"Lewis had determined not to make any advance towards a

reconciliation with the new government of England till the

whole strength of his realm had been put forth in one more

effort. A mighty effort in truth it was, but too exhausting to

be repeated. He made an immense display of force at once on

the Pyrenees and on the Alps, on the Rhine and on the Meuse,

in the Atlantic and in the Mediterranean. That nothing might

be wanting which could excite the martial ardour of a nation

eminently high-spirited, he instituted, a few days before he

left his palace for the camp, a new military order of

knighthood, and placed it under the protection of his own

sainted ancestor and patron. The cross of Saint Lewis shone on

the breasts of the gentlemen who had been conspicuous in the

trenches before Mons and Namur, and on the fields of Fleurus

and Steinkirk. ... On the 18th of May Lewis left Versailles.

Early in June he was under the walls of Namur. The Princesses,

who had accompanied him, held their court within the fortress. He

took under his immediate command the army of Boufflers, which

was encamped at Gembloux. Little more than a mile off lay the

army of Luxemburg. The force collected in that neighbourhood

under the French lilies did not amount to less than 120,000

men. Lewis had flattered himself that he should be able to

repeat in 1693 the stratagem by which Mons had been taken in

1691 and Namur in 1692; and he had determined that either

Liege or Brussels should be his prey. But William had this

year been able to assemble in good time a force, inferior

indeed to that which was opposed to him, but still formidable.

With this force he took his post near Louvain, on the road

between the two threatened cities, and watched every movement

of the enemy. ... Just at this conjuncture Lewis announced his

intention to return instantly to Versailles, and to send the

Dauphin and Boufflers, with part of the army which was

assembled near Namur, to join Marshal Lorges who commanded in

the Palatinate. Luxemburg was thunderstruck. He expostulated

boldly and earnestly. Never, he said, was such an opportunity

thrown away. ... The Marshal reasoned: he implored: he went on

his knees: but all was vain; and he quitted the royal presence

in the deepest dejection. Lewis left the camp a week after he

had joined it, and never afterwards made war in person. ...

Though the French army in the Netherlands had been weakened by

the departure of the forces commanded by the Dauphin and

Boufflers, and though the allied army was daily strengthened

by the arrival of fresh troops, Luxemburg still had a

superiority of force; and that superiority he increased by an

adroit stratagem." He succeeded by a feint in inducing William

to detach 20,000 men from his army and to send them to Liege.

He then moved suddenly upon the camp of the allies, with

80,000 men, and found but 50,000 to oppose him. "It was still

in the [English] King's power, by a hasty retreat, to put

between his army and the enemy the narrow, but deep, waters of

the Gette, which had lately been swollen by rains. But the

site which he occupied was strong; and it could easily be made

still stronger. He set all his troops to work. Ditches were

dug, mounds thrown up, palisades fixed in the earth. In a few

hours the ground wore a new aspect; and the King trusted that

he should be able to repel the attack even of a force greatly

outnumbering his own. ... On the left flank, the village of

Romsdorff rose close to the little stream of Landen, from

which the English have named the disastrous day. On the right

was the village of Neerwinden. Both villages were, after the

fashion of the Low Countries, surrounded by moats and fences.

"Notwithstanding the strength of the position held by the

allies, and the valor with which they defended it, they were

driven out of Neerwinden [July 29]--but only after the

shattered village had been five times taken and retaken--and

across the Gette, in confusion and with heavy loss.

{1242}

"The French were victorious: but they had bought their victory

dear. More then 10,000 of the best troops of Lewis had fallen.

Neerwinden was a spectacle at which the oldest soldiers stood

aghast. The streets were piled breast high with corpses. Among

the slain were some great lords and some renowned warriors.

... The region, renowned as the battle field, through many

ages, of the greatest powers of Europe, has seen only two more

terrible days, the day of Malplaquet and the day of Waterloo.

... There was no pursuit, though the sun was still high in the

heaven when William crossed the Gette. The conquerors were so

much exhausted by marching and fighting that they could

scarcely move. ... A very short delay was enough for William.

... Three weeks after his defeat he held a review a few miles

from Brussels. The number of men under arms was greater than

on the morning of the bloody day of Landen: their appearance

was soldierlike; and their spirit seemed unbroken. William now

wrote to Heinsius that the worst was over. 'The crisis,' he

said, 'has been a terrible one. Thank God that it has ended

thus.' He did not, however, think it prudent to try at that

time the event of another pitched field. He therefore suffered

the French to besiege and take Charleroi; and this was the

only advantage which they derived from the most sanguinary

battle fought in Europe during the seventeenth century."

_Lord Macaulay,

History of England,

chapter 20 (volume 4)._

ALSO IN:

_G. Burnet,

History of My Own Time,

book 5 (1693), volume 4._

_Duc de Saint-Simon,

Memoirs (translated by St. John),

volume 1, chapter 4._

FRANCE: A. D. 1693 (October).

Defeat of the Duke of Savoy at Marsaglia.

"The great efforts made by Louis in the north prevented him

from strengthening the army of Catinat sufficiently to act

with energy against the Savoyard prince, and it was determined

to restrict the campaign of 1693 to the defensive on the part

of France. The forces of the duke had in the meantime been

reinforced from Germany, and he opened the campaign with a

brilliant and successful movement against Pignerol. ... He is

said to have entertained hopes of carrying the war in that one

campaign to the very gates of Lyons; but the successes which

inspired him with such expectations alarmed the court of

France, and Louis detached in haste a large body of cavalry to

reinforce Catinat. That general marched at once to fight the Duke

of Savoy, who, presuming on his strength, suffered the French

to pour out from the valley of Suza into the plain of

Piedmont, abandoned the heights, and was consequently defeated

at Marsaglia on the 4th of October. Catinat, however, could not

profit by his victory; he was too ill supplied in every

respect to undertake the siege of Coni, and the state of the

French armies at this time marks as plainly that Louvois was

dead, as the state of the finances speaks the loss of

Colbert."

_G. P. R. James,

Life and Times of Louis XIV.,

volume 2, chapter 11._

FRANCE: A. D. 1694.

Campaigns without battles.

Operations at sea.

In 1694, King William was "in a position to keep an army afoot

in the Netherlands stronger than any had hitherto been. It was

reckoned at 31,800 horse, including a corps of dragoons, and

58,000 foot; so great a force had never been seen within the

memory of man. All the best-known generals, who had hitherto

taken part in the wars of western Europe, were gathered round

him with their troops. The French army, with which the

Dauphin, but not the King, was present, was not much smaller;

it was once more led by Marshal Luxembourg. These two hosts

lay over against one another in their camps for a couple of

months; neither offered battle to the other. ... This campaign

is notable in the annals of the art of war for the skill with

which each force pursued or evaded the other; but the results

were limited to the recovery by the allies of that unimportant

place, Huy. William had thought himself fortunate in having

come out of the previous campaign without disaster: in this

campaign the French were proud to have held their lines in

presence of a superior force. On the coast also the French

were successful in repelling a most vehement and perilous

attack. They had been warned that the English were going to

fall on Brest, and Vauban was sent down there in haste to

organise the defence; and in this he was thoroughly

successful. When the English landed on the coast in Camaret

Bay (for the fort of that name had first to be taken) they

were saluted by two batteries, which they had never detected,

and which were so well placed that every shot told, and the

grape-shot wounded almost every man who had ventured ashore.

The gallant General, Talmash, was also hit, and ere long died

of his wounds. The English fleet, which had come to bombard

Brest, was itself bombarded from the walls. But though this

great effort failed, the English fleet still held the mastery

of the Channel: it also blockaded the northern coast of

France. After Brest it attacked Dieppe, laying it almost

entirely in ashes; thence it sailed to Havre, and St. Malo, to

Calais, and Dunkirk. This was of great use in the conduct of

the war. King William observes that had not the coasts been

kept in a state of alarm, all the forces detained there for

defensive purposes would have been thrown on the Netherlands.

... But the most important result of the maritime war lay on

another side. In May, 1694, Noailles pushed into Catalonia,

supported by Tourville, who lay at anchor with the fleet in

the Bay of Rosas. ... It was of incalculable importance to

Spain to be in alliance with the maritime powers. Strengthened

by a Dutch fleet and some Spanish ships, Admiral Russell now

appeared in the Mediterranean. He secured Barcelona from the

French, who would never have been kept out of the city by the

Spaniards alone. The approach of the English fleet had at this

time the greatest influence in keeping the Duke of Savoy

staunch to the confederation. In Germany the rise of the house

of Hanover to the Electoral dignity had now caused most

unpleasant complications. A shoal of German princes, headed by

the King of Denmark, as a Prince of the Empire, and offended

by the preference shown to Hanover, inclined, if not to

alliance with France, at least to neutrality. ... We can have

no conception, and in this place we cannot possibly

investigate, with what unbroken watchfulness King William,

supported by Heinsius, looked after the German and the

Northern courts, so as to keep their irritation from reacting

on the course of the great war. ... When the French, in June,

1694, crossed the Rhine, meaning, as they boasted with true

Gallic arrogance, soon to dip their swords in the Danube, they

found the Prince of Baden so well prepared, and posted so

strongly near Wisloch, that they did not venture to attack

him. ... The general result is this: neither side was as yet

really superior to the other: but the French power was

everywhere checked and held within bounds by the arms and

influence of William III."

_L. von Ranke,

History of England, 17th Century,

book 20, chapter 6 (volume 5)._

{1243}

FRANCE: A. D. 1695-1696.

The end of the War of the League of Augsburg.

Loss of Namur.

Terms with Savoy.

The Peace of Ryswick.

"Military and naval efforts were relaxed on all sides: on the

Rhine the Prince of Baden and the Marechal de Lorges, both ill

in health, did little but observe each other; and though the

Duke of Savoy made himself master of Casal on the 11th July,

1695, no other military event of any consequence took place on

the side of Italy, where Louis entered into negotiations with

the duke, and succeeded, in the following year, in detaching

him from the league of Augsburg. As the price of his defection

the whole of his territories were to be restored to him, with

the exception of Suza, Nice, and Montmeillan, which were

promised to be delivered also on the signature of a general

peace. Money was added to render the consent of a needy prince

more ready. ... The duke promised to obtain from the emperor a

pledge that Italy should be considered as neutral ground, and

if the allies refused such a pledge, then to join the forces

of Savoy to those of France, and give a free passage to the

French through his dominions. In consequence of this treaty

... he applied to the emperor for a recognition of the

neutrality of Italy, and was refused. He then hastened, with a

facility which distinguished him through life, to abandon his

friends and join his enemies, and within one month was

generalissimo for the emperor in Italy fighting against

France, and generalissimo for the King of France in Italy

fighting against the emperor. Previous to this change,

however, the King of England opened the campaign of 1695 in

the Netherlands by the siege of Namur. The death of Luxemburg

had placed the French army of Flanders under the command of

the incapable Marshal Villeroi: and William, feeling that his

enemy was no longer to be much respected, assumed at once the

offensive. He concealed his design upon Namur under a variety

of manœuvres which kept the French generals in suspense; and,

then leaving the Prince of Vaudemont to protect the principal

Spanish towns in Flanders, he collected his troops suddenly;

and while the Duke of Bavaria invested Namur, he covered the

operations of the siege with a considerable force. Villeroi

now determined to attack the Prince of Vaudemont, but twice

suffered him to escape: and then, after having apparently

hesitated for some time how to drive or draw the King of

England from the attack upon Namur, he resolved to bombard the

city of Brussels, never pretending to besiege it, but alleging

as his motive for a proceeding which was merely destructive,

the bombardment of the maritime towns of France by the

English. During three days he continued to fire upon the city,

ruining a great part thereof, and then withdrew to witness the

surrender of the citadel of Namur on the 2nd September, the

town itself having capitulated on the 4th of the preceding

month. As some compensation, though but a poor one, for the

loss of Namur, and the disgrace of the French arms in

suffering such a city to be captured in the presence of 80,000

men, Montal took Dixmude and Deynse in the course of June. ...

The only after-event of any importance which occurred in

Flanders during this war, was the capture of Ath by the

French, in the year 1697, while negotiations for peace were

going on with activity at Ryswick. ... Regular communications

regarding peace having been once established, Ryswick, near

the Hague, was appointed for the meeting of plenipotentiaries;

and Harlay, Torci, and Callières appeared at that place as

representatives of Louis. The articles which had been formerly

sketched out at Utrecht formed the base of the treaties now

agreed upon; and Louis yielded far more than could have been

expected from one so proud and so successful."

_G. P. R. James,

Life and Times of Louis XIV.,

volume 2, chapter 11._

ALSO IN:

_T. H. Dyer,

History of Modern Europe,

volume 3, chapter 5._

_Sir J. Dalrymple,

Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland,

part 3, book 4 (volume 3)._

FRANCE: A. D. 1697 (April).

The sacking of Carthagena.

See CARTHAGENA: A. D. 1697.

FRANCE: A. D. 1697.

The Peace of Ryswick.

"The Congress for the treaty or series of treaties that was to

terminate the great European war, which had now lasted for

upwards of nine years, was held at Ryswick, a château near the

Hague. The conferences were opened in May, 1697. Among the

countries represented were Sweden, Austria, France, Spain,

England, Holland, Denmark and the various States of the German

Empire. The treaties were signed, in severalty, between the

different States, except Austria, in September and October,

1697, and with the Emperor, in November. The principal

features of the treaty were, as between France and Spain,

that, the former country was to deliver to Spain Barcelona,

and other places in Catalonia; also various places which

France had taken in the Spanish Netherlands, during the war,

including Luxembourg and its Duchy, Charleroi, Mons and

Courtrai. Various others were excepted, to be retained by

France, as dependencies of French possessions. The principal

stipulations of the treaty, as between France and Great

Britain, were that France formally recognized William III. as

lawful king of Great Britain, and agreed not to trouble him in

the possession of his dominions, and not to assist his

enemies, directly or indirectly. This article had particular

relation to the partisans of the exiled Stuart king, then

living in France. By another article, all places taken by

either country in America, during the war, were to be

relinquished, and the Principality of Orange and its estates

situated in the south of France were to be restored to

William. In the treaty with Holland, certain possessions in

the East Indies were to be restored to the Dutch East India

Company: and important articles of commerce were appended,

among which the principle was laid down that free ships should

make free goods, not contraband of war. By the treaty with the

Emperor and the German States, the Treaties of Westphalia and

Nymeguen were recognized as the basis of the Treaty of

Ryswick, with such exceptions only as were to be provided in

the latter treaty. France also was to give up all territory

she had occupied or controlled before or during the war under

the name of 'reunions,' outside of Alsace, but the Roman

Catholic religion was to be preserved in Alsace as it then

existed.

{1244}

This concession by France included among other places

Freiburg, Brisach, and Treves; and certain restitutions were

to be made by France, in favor of Spire, the Electors of

Treves, and Brandenburg and the Palatinate; also, others in

favor of certain of the smaller German Princes. The city of

Strasburg, in return, was formally ceded to France, ... and

the important fort of Kehl was yielded to the Empire. The

navigation of the Rhine was to be free to all persons. The

Duke of Lorraine was to be restored to his possessions with

such exceptions as were provided in the treaty. By the terms

of this treaty, a more advantageous peace was given to Spain

than she had any expectation of. ... Not only were the places

taken in Spain, including the numerous fortified places in

Catalonia, yielded up, but also, with some exceptions, those

in the Spanish Netherlands, and also the important territory

of Luxembourg; some places were even yielded to Spain that

France had gained under former treaties."

_J. W. Gerard,

The Peace of Utrecht,

chapter 4._

"The restitutions and cessions [from France to Germany]

comprised Treves, Germersheim, Deux-Ponts, Veldentz,

Montbéliard, Kehl, Freiburg, Breisach, Philippsburg, the

Emperor and the Empire ceding in exchange Strasbourg to the

King of France in complete sovereignty. ... Louis XIV. had

consented somewhat to relax the rigor of the treaty of

Nimeguen towards the heir of the Duchy of Lorraine, nephew of

the Emperor by his mother; he restored to the young Duke

Leopold his inheritance in the condition in which Charles IV.

had possessed it before the French conquest of 1670; that is

to say, he restored Nancy, allowing only the ramparts of the

Old Town to remain, and razing all the rest of the

fortifications without the power of restoring them; he kept

Marsal, an interior place calculated to hold Lorraine in

check, and also Sarre-Louis, a frontier-place which separated

Lorraine from the Germanic provinces; he restored Bitche and

Homburg dismantled, without power to reestablish them, and

kept Longwy in exchange for a domain of similar value in one

of the Trois-Evêchés; finally, he no longer demanded, as at

Nimeguen, four great strategic routes through Lorraine, and

consented that the passage should always be open to his

troops. The House of Lorraine was thus reestablished in its

estates after twenty-seven years of exile."

_H. Martin,

History of France: Age of Louis XIV.,

volume 2, chapter 2._

ALSO IN:

_L. von Ranke,

History of England, 17th Century,

book 20, chapter 11 (volume 5)._

See, also, CANADA: A. D. 1692-1697;

and NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1694-1697.

FRANCE: A. D. 1698-1712.

The colonization of Louisiana.

Broad claims to the whole valley of the Mississippi.

See LOUISIANA: A. D. 1698-1712.

FRANCE: A. D. 1700.

Bequest of the Spanish crown to a French royal prince.

See SPAIN: A. D. 1698-1700.

FRANCE: A. D. 1701-1702.

Provocation of the Second Grand Alliance

and War of the Spanish Succession.

See SPAIN: A. D. 1701-1702,

and ENGLAND: A. D. 1701-1702.

FRANCE: A. D. 1702-1710.

The Camisard rising of the French Protestant's in the

Cévennes.

"The movement known as the War of the Camisards is an episode

of the history of Protestantism in France which, though rarely

studied in detail and perhaps but partially understood, was

not devoid of significance. When it occurred, in the summer of

1702, a period of little less than 17 years had elapsed since

Louis XIV., by his edict of Fontainebleau, October, 1685,

solemnly revoked the great and fundamental law enacted by his

grandfather, Henry IV., for the protection of the adherents of

the Reformed faith, known in history as the Edict of Nantes.

During the whole of that period the Protestants had submitted,

with scarcely an attempt at armed resistance, to the

proscription of their tenets: ... The majority, unable to

escape from the land of oppression, remained at home ...

nearly all of them cherishing the confident hope that the

king's delusion would be short-lived, and that the edict under

which they and their ancestors had lived for three generations

would, before long, be restored to them with the greater part,

if not the whole, of its beneficent provisions. Meanwhile, all

the Protestant ministers having been expelled from France by

the same law that prohibited the expatriation of any of the

laity, the people of the Reformed faith found themselves

destitute of the spiritual food they craved. True, the new

legislation affected to regard that faith as dead, and

designated all the former adherents of Protestantism, without

distinction, as the 'New Converts,' 'Nouveaux Convertis.' And,

in point of fact, the great majority had so far yielded to the

terrible pressure of the violent measures brought to bear upon

them ... that they had consented to sign a promise to be

're-united' to the Roman Catholic Church, or had gone at least

once to mass. But they were still Protestants at heart. ...

Under these circumstances, feeling more than ever the need of

religious comfort, now that remorse arose for a weak betrayal

of conscientious conviction, the proscribed Protestants,

especially in the south of France, began to meet clandestinely

for divine worship in such retired places as seemed most

likely to escape the notice of their vigilant enemies. ... It

was not strange that in so exceptional a situation, a phase of

religious life and feeling equally exceptional should manifest

itself. I refer to that appearance of prophetic inspiration

which attracted to the province of Vivarais and to the

Cévennes Mountains the attention of all Europe. ...

Historically ... the influence of the prophets of the Cévennes

was an important factor in the Protestant problem of the end

of the 17th and the commencement of the 18th centuries. ...

Various methods were adopted to put an end to the prophets

with their prophecies, which were for the most part

denunciatory of Rome as Antichrist and foreshadowed the

approaching fall of the papacy. But this form of enthusiasm

had struck a deep root and it was hard to eradicate it.

Imprisonment, in convent or jail, was the most common

punishment, especially in the case of women. Not infrequently

to imprisonment was, added corporal chastisement, and the

prophets, male and female, were flogged until they might be

regarded as fully cured of their delusion. ... But no

utterances of prophets, however fervid and impassioned, would

have sufficed to occasion an uprising of the inhabitants of

the Cévennes Mountains, had it not been for the virulent

persecution to which the latter found themselves exposed at

the hands of the provincial authorities directly instigated

thereto by the clergy of the established church.

{1245}

For it must be noticed that a large part of the population of

the Cévennes was still Protestant, and made no concealment of

the fact, even though the king's ministers affected to call

them 'New Catholics,' or 'New Converts.' The region over which

the Camisard war extended with more or less violence comprised

six episcopal dioceses, which, in 1698, had an aggregate

population of about two-thirds of a million of souls. Of these

souls, though Protestantism had been dead in the eye of the

law for 13 years, fully one-fourth were still Protestant. ...

The war may be said to have begun on the 24th of July, 1702,

when the Abbé du Chayla, a noted persecutor, was killed in his

house, at Pont de Montvert, by a band of 40 or 50 of the

'Nouveaux Convertis,' whom he had driven to desperation by his

cruelty to their fellow believers. If we regard its

termination to be the submission of Jean Cavalier, the most

picturesque, in the month of May, 1704, the war lasted a

little less than two years. But, although the French

government had succeeded, rather by craft than by force, in

getting rid of the most formidable of its opponents ... it was

not until five or six years later--that is, until 1709 or

1710--that ... comparative peace was finally restored. ...

During the first months of the insurrection the exploits of

the malcontents were confined to deeds of destruction

accomplished by companies of venturesome men, who almost

everywhere eluded the pursuit of the enemy by their superior

knowledge of the intricacies of the mountain woods and paths.

The track of these companies could easily be made out; for it

was marked by the destruction of vicarages and rectories, by

the smoke of burned churches, too often by the corpses of

slain priests. The perpetrators of these acts of violence soon

won for themselves some special designations, to distinguish

them from the more passive Protestants who remained in their

homes, taking no open part in the struggle. ... About the

close of 1702, however, or the first months of 1703, a new

word was coined for the fresh emergency, and the armed

Protestants received the appellation under which they have

passed into history--the Camisards. Passing by all the strange

and fanciful derivations of the word which seem to have no

claim upon our notice, unless it be their evident absurdity,

we have no difficulty in connecting it with those nocturnal

expeditions which were styled 'Camisades'; because the

warriors who took advantage of the darkness of the night to

ride out and explore or force the enemy's entrenchments,

sometimes threw over their armor a shirt that might enable

them to recognize each other. Others will have it that, though

the name was derived from the same article of apparel--the

'camisa' or shirt--it was applied to the Cévenol bands for

another reason, namely," that when they found opportunities,

they carried off clean linen from the villages and left their

soiled garments in exchange. The final overthrow of the

Camisards "was not accomplished without the employment of

100,000 troops, certainly far more than ten times the total

number ever brought into the field by the Camisards. ... Not

less than three officers of the highest grade in the service,

marshals of France, were successively appointed to put down a

revolt which it might have been expected a simple colonel

could suffice to quell--M. de Broglie being succeeded by the

Marshal de Montrevel, the Marshal de Montrevel by the Marshal

de Villars, and the Marshal de Villars by the Marshal de

Berwick."

_H. M. Baird,

The Camisard Uprising

(Papers of the American Society of Church History,

volume 2, pages 13-34)._

ALSO IN:

_Mrs. Bray,

The Revolt of the Protestants of the Cevennes._

_N. Peyrat,

The Pastors in the Wilderness._

_S. Smiles,

The Huguenots in France after the Revocation of the Edict

of Nantes, chapters 5-8._

FRANCE: A. D. 1702-1711.

The War of the Spanish Succession in America

(called Queen Anne's War).

See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1702-1710;

and CANADA: A. D. 1711-1713.

FRANCE: A. D. 1702-1713.

The War of the Spanish Succession in Europe.

See

ITALY: A. D. 1701-1713;

SPAIN: A.D. 1702, to 1707-1710;

GERMANY: A. D. 1702, to 1706-1711;

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1702-1704, to 1710-1712.

FRANCE: A. D. 1702-1715.

Renewed Jesuitical persecution of the Jansenists.

The odious Bull Unigenitus and its tyrannical enforcement.

See PORT ROYAL AND THE JANSENISTS: A. D. 1702-1715.

A. D. 1710.

The War of the Spanish Succession: Misery of the nation.

Overtures for Peace.

Conferences at Gertruydenberg.

History for ready reference, Volume 2, El Dorado to Greaves · 第 132 / 222 段