary that Charles should have voluntarily

elevated an oligarchy, from whose pretensions his predecessors

had frequently suffered injury. But he had more to apprehend

from the two great families of Bavaria and Austria, whom he

relatively depressed by giving such a preponderance to the

seven electors, than from any members of the college. By his

compact with Brandenburg [see BRANDENBURG: A. D. 1168-1417] he

had a fair prospect of adding a second vote to his own. ...

The next reign, nevertheless, evinced the danger of investing

the electors with such preponderating authority. Wenceslaus

[elected in 1378], a supine and voluptuous man, less

respected, and more negligent of Germany, if possible, than

his father, was regularly deposed by a majority of the

electoral college in 1400. ... They chose Robert count

palatine instead of Wenceslaus; and though the latter did not

cease to have some adherents, Robert has generally been

counted among the lawful emperors. Upon his death [1410] the

empire returned to the house of Luxemburg; Wenceslaus himself

waiving his rights in favour of his brother Sigismund of

Hungary." On the death of Sigismund, in 1437, the house of

Austria regained the imperial throne, in the person of Albert,

duke of Austria, who had married Sigismund's only daughter,

the queen of Hungary and Bohemia. "He died in two years,

leaving his wife pregnant with a son, Ladislaus Posthumus, who

afterwards reigned in the two kingdoms just mentioned; and the

choice of the electors fell upon Frederic duke of Styria,

second-cousin of the last emperor, from whose posterity it

never departed, except in a single instance, upon the

extinction of his male line in 1740.

{1453}

Frederic III. reigned 53 years [1440-1493], a longer period

than any of his predecessors; and his personal character was

more insignificant. ... Frederic, always poor, and scarcely

able to protect himself in Austria from the seditions of his

subjects, or the inroads of the king of Hungary, was yet

another founder of his family, and left their fortunes

incomparably more prosperous than at his accession. The

marriage of his son Maximilian with the heiress of Burgundy

[see NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1477] began that aggrandizement of the

house of Austria which Frederic seems to have anticipated. The

electors, who had lost a good deal of their former spirit, and

were grown sensible of the necessity of choosing a powerful

sovereign, made no opposition to Maximilian's becoming king of

the Romans in his father's lifetime."

_H. Hallam,

The Middle Ages,

chapter 5 (volume 2)._

History for ready reference, Volume 2, El Dorado to Greaves · 第 190 / 222 段