GERMANY: A. D. 911-936.

Conrad the Franconian and Henry the Fowler.

Beginning of the Saxon line.

Hungarian invasion.

The building of towns.

In 911, on the death of Louis, surnamed the Child, the German

or East-Frank branch of the dynasty of Charlemagne had become

extinct. "There remained indeed Charles the Simple,

acknowledged as king in some parts of France, but rejected in

others, and possessing no personal claims to respect. The

Germans therefore wisely determined to chose a sovereign from

among themselves. They were at this time divided into five

nations, each under its own duke, and distinguished by

difference of laws, as well as of origin; the Franks, whose

territory, comprising Franconia and the modern Palatinate, was

considered as the cradle of the empire, and who seem to have

arrogated some superiority over the rest, the Suabians, the

Bavarians, the Saxons ... and the Lorrainers, who occupied the

left bank of the Rhine as far as its termination. The choice

of these nations in their general assembly fell upon Conrad,

duke of Franconia, according to some writers, or at least a

man of high rank, and descended through females from

Charlemagne. Conrad dying without male issue, the crown of

Germany was bestowed [A. D. 919] upon Henry the Fowler, duke

of Saxony, ancestor of the three Othos, who followed him in

direct succession. To Henry, and to the first Otho [A. D.

936-973], Germany was more indebted than to any sovereign

since Charlemagne."

_H. Hallam,

The Middle Ages,

chapter 5._

"In 924, the Hungarians, who were as much dreaded as the angel

of destruction, re-appeared. They came from the grassy plains

of Hungary, mounted on small and ugly, but strong horses, and

swept along the Danube like a hailstorm. Wherever they came

they set fire to farms, hamlets, and towns, and killed all

living creatures or carried them off. And often they bound

their prisoners to the tails of their horses, and dragged them

along till they died from the dreadful torture. Their very

figures inspired disgust and terror, for their faces were

brown, and disfigured by scars to absolute hideousness; their

heads were shaven, and brutal ferocity and rapacity shone out

of their deep-set eyes. And though the Germans fought bravely,

these enemies always overmatched them, because they appeared

now here, now there, on their fleet horses, and fell upon

isolated districts before they were expected or could be

stopped. ... When on a sudden the terrible cry, 'The

Hungarians are coming, the Hungarians are coming,' resounded

through the land, all fled who could, as if the wild legions

of hell were marching through Saxony and Thuringia. King

Henry, however, would not fly, but encountered them in combat,

like a true knight. Yet he lost the battle, either because he

was ill, or because his soldiers were too few, and

unaccustomed to the enemy's mode of fighting, which enabled

them to conquer while they were fleeing. Henry was obliged to

shut himself up in the royal palace of Werla, near Goslar,

which he bravely defended. The Hungarians stormed it again and

again, but they could not scale the walls; while Henry's men

by a daring sally took a Hungarian chieftain prisoner, which

so terrified the besiegers that they concluded a truce for

nine years on condition that their chief should be released,

and that Henry should engage to pay a yearly tribute. Henry

submitted to the dishonourable sacrifice that he might husband

his strength for better times. ... How important it was to

have fortified places which could not be stormed by cavalry,

and therefore afforded a safe refuge to the neighbouring

peasantry, Henry recognised in 929, when the Hungarians

marched through Bavaria and Suabia to Lorraine, plundered the

time-honoured monastery of St. Gall, and burnt the suburbs of

Constance, but could not take the fortified town itself.

Henry, accordingly, published an order throughout the land,

that at suitable places large fortresses should be built, in

which every ninth man from the neighbouring district must take

garrison duty. Certainly living in towns was contrary to the

customs of the North Germans, and here and there there was

much resistance; but they soon recognised the wisdom of the

royal order, and worked night and day with such diligence that

there soon arose throughout the land towns with stately towers

and strong walls, behind whose battlements the armed burghers

defiantly awaited the Hungarians. Hamburg was then fortified,

Itzehoe built, the walls of Magdeburg, Halle, and Erfurt

extended, for these towns had stood since the time of

Charlemagne. Quedlinburg, Merseburg, Meissen, Wittenberg,

Goslar, Soest, Nordhausen, Duderstadt, Gronau, Pölde, were

rebuilt, and many others of which the old chroniclers say

nothing. Those who dwelt in the cities were called burghers,

and in order that they might not be idle they began to

practise many kinds of industry, and to barter their goods

with the peasants. The emperor encouraged the building of

towns, and granted emancipation to every slave who repaired to

a town, allowed the towns to hold fairs and markets, granted

to them the right of coining money and levying taxes, and gave

them many landed estates and forests. Under such encouragement

town life rapidly developed, and the emperor, in his disputes

with the lawless nobility, always received loyal support from

his disciplined burghers. After a few centuries the towns,

which had now generally become republics, under the name of

'free imperial towns,' became the seats of the perfection of

European trade, science, and culture. ... These incalculable

benefits are due to Henry's order to build towns."

_A. W. Grübe,

Heroes of History and Legend,

chapter 8._

At the expiration of the nine years truce, the Hungarians

resumed their attacks, and were defeated by Henry in two

bloody battles.

GERMANY: A. D. 936-973.

Restoration of the Roman Empire by

Otho I. called the Great.

"Otho the Great, son and successor of Henry I., added the

kingdom of Italy to the conquests of his father, and procured

also the Imperial dignity for himself, and his successors in

Germany. Italy had become a distinct kingdom since the

revolution, which happened (888) at the death of the Emperor

Charles the Fat. Ten princes in succession occupied the throne

during the space of seventy-three years. Several of these

princes, such as Guy, Lambert, Arnulf, Louis of Burgundy, and

Berenger I., were invested with the Imperial dignity. Berenger

I., having been assassinated (924), this latter dignity ceased

entirely, and the city of Rome was even dismembered from the

kingdom of Italy. The sovereignty of that city was seized by

the famous Marozia, widow of a nobleman named Alberic. She

raised her son to the pontificate by the title of John XI.;

and the better to establish her dominion, she espoused Hugo

King of Italy (932), who became, in consequence of this

marriage, master of Rome. But Alberic, another son of Marozia,

soon stirred up the people against this aspiring princess and

her husband Hugo.

{1440}

Having driven Hugo from the throne, and shut up his mother in

prison, he assumed to himself the sovereign authority, under

the title of Patrician of the Romans. At his death (954) he

transmitted the sovereignty to his son Octavian, who, though

only nineteen years of age, caused himself to be elected pope,

by the title of John XII. This epoch was one most disastrous

for Italy. The weakness of the government excited factions

among the nobility, gave birth to anarchy, and fresh

opportunity for the depredations of the Hungarians and Arabs,

who, at this period, were the scourge of Italy, which they

ravaged with impunity. Pavia, the capital of the kingdom, was

taken, and burnt by the Hungarians. These troubles increased

on the accession of Berenger II. (950), grandson of Berenger

I. That prince associated his son Adelbert with him in the

royal dignity; and the public voice accused them of having

caused the death of King Lothaire, son and successor of Hugo.

Lothaire left a young widow, named Adelaide, daughter of

Rodolph II., King of Burgundy and Italy. To avoid the

importunities of Berenger II., who wished to compel her to

marry his son Adelbert, this princess called in the King of

Germany to her aid. Otho complied with the solicitations of

the distressed queen; and, on this occasion, undertook his

first expedition into Italy (951). The city of Pavia, and

several other places, having fallen into his hands, he made

himself be proclaimed King of Italy, and married the young

queen, his protégée. Berenger and his son, being driven for

shelter to their strongholds, had recourse to negociation.

They succeeded in obtaining for themselves a confirmation of

the royal title of Italy, on condition of doing homage for it

to the King of Germany. ... It appears that it was not without

the regret, and even contrary to the wish of Adelaide, that

Otho agreed to enter into terms of accommodation with

Berenger. ... Afterwards; however, he lent a favourable ear to

the complaints which Pope John XII. and some Italian noblemen

had addressed to him against Berenger and his son; and took

occasion, on their account, to conduct a new army into Italy

(961). Berenger, too feeble to oppose him, retired a second

time within his fortifications. Otho marched from Pavia to

Milan, and there made himself be crowned King of Italy; from

thence he passed to Rome, about the commencement of the

following year. Pope John XII., who had himself invited him,

and again implored his protection against Berenger, gave him,

at first, a very brilliant reception; and revived the Imperial

dignity in his favour, which had been dormant for thirty-eight

years. It was on the 2d of February, 962, that the Pope

consecrated and crowned him Emperor; but he had soon cause to

repent of this proceeding. Otho, immediately after his

coronation at Rome, undertook the siege of St. Leon, a

fortress in Umbria, where Berenger and his queen had taken

refuge. While engaged in the siege, he received frequent

intimations from Rome, of the misconduct and immoralities of

the Pope. The remonstrances which he thought it his duty to

make on this subject, offended the young pontiff, who

resolved, in consequence, to break off union with the Emperor.

Hurried on by the impetuosity of his character, he entered

into a negociation with Adelbert; and even persuaded him to

come to Rome, in order to concert with him measures of

defence. On the first news of this event, Otho put himself at

the head of a large detachment, with which he marched directly

to Rome. The Pope, however, did not think it advisable to wait

his approach, but fled with the King, his new ally. Otho, on

arriving at the capital, exacted a solemn oath from the clergy

and the people, that henceforth they would elect no pope

without his counsel, and that of the Emperor and his

successors. Having then assembled a council, he caused Pope

John XII. to be deposed; and Leo VIII. was elected in his

place. This latter Pontiff was maintained in the papacy, in

spite of all the efforts which his adversary made to regain

it. Berenger II., after having sustained a long siege at St.

Leon, fell at length (964) into the hands of the conqueror,

who sent him into exile at Bamberg, and compelled his son,

Adelbert, to take refuge in the court of Constantinople. All

Italy, to the extent of the ancient kingdom of the Lombards,

fell under the dominion of the Germans; only a few maritime

towns in Lower Italy, with the greater part of Apulia and

Calabria, still remained in the power of the Greeks. This

kingdom, together with the Imperial dignity, Otho transmitted

to his successors on the throne of Germany. From this time the

Germans held it to be an inviolable principle, that as the

Imperial dignity was strictly united with the royalty of

Italy, kings elected by the German nation should, at the same

time, in virtue of that election, become Kings of Italy and

Emperors. The practice of this triple coronation, viz., of

Germany, Italy, and Rome, continued for many centuries; and

from Otho the Great, till Maximilian I. (1508), no king of

Germany took the title of Emperor, until after he had been

formally crowned by the Pope."

_C. W. Koch,

The Revolutions of Europe,

period 3._

"At the first glance it would seem as if the relation in which

Otho now stood to the pope was the same as that occupied by

Charlemagne; on a closer inspection, however; we find a wide

difference. Charlemagne's connexion with the see of Rome was

produced by mutual need; it was the result of long epochs of

political combination embracing the development of various

nations; their mutual understanding rested on an internal

necessity, before which all opposing views and interests gave

way. The sovereignty of Otho the Great, on the contrary,

rested on a principle fundamentally opposed to the

encroachment of spiritual influences. The alliance was

momentary; the disruption of it inevitable. But when, soon

after, the same pope who had invoked his aid, John XII.,

placed himself at the head of a rebellious faction, Otho was

compelled to cause him to be formally deposed, and to crush

the faction that supported him by repeated, exertions of

force, before he could obtain perfect obedience; he was

obliged to raise to the papal chair a pope on whose

co-operation he could rely. The popes have often asserted that

they transferred the empire to the Germans; and if they

confined this assertion to the Carolingian race, they are not

entirely wrong. The coronation of Charlemagne was the result

of their free determination. But if they allude to the German

emperors, properly so called, the contrary of their statement

is just as true; not only Carlmann and Otho the Great, but

their successors, constantly had to conquer the imperial

throne, and to defend it, when conquered, sword in hand.

{1441}

It has been said that the Germans would have done more wisely

if they had not meddled with the empire; or, at least, if they

had first worked out their own internal political

institutions, and then, with matured minds, taken part in the

general affairs of Europe. But the things of this world are

not wont to develop themselves so methodically. A nation is

often compelled by circumstances to increase its territorial

extent, before its internal growth is completed. For was it of

slight importance to its inward progress that Germany thus

remained in unbroken connexion with Italy?--the depository of

all that remained of ancient civilisation, the source whence

all the forms of Christianity had been derived. The mind of

Germany has always unfolded itself by contact with the spirit

of antiquity, and of the nations of Roman origin. ... The

German imperial government revived the civilising and

Christianising tendencies which had distinguished the reigns

of Charles Martell and Charlemagne. Otho the Great, in

following the course marked out by his illustrious

predecessors, gave it a fresh national importance by planting

German colonies in Slavonian countries simultaneously with the

diffusion of Christianity. He Germanised as well as converted

the population he had subdued. He confirmed his father's

conquests on the Saale and the Elbe, by the establishment of

the bishoprics of Meissen and Osterland. After having

conquered the tribes on the other side the Elbe in those long

and perilous campaigns where he commanded in person, he

established there, too, three bishoprics, which for a time

gave an extraordinary impulse to the progress of conversion.

... And even where the project of Germanising the population

was out of the question, the supremacy of the German name was

firmly and actively maintained. In Bohemia and Poland

bishoprics were erected under German metropolitans; from

Hamburg Christianity found its way into the north;

missionaries from Passau traversed Hungary, nor is it

improbable that the influence of these vast and sublime

efforts extended even to Russia. The German empire was the

centre of the conquering religion; as itself advanced, it

extended the ecclesiastico-military State of which the Church

was an integral part; it was the chief representative of the

unity of western Christendom, and hence arose the necessity

under which it lay of acquiring a decided ascendancy over the

papacy. This secular and Germanic principle long retained the

predominancy it had triumphantly acquired. ... How magnificent

was the position now occupied by the German nation,

represented in the persons of the mightiest princes of Europe

and united under their sceptre; at the head of an advancing

civilisation, and of the whole of western Christendom; in the

fullness of youthful aspiring strength! We must here however

remark and confess, that Germany did not wholly understand her

position, nor fulfil her mission. Above all, she did not

succeed in giving complete reality to the idea of a western

empire, such as appeared about to be established under Otho I.

Independent and often hostile, though Christian powers arose

through all the borders of Germany; in Hungary and in Poland,

in the northern as well as in the southern possessions of the

Normans; England and France were snatched again from German

influence. Spain laughed at the German claims to a universal

supremacy; her kings thought themselves emperors; even the

enterprises nearest home--those across the Elbe--were for a

time stationary or retrograde. If we seek for the causes of

these unfavourable results, we need only turn our eyes on the

internal condition of the empire, where we find an incessant

and tempestuous struggle of all the forces of the nation.

Unfortunately the establishment of a fixed rule of succession

to the imperial crown was continually prevented by events."

_L. Ranke,

History of the Reformation in Germany,

introduction._

See, also, ITALY: A. D. 961-1039;

and ROMAN EMPIRE, THE HOLY.

GERMANY: A. D. 955.

Great defeat and repulse of the Hungarians by Otho I.

See HUNGARIANS: A. D. 934-955.

GERMANY: A. D. 973-1122.

End of the Saxon line.

Election of the Franconians.

Reformation of the Papacy.

Contest of Henry IV. with the Head of the Church.

The question of Investitures.

"Otho II. had a short and troubled reign, 973-983 A. D.,

having to repress the Slavi, the Danes, the Greeks of Lower

Italy, and to defend Lorraine against the French. He died at

Rome in his twenty-eighth year. 983 A. D. Otho III. (aged

three years) succeeded under the regency of his mother,

Theophania (a Greek princess), who had to contend with the

rebellious nobles, the Slavi, the Poles, the Bohemians, and

with France, which desired to conquer Lorraine. This able lady

died 991 A. D. Otho III. made three expeditions into Italy,

and in 998 A. D. put down the republic of Rome, which had been

created by the patrician Crescentius. The resistance of

Crescentius had been pardoned the preceding year, but on this

occasion he was publicly beheaded on the battlements of Rome,

in view of the army and of the people. In 999 A. D. Otho

placed his tutor Gerbert in the papal chair as Sylvester II.

The tutor and the emperor were in advance of their age. The

former had gleaned from Saracen translations from the Greek,

as well as from Latin literature, and was master of the

science of the day. It is supposed that they had planned to

remove the seat of empire to Rome--a project which, had he

lived, he would not have been able to carry out, for the

centre of political power had long moved northward: he died at

the early age of twenty-two, 1002 A. D. Henry II. (the Holy),

Duke of Bavaria, was elected emperor, and had to battle, like

his predecessors, with rebellious nobles, with the Poles, and

Bohemians, and the Slavi. He was thrice in Italy, and died

1024 A. D. 'Perhaps, with the single exception of St. Louis

IX., there was no other prince of the middle ages so uniformly

swayed by justice.' Conrad II. (the Salic) of Franconia was

elected emperor in a diet in the plains between Mentz and

Worms, near Oppenheim, which was attended by princes, nobles,

and 50,000 people altogether. His reign was remarkable for the

justice and mercy which he always kept in view. The kingdom of

Aries and Burgundy was united to the empire, 1033 A. D. He

checked the Poles, the Hungarians, and the Lombards, and gave

Schleswiek to Denmark as a fief. In 1037 A. D. he granted to

the lower vassals of the empire the hereditary succession to

their offices and estates, and so extended the privileges of

the great nobles, as to make them almost independent of the

crown. Henry III. succeeded, 1039 A. D., and established the

imperial power with a high hand."

_W. B. Boyce,

Introduction to the Study of History,

pages 230-231._

{1442}

"Henry III. was, as sovereign, able, upright, and resolute;

and his early death--for his reign was cut short by disasters

that preyed upon his health--is one of the calamities of

history. The cause of the Roman Court he judged with vigor and

good sense. His strong hand, more than any man's, dragged the

Church out of the slough it had fallen into [see ROME: A. D.

962-1057]. ... A few years before, in 1033, a child ten years

old, son of one of the noble houses, had been put on the papal

throne, under the name of Benedict IX.; and was restored to it

by force of arms, five years later, when he had grown into a

lewd, violent, and wilful boy of fifteen. At the age of

twenty-one he was weary of the struggle, and sold out, for a

large sum of money paid down, to a rich purchaser,--first

plundering the papal treasury of all the funds he could lay

his hands on. His successor, Gregory VI., naturally complained

of his hard bargain, which was made harder by another claimant

(Sylvester III.), elected by a different party; while no law

that could possibly be quoted or invented would make valid the

purchase and sale of the spiritual sovereignty of the world,

which in theory the Papacy still was. Gregory appears to have

been a respectable and even conscientious magistrate, by the

standard of that evil time. But his open purchase of the

dignity not only gave a shock to whatever right feeling there

was left, but it made the extraordinary dilemma and scandal of

three popes at once,--a knot which the German king, now

Emperor, was called in to cut. ... The worthless Benedict was

dismissed, as having betrayed his charge. The impotent

Sylvester was not recognized at all. The respectable Gregory

was duly convinced of his deep guilt of Simony,--because he

had 'thought that the gift of God could be purchased with

money,'--and was suffered as a penitent to end his days in

peace. A fourth, a German ecclesiastic, who was clean of all

these intrigues, was set in the chair of Peter, where he

reigned righteously for two years under the name of Clement

II."

_J. H. Allen,

Christian History in its Three Great Periods:

Second period,

pages 57-58._

History for ready reference, Volume 2, El Dorado to Greaves · 第 187 / 222 段