"The Danish invasions of England ... fall naturally into three

periods, each of which finds its parallel in the course of the

English Conquest of Britain. ... We first find a period in

which the object of the invaders seems to be simple plunder.

They land, they harry the country, they fight, if need be, to

secure their booty, but whether defeated or victorious, they

equally return to their ships, and sail away with what they

have gathered. This period includes the time from the first

recorded invasion [A. D. 787] till the latter half of the

ninth century. Next comes a time in which the object of the

Northmen is clearly no longer mere plunder, but settlement.

... In the reign of Æthelwulf the son of Ecgberht it is

recorded that the heathen men wintered for the first time in

the Isle of Sheppey [A. D. 855]. This marks the transition

from the first to the second period of their invasions. ... It

was not however till about eleven years from this time that

the settlement actually began. Meanwhile the sceptre of the

West-Saxons passed from one hand to another. ... Four sons of

Æthelwulf reigned in succession, and the reigns of the first

three among them [Ethelbald, A. D. 858, Ethelberht, 860,

Ethelred, 866] make up together only thirteen years. In the

reign of the third of these princes, Æthelred I., the second

period of the invasions fairly begins. Five years were spent

by the Northmen in ravaging and conquering the tributary

Kingdoms. Northumberland, still disputed between rival Kings,

fell an easy prey [867-869], and one or two puppet princes did

not scruple to receive a tributary crown at the hands of the

heathen invaders. They next entered Mercia [868], they seized

Nottingham, and the West-Saxon King hastening to the relief of

his vassals, was unable to dislodge them from that stronghold.

East Anglia was completely conquered [866-870] and its King

Eadmund died a martyr. At last the full storm of invasion

burst upon Wessex itself [871]. King Æthelred, the first of a

long line of West-Saxon hero-Kings, supported by his greater

brother Ælfred [Alfred the Great] met the invaders in battle

after battle with varied success. He died and Ælfred

succeeded, in the thick of the struggle. In this year [871],

the last of Æthelred and the first of Ælfred, nine pitched

battles, besides smaller engagements, were fought with the

heathens on West-Saxon ground. At last peace was made; the

Northmen retreated to London, within the Mercian frontier;

Wessex was for the moment delivered, but the supremacy won by

Ecgberht was lost. For a few years Wessex was subjected to

nothing more than temporary incursions, but Northumberland and

part of Mercia were systematically occupied by the Northmen,

and the land was divided among them. ... At last the Northmen,

now settled in a large part of the island, made a second

attempt to add Wessex itself to their possessions [878]. For a

moment the land seemed conquered; Ælfred himself lay hid in the

marshes of Somersetshire; men might well deem that the Empire

of Ecgberht and the Kingdom of Cerdic itself, had vanished for

ever. But the strong heart of the most renowned of Englishmen,

the saint, the scholar, the hero, and the lawgiver, carried

his people safely through this most terrible of dangers.

Within the same year the Dragon of Wessex was again victorious

[at the battle of Ethandun, or Edington], and the Northmen

were driven to conclude a peace which Englishmen, fifty years

sooner, would have deemed the lowest depth of degradation, but

which might now be fairly looked upon as honourable and even

as triumphant. By the terms of the Peace of Wedmore the

Northmen were to evacuate Wessex and the part of Mercia

south-west of Watling-Street; they, or at least their chiefs,

were to submit to baptism, and they were to receive the whole

land beyond Watling-Street as vassals of the West-Saxon King.

... The exact boundary started from the Thames, along the Lea

to its source, then right to Bedford and along the Ouse till

it meets Watling-Street, then along Watling-Street to the

Welsh border. See Ælfred and Guthrum's Peace,' Thorpe's 'Laws

and Institutes,' i. 152. This frontier gives London to the

English; but it seems that Ælfred did not obtain full

possession of London till 886."

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The territory thus conceded to the Danes, which included all

northeastern England from the Thames to the Tyne, was

thenceforth known by the name of the Danelagh or Danelaw,

signifying the country subject to the law of the Danes. The

Peace of Wedmore ended the second period of the Danish

invasions. The third period, which was not opened until a full

century later, embraced the actual conquest of the whole of

England by a Danish king and its temporary annexation to the

dominions of the Danish crown.

_E. A. Freeman,

History of the Norman Conquest of England,

chapter 2, with foot-note._

"Now that peace was restored, and the Danes driven out of his

domains, it remained to be seen whether Alfred was as good a

ruler as he was a soldier. ... What did he see? The towns,

even London itself, pillaged, ruined, or burnt down; the

monasteries destroyed; the people wild and lawless; ignorance,

roughness, insecurity everywhere. It is almost incredible with

what a brave heart he set himself to repair all this; how his

great and noble aims were still before him; how hard he

strove, and how much he achieved. First of all he seems to

have sought for helpers. Like most clever men, he was good at

reading characters. He soon saw who would be true, brave, wise

friends, and he collected these around him. Some of them he

fetched from over the sea, from France and Germany; our friend

Asser from Wales, or, as he calls his country, 'Western

Britain,' while England, he calls 'Saxony.' He says he first

saw Alfred 'in a royal vill, which is called Dene' in Sussex.

'He received me with kindness, and asked me eagerly to devote

myself to his service, and become his friend; to leave

everything which I possessed on the left or western bank of

the Severn, and promised that he would give more than an

equivalent for it in his own dominions. I replied that I could

not rashly and incautiously promise such things; for it seemed

to be unjust that I should leave those sacred places in which

I had been bred, educated, crowned, and ordained for the sake

of any earthly honour and power, unless upon compulsion. Upon

this he said, "If you cannot accede to this, at least let me

have your service in part; spend six months of the year with

me here, and the other six months in Britain."' And to this

after a time Asser consented. What were the principal things

he turned his mind to after providing for the defence of his

kingdom, and collecting his friends and counsellors about him?

Law--justice--religion--education. He collected and studied

the old laws of his nation; what he thought good he kept, what

he disapproved he left out. He added others, especially the

ten commandments and some other parts of the law of Moses.

Then he laid them all before his Witan, or wise men, and with

their approval published them. ... The state of justice in

England was dreadful at this time. ... Alfred's way of curing

this was by inquiring into all cases, as far as he possibly

could, himself; and Asser says he did this 'especially for the

sake of the poor, to whose interest, day and night, he ever

was wonderfully attentive; for in the whole kingdom the poor,

besides him, had few or no protectors.' ... When he found that

the judges had made mistakes through ignorance, he rebuked them,

and told them they must either grow wiser or give up their

posts; and soon the old earls and other judges, who had been

unlearned from their cradles, began to study diligently. ...

For reviving and spreading religion among his people he used

the best means that he knew of; that is, he founded new

monasteries and restored old ones, and did his utmost to get

good bishops and clergymen. For his own part, he strove to

practise in all ways what he taught to others. ... Education

was in a still worse condition than everything else. ... All

the schools had been broken up. Alfred says that when he began

to reign there were very few clergymen south of the Humber who

could even understand the Prayer-book. (That was still in

Latin, as the Roman missionaries had brought it.) And south of

the Thames he could not remember one. His first care was to

get better-educated clergy and bishops. And next to get the

laymen taught also. ... He founded monasteries and schools,

and restored the old ones which had been ruined. He had a

school in his court for his own children and the children of

his nobles. But at the very outset a most serious difficulty

confronted Alfred. Where was he to get books? At this time, as

far as we can judge, there can only have been one, or at most

two books in the English language--the long poem of Cædmon

about the creation of the world, &c., and the poem of Beowulf

about warriors and fiery dragons. There were many English

ballads and songs, but whether these were written down I do

not know. There was no book of history, not even English

history; no book of geography, no religious books, no

philosophy. Bede, who had written so many books, had written

them all in Latin. ... So when they had a time of 'stillness'

the king and his learned friends set to work and translated

books into English; and Alfred, who was as modest and candid

as he was wise, put into the preface of one of his

translations that he hoped, if anyone knew Latin better than

he did, that he would not blame him, for he could but do

according to his ability. ... Beside all this, he had a great

many other occupations. Asser, who often lived with him for

months at a time, gives us an account of his busy life.

Notwithstanding his infirmities and other hindrances, 'he

continued to carry on the government, and to exercise hunting

in all its branches; to teach his workers in gold and

artificers of all kinds, his falconers, hawkers, and

dog-keepers; to build houses, majestic and good, beyond all

the precedents of his ancestors, by his new mechanical

inventions; to recite the Saxon books (Asser, being a

Welshman, always calls the English, Saxon), and especially to

learn by heart the Saxon poems, and to make others learn them;

he never desisted from studying most diligently to the best of

his ability; he attended the mass and other daily services of

religion; he was frequent in psalm-singing and prayer; ... he

bestowed alms and largesses on both natives and foreigners of

all countries; he was affable and pleasant to all, and

curiously eager to investigate things unknown.'"

_M. J. Guest,

Lectures on the History of England,

lecture 9._

"It is no easy task for anyone who has been studying his

[Alfred's] life and works to set reasonable bounds to their

reverence, and enthusiasm, for the man. Lest the reader should

think my estimate tainted with the proverbial weakness of

biographers for their heroes; let them turn to the words in

which the earliest, and the last of the English historians of

that time, sum up the character of Alfred.

{787}

Florence of Worcester, writing in the century after his death,

speaks of him as 'that famous, warlike, victorious king; the

zealous protector of widows, scholars, orphans and the poor;

skilled in the Saxon poets; affable and liberal to all;

endowed with prudence, fortitude, justice, and temperance;

most patient under the infirmity which he daily suffered; a

most stern inquisitor in executing justice; vigilant and

devoted in the service of God.' Mr. Freeman, in his 'History

of the Norman Conquest,' has laid down the portrait in bold

and lasting colours, in a passage as truthful as it is

eloquent, which those who are familiar with it will be glad to

meet again, while those who do not know it will be grateful to me

for substituting for any poor words of my own. 'Alfred, the

unwilling author of these great changes, is the most perfect

character in history. He is a singular instance of a prince

who has become a hero of romance, who, as such, has had

countless imaginary exploits attributed to him, but to whose

character romance has done no more than justice, and who

appears in exactly the same light in history and in fable. No

other man on record has ever so thoroughly united all the

virtues both of the ruler and of the private man. In no other

man on record were so many virtues disfigured by so little

alloy. A saint without superstition, a scholar without

ostentation, a warrior all whose wars were fought in the

defence of his country, a conqueror whose laurels were never

stained by cruelty, a prince never cast down by adversity,

never lifted up to insolence in the day of triumph--there is

no other name in history to compare with his. Saint Lewis

comes nearest to him in the union of a more than monastic

piety with the highest civil, military, and domestic virtues.

Both of them stand forth in honourable contrast to the abject

superstition of some other royal saints, who were so selfishly

engaged in the care of their own souls that they refused

either to raise up heirs for their throne, or to strike a blow

on behalf of their people. But even in Saint Lewis we see a

disposition to forsake an immediate sphere of duty for the

sake of distant and unprofitable, however pious and glorious,

undertakings. The true duties of the King of the French

clearly lay in France, and not in Egypt or Tunis. No such

charge lies at the door of the great King of the West Saxons.

With an inquiring spirit which took in the whole world, for

purposes alike of scientific inquiry and of Christian

benevolence, Alfred never forgot that his first duty was to

his own people. He forestalled our own age in sending

expeditions to explore the Northern Ocean, and in sending alms

to the distant Churches of India; but he neither forsook his

crown, like some of his predecessors, nor neglected his

duties, like some of his successors. The virtue of Alfred,

like the virtue of Washington, consisted in no marvellous

displays of super-human genius, but in the simple,

straightforward discharge of the duty of the moment. But

Washington, soldier, statesman, and patriot, like Alfred, has

no claim to Alfred's further characters of saint and scholar.

William the Silent, too, has nothing to set against Alfred's

literary merits; and in his career, glorious as it is, there

is an element of intrigue and chicanery utterly alien to the

noble simplicity of both Alfred and Washington. The same union

of zeal for religion and learning with the highest gifts of

the warrior and the statesman is found, on a wider field of

action, in Charles the Great. But even Charles cannot aspire

to the pure glory of Alfred. Amidst all the splendour of

conquest and legislation, we cannot be blind to an alloy of

personal ambition, of personal vice, to occasional unjust

aggressions and occasional acts of cruelty. Among our own

later princes, the great Edward alone can bear for a moment

the comparison with his glorious ancestor. And, when tried by

such a standard, even the great Edward fails. Even in him we

do not see the same wonderful union of gifts and virtues which

so seldom meet together; we cannot acquit Edward of occasional

acts of violence, of occasional recklessness as to means; we

cannot attribute to him the pure, simple, almost childlike

disinterestedness which marks the character of Alfred.' Let

Wordsworth, on behalf of the poets of England, complete the

picture:

'Behold a pupil of the monkish gown,

The pious Alfred, king to justice dear!

Lord of the harp and liberating spear;

Mirror of princes! Indigent renown

Might range the starry ether for a crown

Equal to his deserts, who, like the year,

Pours forth his bounty, like the day doth cheer,

And awes like night, with mercy-tempered frown.

Ease from this noble miser of his time

No moment steals; pain narrows not his cares--

Though small his kingdom as a spark or gem,

Of Alfred boasts remote Jerusalem,

And Christian India, through her widespread clime,

In sacred converse gifts with Alfred shares.'"

_Thomas Hughes,

Alfred the Great,

chapter 24._

ALSO IN:

_R. Pauli,

Life of Alfred the Great._

_Asser,

Life of Alfred._

See, also, NORMANS, and EDUCATION, MEDIÆVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 901.

Accession of the West Saxon king Edward, called The Elder.

ENGLAND: A. D. 925.

Accession of the West Saxon king Ethelstan.

ENGLAND: A. D. 938.

The battle of Brunnaburgh.

Alfred the Great, dying in 901, was succeeded by his son,

Edward, and Edward, in turn, was followed, A. D. 925, by his

son Athelstane, or Æthalsten. In the reign of Athelstane a

great league was formed against him by the Northumbrian Danes

with the Scots, with the Danes of Dublin and with the Britons

of Strathclyde and Cumbria. Athelstane defeated the

confederates in a mighty battle, celebrated in one of the

finest of Old-English war-songs, and also in one of the Sagas

of the Norse tongue, as the Battle of Brunnaburgh or

Brunanburh, but the site of which is unknown. "Five Kings and

seven northern Iarls or earls fell in the strife. ...

Constantine the Scot fled to the north, mourning his

fair-haired son, who perished in the slaughter. Anlaf [or

Olaf, the leader of the Danes or Ostmen of Dublin], with a sad

and scattered remnant of his forces, escaped to Ireland. ...

The victory was so decisive that, during the remainder of the

reign of Athelstane, no enemy dared to rise up against him;

his supremacy was acknowledged without contest, and his glory

extended to distant realms."

_F. Palgrave,

History of the Anglo-Saxons,

chapter 10._

Mr. Skene is of opinion that the battle of Brunnaburgh was

fought at Aldborough, near York.

_W. F. Skene,

Celtic Scotland,

volume 1, page 357._

ENGLAND: A. D. 940.

Accession of the West Saxon king Edmund.

ENGLAND: A. D. 946.

Accession of the West Saxon king Edred.

ENGLAND: A. D. 955.

Accession of the West Saxon king Edwig.

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ENGLAND: A. D. 958.

Accession of the West Saxon king Edgar.

ENGLAND: A. D. 958.

Completed union of the realm.

Increase of kingly authority.

Approach towards feudalism.

Rise of the Witenagemot.

Decline of the Freemen.

History for ready reference, Volume 2, El Dorado to Greaves · 第 5 / 222 段