THE
INTERESTING NARRATIVE
OF
THE LIFE
OF
OLAUDAH EQUIANO,
OR
GUSTAVUS VASSA,
THE AFRICAN.
_WRITTEN BY HIMSELF._
_Behold, God is my salvation; I will trust and not be
afraid, for the Lord Jehovah is my strength and my
song; he also is become my salvation.
And in that shall ye say, Praise the Lord, call upon his
name, declare his doings among the people. Isaiah xii. 2, 4._
LONDON:
Printed for and sold by the Author, No. 10, Union-Street,
Middlesex Hospital
Sold also by Mr. Johnson, St. Paul's Church-Yard; Mr.
Murray, Fleet-Street; Messrs. Robson and Clark, Bond-Street;
Mr. Davis, opposite Gray's Inn, Holborn; Messrs. Shepperson
and Reynolds, and Mr. Jackson, Oxford Street; Mr.
Lackington, Chiswell-Street; Mr. Mathews, Strand; Mr.
Murray, Prince's-Street, Soho; Mess. Taylor and Co. South
Arch, Royal Exchange; Mr. Button, Newington-Causeway; Mr.
Parsons, Paternoster-Row; and may be had of all the
Booksellers in Town and Country.
[Entered at Stationer's Hall.]
[Illustration: Olaudah Equiano or GUSTAVUS VASSA, _the African_]
To the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons of the
Parliament of Great Britain.
_My Lords and Gentlemen_,
Permit me, with the greatest deference and respect, to lay at your
feet the following genuine Narrative; the chief design of which is to
excite in your august assemblies a sense of compassion for the
miseries which the Slave-Trade has entailed on my unfortunate
countrymen. By the horrors of that trade was I first torn away from
all the tender connexions that were naturally dear to my heart; but
these, through the mysterious ways of Providence, I ought to regard as
infinitely more than compensated by the introduction I have thence
obtained to the knowledge of the Christian religion, and of a nation
which, by its liberal sentiments, its humanity, the glorious freedom
of its government, and its proficiency in arts and sciences, has
exalted the dignity of human nature.
I am sensible I ought to entreat your pardon for addressing to you a
work so wholly devoid of literary merit; but, as the production of an
unlettered African, who is actuated by the hope of becoming an
instrument towards the relief of his suffering countrymen, I trust
that _such a man_, pleading in _such a cause_, will be acquitted of
boldness and presumption.
May the God of heaven inspire your hearts with peculiar benevolence on
that important day when the question of Abolition is to be discussed,
when thousands, in consequence of your Determination, are to look for
Happiness or Misery!
I am,
My Lords and Gentlemen,
Your most obedient,
And devoted humble Servant,
Olaudah Equiano,
or
Gustavus Vassa.
Union-Street, Mary-le-bone,
March 24, 1789.
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CONTENTS
CHAP. I.
The author's account of his country, their manners and
customs, &c.
CHAP. II.
The author's birth and parentage--His being kidnapped
with his sister--Horrors of a slave ship
CHAP. III.
The author is carried to Virginia--Arrives in England--His
wonder at a fall of snow
CHAP. IV.
A particular account of the celebrated engagement
between Admiral Boscawen and Monsieur Le Clue
CHAP. V.
Various interesting instances of oppression, cruelty, and
extortion
CHAP. VI.
Favourable change in the author's situation--He
commences merchant with threepence
CHAP. VII.
The author's disgust at the West Indies--Forms
schemes to obtain his freedom
CHAP. VIII.
Three remarkable dreams--The author is shipwrecked
on the Bahama-bank
CHAP. IX.
The author arrives at Martinico--Meets with new
difficulties, and sails for England
CHAP. X.
Some account of the manner of the author's conversion to
the faith of Jesus Christ
CHAP. XI.
Picking up eleven miserable men at sea in returning to
England
CHAP. XII.
Different transactions of the author's life--Petition to the
Queen--Conclusion
THE LIFE, &c.
CHAPTER I.
_The author's account of his country, and their manners and
customs--Administration of justice--Embrenche--Marriage
ceremony, and public entertainments--Mode of
living--Dress--Manufactures
Buildings--Commerce--Agriculture--War and
religion--Superstition of the natives--Funeral ceremonies of
the priests or magicians--Curious mode of discovering
poison--Some hints concerning the origin of the author's
countrymen, with the opinions of different writers on that
subject._
I believe it is difficult for those who publish their own memoirs to
escape the imputation of vanity; nor is this the only disadvantage
under which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that what is
uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt
to turn from with disgust, and to charge the writer with impertinence.
People generally think those memoirs only worthy to be read or
remembered which abound in great or striking events, those, in short,
which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity: all others
they consign to contempt and oblivion. It is therefore, I confess, not
a little hazardous in a private and obscure individual, and a stranger
too, thus to solicit the indulgent attention of the public; especially
when I own I offer here the history of neither a saint, a hero, nor a
tyrant. I believe there are few events in my life, which have not
happened to many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and,
did I consider myself an European, I might say my sufferings were
great: but when I compare my lot with that of most of my countrymen, I
regard myself as a _particular favourite of Heaven_, and acknowledge
the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of my life. If then the
following narrative does not appear sufficiently interesting to engage
general attention, let my motive be some excuse for its publication. I
am not so foolishly vain as to expect from it either immortality or
literary reputation. If it affords any satisfaction to my numerous
friends, at whose request it has been written, or in the smallest
degree promotes the interests of humanity, the ends for which it was
undertaken will be fully attained, and every wish of my heart
gratified. Let it therefore be remembered, that, in wishing to avoid
censure, I do not aspire to praise.
That part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade
for slaves is carried on, extends along the coast above 3400 miles,
from the Senegal to Angola, and includes a variety of kingdoms. Of
these the most considerable is the kingdom of Benen, both as to extent
and wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power of its
king, and the number and warlike disposition of the inhabitants. It is
situated nearly under the line, and extends along the coast about 170
miles, but runs back into the interior part of Africa to a distance
hitherto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and seems only
terminated at length by the empire of Abyssinia, near 1500 miles from
its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or
districts: in one of the most remote and fertile of which, called
Eboe, I was born, in the year 1745, in a charming fruitful vale, named
Essaka. The distance of this province from the capital of Benin and
the sea coast must be very considerable; for I had never heard of
white men or Europeans, nor of the sea: and our subjection to the king
of Benin was little more than nominal; for every transaction of the
government, as far as my slender observation extended, was conducted
by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and government of a
people who have little commerce with other countries are generally
very simple; and the history of what passes in one family or village
may serve as a specimen of a nation. My father was one of those elders
or chiefs I have spoken of, and was styled Embrenche; a term, as I
remember, importing the highest distinction, and signifying in our
language a _mark_ of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the person
entitled to it, by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead,
and drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it is in this
situation applying a warm hand, and rubbing it until it shrinks up
into a thick _weal_ across the lower part of the forehead. Most of the
judges and senators were thus marked; my father had long born it: I
had seen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I was also
_destined_ to receive it by my parents. Those Embrence, or chief men,
decided disputes and punished crimes; for which purpose they always
assembled together. The proceedings were generally short; and in most
cases the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought
before my father, and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; and,
although he was the son of a chief or senator, he was condemned to
make recompense by a man or woman slave. Adultery, however, was
sometimes punished with slavery or death; a punishment which I believe
is inflicted on it throughout most of the nations of Africa[A]: so
sacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and so jealous
are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an
instance:--a woman was convicted before the judges of adultery, and
delivered over, as the custom was, to her husband to be punished.
Accordingly he determined to put her to death: but it being found,
just before her execution, that she had an infant at her breast; and
no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurse, she was
spared on account of the child. The men, however, do not preserve the
same constancy to their wives, which they expect from them; for they
indulge in a plurality, though seldom in more than two. Their mode of
marriage is thus:--both parties are usually betrothed when young by
their parents, (though I have known the males to betroth themselves).
On this occasion a feast is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom
stand up in the midst of all their friends, who are assembled for the
purpose, while he declares she is thenceforth to be looked upon as his
wife, and that no other person is to pay any addresses to her. This is
also immediately proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the bride
retires from the assembly. Some time after she is brought home to her
husband, and then another feast is made, to which the relations of
both parties are invited: her parents then deliver her to the
bridegroom, accompanied with a number of blessings, and at the same
time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the thickness of a
goose-quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear: she
is now considered as completely his wife; and at this time the dowry
is given to the new married pair, which generally consists of portions
of land, slaves, and cattle, household goods, and implements of
husbandry. These are offered by the friends of both parties; besides
which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those of the
bride, whose property she is looked upon before marriage; but after it
she is esteemed the sole property of her husband. The ceremony being
now ended the festival begins, which is celebrated with bonefires, and
loud acclamations of joy, accompanied with music and dancing.
We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians, and poets. Thus every
great event, such as a triumphant return from battle, or other cause
of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances, which are
accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. The assembly
is separated into four divisions, which dance either apart or in
succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The first
division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently
exhibit feats of arms, and the representation of a battle. To these
succeed the married women, who dance in the second division. The young
men occupy the third; and the maidens the fourth. Each represents some
interesting scene of real life, such as a great achievement, domestic
employment, a pathetic story, or some rural sport; and as the subject
is generally founded on some recent event, it is therefore ever new.
This gives our dances a spirit and variety which I have scarcely seen
elsewhere[B]. We have many musical instruments, particularly drums of
different kinds, a piece of music which resembles a guitar, and
another much like a stickado. These last are chiefly used by betrothed
virgins, who play on them on all grand festivals.
As our manners are simple, our luxuries are few. The dress of both
sexes is nearly the same. It generally consists of a long piece of
callico, or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body, somewhat in the
form of a highland plaid. This is usually dyed blue, which is our
favourite colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and
richer than any I have seen in Europe. Besides this, our women of
distinction wear golden ornaments; which they dispose with some
profusion on their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with
the men in tillage, their usual occupation is spinning and weaving
cotton, which they afterwards dye, and make it into garments. They
also manufacture earthen vessels, of which we have many kinds. Among
the rest tobacco pipes, made after the same fashion, and used in the
same manner, as those in Turkey[C].
Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are
unacquainted with those refinements in cookery which debauch the
taste: bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the greatest part of their
food. These constitute likewise the principal wealth of the country,
and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh is usually stewed in
a pan; to make it savoury we sometimes use also pepper, and other
spices, and we have salt made of wood ashes. Our vegetables are mostly
plantains, eadas, yams, beans, and Indian corn. The head of the family
usually eats alone; his wives and slaves have also their separate
tables. Before we taste food we always wash our hands: indeed our
cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on this it is an
indispensable ceremony. After washing, libation is made, by pouring
out a small portion of the food, in a certain place, for the spirits
of departed relations, which the natives suppose to preside over their
conduct, and guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with
strong or spirituous liquours; and their principal beverage is palm
wine. This is gotten from a tree of that name by tapping it at the
top, and fastening a large gourd to it; and sometimes one tree will
yield three or four gallons in a night. When just drawn it is of a
most delicious sweetness; but in a few days it acquires a tartish and
more spirituous flavour: though I never saw any one intoxicated by it.
The same tree also produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in
perfumes; one sort of these is an odoriferous wood of delicious
fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a small portion of which thrown
into the fire diffuses a most powerful odour[D]. We beat this wood
into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women
perfume themselves.
In our buildings we study convenience rather than ornament. Each
master of a family has a large square piece of ground, surrounded with
a moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of red earth tempered;
which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houses to
accommodate his family and slaves; which, if numerous, frequently
present the appearance of a village. In the middle stands the
principal building, appropriated to the sole use of the master, and
consisting of two apartments; in one of which he sits in the day with
his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his friends.
He has besides these a distinct apartment in which he sleeps, together
with his male children. On each side are the apartments of his wives,
who have also their separate day and night houses. The habitations of
the slaves and their families are distributed throughout the rest of
the enclosure. These houses never exceed one story in height: they are
always built of wood, or stakes driven into the ground, crossed with
wattles, and neatly plastered within, and without. The roof is
thatched with reeds. Our day-houses are left open at the sides; but
those in which we sleep are always covered, and plastered in the
inside, with a composition mixed with cow-dung, to keep off the
different insects, which annoy us during the night. The walls and
floors also of these are generally covered with mats. Our beds consist
of a platform, raised three or four feet from the ground, on which are
laid skins, and different parts of a spungy tree called plaintain. Our
covering is calico or muslin, the same as our dress. The usual seats
are a few logs of wood; but we have benches, which are generally
perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these compose the greater part of
our household furniture. Houses so constructed and furnished require
but little skill to erect them. Every man is a sufficient architect
for the purpose. The whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous
assistance in building them and in return receive, and expect no other
recompense than a feast.
As we live in a country where nature is prodigal of her favours, our
wants are few and easily supplied; of course we have few manufactures.
They consist for the most part of calicoes, earthern ware, ornaments,
and instruments of war and husbandry. But these make no part of our
commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have observed, are
provisions. In such a state money is of little use; however we have
some small pieces of coin, if I may call them such. They are made
something like an anchor; but I do not remember either their value or
denomination. We have also markets, at which I have been frequently
with my mother. These are sometimes visited by stout mahogany-coloured
men from the south west of us: we call them Oye-Eboe, which term
signifies red men living at a distance. They generally bring us
fire-arms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried fish. The last we
esteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and springs.
These articles they barter with us for odoriferous woods and earth,
and our salt of wood ashes. They always carry slaves through our land;
but the strictest account is exacted of their manner of procuring them
before they are suffered to pass. Sometimes indeed we sold slaves to
them, but they were only prisoners of war, or such among us as had
been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery, and some other crimes,
which we esteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to
think, that, notwithstanding all our strictness, their principal
business among us was to trepan our people. I remember too they
carried great sacks along with them, which not long after I had an
opportunity of fatally seeing applied to that infamous purpose.
Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of
vegetables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and vast
quantities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine apples grow without
culture; they are about the size of the largest sugar-loaf, and finely
flavoured. We have also spices of different kinds, particularly
pepper; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never seen in
Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance.
All our industry is exerted to improve those blessings of nature.
Agriculture is our chief employment; and every one, even the children
and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour
from our earliest years. Every one contributes something to the common
stock; and as we are unacquainted with idleness, we have no beggars.
The benefits of such a mode of living are obvious. The West India
planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Eboe to those of any other part
of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence, integrity, and zeal.
Those benefits are felt by us in the general healthiness of the
people, and in their vigour and activity; I might have added too in
their comeliness. Deformity is indeed unknown amongst us, I mean that
of shape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London might be
brought in support of this assertion: for, in regard to complexion,
ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to
have seen three negro children, who were tawny, and another quite
white, who were universally regarded by myself, and the natives in
general, as far as related to their complexions, as deformed. Our
women too were in my eyes at least uncommonly graceful, alert, and
modest to a degree of bashfulness; nor do I remember to have ever
heard of an instance of incontinence amongst them before marriage.
They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed cheerfulness and affability
are two of the leading characteristics of our nation.
Our tillage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk
from our dwellings, and all the neighbours resort thither in a body.
They use no beasts of husbandry; and their only instruments are hoes,
axes, shovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we
are visited by locusts, which come in large clouds, so as to darken
the air, and destroy our harvest. This however happens rarely, but
when it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or
two wherein this happened. This common is often the theatre of war;
and therefore when our people go out to till their land, they not only
go in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear of a
surprise; and when they apprehend an invasion they guard the avenues
to their dwellings, by driving sticks into the ground, which are so
sharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipt in
poison. From what I can recollect of these battles, they appear to
have been irruptions of one little state or district on the other, to
obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by those
traders who brought the European goods I mentioned amongst us. Such a
mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common; and I believe more are
procured this way, and by kidnapping, than any other[E]. When a trader
wants slaves, he applies to a chief for them, and tempts him with his
wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this occasion he yields to the
temptation with as little firmness, and accepts the price of his
fellow creatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened
merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours, and a desperate
battle ensues. If he prevails and takes prisoners, he gratifies his
avarice by selling them; but, if his party be vanquished, and he falls
into the hands of the enemy, he is put to death: for, as he has been
known to foment their quarrels, it is thought dangerous to let him
survive, and no ransom can save him, though all other prisoners may be
redeemed. We have fire-arms, bows and arrows, broad two-edged swords
and javelins: we have shields also which cover a man from head to
foot. All are taught the use of these weapons; even our women are
warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole
district is a kind of militia: on a certain signal given, such as the
firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms and rush upon their
enemy. It is perhaps something remarkable, that when our people march
to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a
witness to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it one
day as usual, when our people were suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree
at some distance, from which I beheld the fight. There were many women
as well as men on both sides; among others my mother was there, and
armed with a broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with
great fury, and after many had been killed our people obtained the
victory, and took their enemy's Chief prisoner. He was carried off in
great triumph, and, though he offered a large ransom for his life, he
was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been slain in
the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place, where our
trophies were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according to
the merit of the warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or
redeemed we kept as slaves: but how different was their condition from
that of the slaves in the West Indies! With us they do no more work
than other members of the community, even their masters; their food,
clothing and lodging were nearly the same as theirs, (except that they
were not permitted to eat with those who were free-born); and there
was scarce any other difference between them, than a superior degree
of importance which the head of a family possesses in our state, and
that authority which, as such, he exercises over every part of his
household. Some of these slaves have even slaves under them as their
own property, and for their own use.
As to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all
things, and that he lives in the sun, and is girted round with a belt
that he may never eat or drink; but, according to some, he smokes a
pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs
events, especially our deaths or captivity; but, as for the doctrine
of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: some however
believe in the transmigration of souls in a certain degree. Those
spirits, which are not transmigrated, such as our dear friends or
relations, they believe always attend them, and guard them from the
bad spirits or their foes. For this reason they always before eating,
as I have observed, put some small portion of the meat, and pour some
of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often make oblations
of the blood of beasts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my
mother, and almost constantly with her. When she went to make these
oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of small solitary
thatched house, I sometimes attended her. There she made her
libations, and spent most of the night in cries and lamentations. I
have been often extremely terrified on these occasions. The loneliness
of the place, the darkness of the night, and the ceremony of libation,
naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my mother's
lamentations; and these, concuring with the cries of doleful birds, by
which these places were frequented, gave an inexpressible terror to
the scene.
We compute the year from the day on which the sun crosses the line,
and on its setting that evening there is a general shout throughout
the land; at least I can speak from my own knowledge throughout our
vicinity. The people at the same time make a great noise with rattles,
not unlike the basket rattles used by children here, though much
larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. It is then
the greatest offerings are made; and those children whom our wise men
foretel will be fortunate are then presented to different people. I
remember many used to come to see me, and I was carried about to
others for that purpose. They have many offerings, particularly at
full moons; generally two at harvest before the fruits are taken out
of the ground: and when any young animals are killed, sometimes they
offer up part of them as a sacrifice. These offerings, when made by
one of the heads of a family, serve for the whole. I remember we often
had them at my father's and my uncle's, and their families have been
present. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter herbs. We had a
saying among us to any one of a cross temper, 'That if they were to be
eaten, they should be eaten with bitter herbs.'
We practised circumcision like the Jews, and made offerings and feasts
on that occasion in the same manner as they did. Like them also, our
children were named from some event, some circumstance, or fancied
foreboding at the time of their birth. I was named _Olaudah_, which,
in our language, signifies vicissitude or fortune also, one favoured,
and having a loud voice and well spoken. I remember we never polluted
the name of the object of our adoration; on the contrary, it was
always mentioned with the greatest reverence; and we were totally
unacquainted with swearing, and all those terms of abuse and reproach
which find their way so readily and copiously into the languages of
more civilized people. The only expressions of that kind I remember
were 'May you rot, or may you swell, or may a beast take you.'
I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are
extremely cleanly. This necessary habit of decency was with us a part
of religion, and therefore we had many purifications and washings;
indeed almost as many, and used on the same occasions, if my
recollection does not fail me, as the Jews. Those that touched the
dead at any time were obliged to wash and purify themselves before
they could enter a dwelling-house. Every woman too, at certain times,
was forbidden to come into a dwelling-house, or touch any person, or
any thing we ate. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from
her, or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of
which I was obliged to be kept out with her, in a little house made
for that purpose, till offering was made, and then we were purified.
Though we had no places of public worship, we had priests and
magicians, or wise men. I do not remember whether they had different
offices, or whether they were united in the same persons, but they
were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time,
and foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them
Ah-affoe-way-cah, which signifies calculators or yearly men, our year
being called Ah-affoe. They wore their beards, and when they died they
were succeeded by their sons. Most of their implements and things of
value were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were also put
into the grave with the corpse, which was always perfumed and
ornamented, and animals were offered in sacrifice to them. None
accompanied their funerals but those of the same profession or tribe.
These buried them after sunset, and always returned from the grave by
a different way from that which they went.
These magicians were also our doctors or physicians. They practised
bleeding by cupping; and were very successful in healing wounds and
expelling poisons. They had likewise some extraordinary method of
discovering jealousy, theft, and poisoning; the success of which no
doubt they derived from their unbounded influence over the credulity
and superstition of the people. I do not remember what those methods
were, except that as to poisoning: I recollect an instance or two,
which I hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to insert, as it
may serve as a kind of specimen of the rest, and is still used by the
negroes in the West Indies. A virgin had been poisoned, but it was not
known by whom: the doctors ordered the corpse to be taken up by some
persons, and carried to the grave. As soon as the bearers had raised
it on their shoulders, they seemed seized with some[F] sudden
impulse, and ran to and fro unable to stop themselves. At last, after
having passed through a number of thorns and prickly bushes unhurt,
the corpse fell from them close to a house, and defaced it in the
fall; and, the owner being taken up, he immediately confessed the
poisoning[G].
The natives are extremely cautious about poison. When they buy any
eatable the seller kisses it all round before the buyer, to shew him
it is not poisoned; and the same is done when any meat or drink is
presented, particularly to a stranger. We have serpents of different
kinds, some of which are esteemed ominous when they appear in our
houses, and these we never molest. I remember two of those ominous
snakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in
colour resembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times
into my mother's night-house, where I always lay with her, and coiled
themselves into folds, and each time they crowed like a cock. I was
desired by some of our wise men to touch these, that I might be
interested in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite
harmless, and would tamely suffer themselves to be handled; and then
they were put into a large open earthen pan, and set on one side of
the highway. Some of our snakes, however, were poisonous: one of them
crossed the road one day when I was standing on it, and passed between
my feet without offering to touch me, to the great surprise of many
who saw it; and these incidents were accounted by the wise men, and
therefore by my mother and the rest of the people, as remarkable omens
in my favour.
Such is the imperfect sketch my memory has furnished me with of the
manners and customs of a people among whom I first drew my breath. And
here I cannot forbear suggesting what has long struck me very
forcibly, namely, the strong analogy which even by this sketch,
imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and customs of
my countrymen and those of the Jews, before they reached the Land of
Promise, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that
pastoral state which is described in Genesis--an analogy, which alone
would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from the
other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his commentary
on Genesis, very ably deduces the pedigree of the Africans from Afer
and Afra, the descendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife and concubine
(for both these titles are applied to her). It is also conformable to
the sentiments of Dr. John Clarke, formerly Dean of Sarum, in his
Truth of the Christian Religion: both these authors concur in
ascribing to us this original. The reasonings of these gentlemen are
still further confirmed by the scripture chronology; and if any
further corroboration were required, this resemblance in so many
respects is a strong evidence in support of the opinion. Like the
Israelites in their primitive state, our government was conducted by
our chiefs or judges, our wise men and elders; and the head of a
family with us enjoyed a similar authority over his household with
that which is ascribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law of
retaliation obtained almost universally with us as with them: and even
their religion appeared to have shed upon us a ray of its glory,
though broken and spent in its passage, or eclipsed by the cloud with
which time, tradition, and ignorance might have enveloped it; for we
had our circumcision (a rule I believe peculiar to that people:) we
had also our sacrifices and burnt-offerings, our washings and
purifications, on the same occasions as they had.
As to the difference of colour between the Eboan Africans and the
modern Jews, I shall not presume to account for it. It is a subject
which has engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning, and is
far above my strength. The most able and Reverend Mr. T. Clarkson,
however, in his much admired Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the
Human Species, has ascertained the cause, in a manner that at once
solves every objection on that account, and, on my mind at least, has
produced the fullest conviction. I shall therefore refer to that
performance for the theory[H], contenting myself with extracting a
fact as related by Dr. Mitchel[I]. "The Spaniards, who have inhabited
America, under the torrid zone, for any time, are become as dark
coloured as our native Indians of Virginia; of which _I myself have
been a witness_." There is also another instance[J] of a Portuguese
settlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona; where the inhabitants
are bred from a mixture of the first Portuguese discoverers with the
natives, and are now become in their complexion, and in the woolly
quality of their hair, _perfect negroes_, retaining however a
smattering of the Portuguese language.
These instances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while
they shew how the complexions of the same persons vary in different
climates, it is hoped may tend also to remove the prejudice that some
conceive against the natives of Africa on account of their colour.
Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their
complexions! Are there not causes enough to which the apparent
inferiority of an African may be ascribed, without limiting the
goodness of God, and supposing he forbore to stamp understanding on
certainly his own image, because "carved in ebony." Might it not
naturally be ascribed to their situation? When they come among
Europeans, they are ignorant of their language, religion, manners, and
customs. Are any pains taken to teach them these? Are they treated as
men? Does not slavery itself depress the mind, and extinguish all its
fire and every noble sentiment? But, above all, what advantages do not
a refined people possess over those who are rude and uncultivated. Let
the polished and haughty European recollect that his ancestors were
once, like the Africans, uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature
make _them_ inferior to their sons? and should _they too_ have been
made slaves? Every rational mind answers, No. Let such reflections as
these melt the pride of their superiority into sympathy for the wants
and miseries of their sable brethren, and compel them to acknowledge,
that understanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when they
look round the world, they feel exultation, let it be tempered with
benevolence to others, and gratitude to God, "who hath made of one
blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth[K];
and whose wisdom is not our wisdom, neither are our ways his ways."
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote A: See Benezet's "Account of Guinea" throughout.]
[Footnote B: When I was in Smyrna I have frequently seen the Greeks
dance after this manner.]
[Footnote C: The bowl is earthen, curiously figured, to which a long
reed is fixed as a tube. This tube is sometimes so long as to be born
by one, and frequently out of grandeur by two boys.]
[Footnote D: When I was in Smyrna I saw the same kind of earth, and
brought some of it with me to England; it resembles musk in strength,
but is more delicious in scent, and is not unlike the smell of a
rose.]
[Footnote E: See Benezet's Account of Africa throughout.]
[Footnote F: See also Leut. Matthew's Voyage, p. 123.]
[Footnote G: An instance of this kind happened at Montserrat in the
West Indies in the year 1763. I then belonged to the Charming Sally,
Capt. Doran.--The chief mate, Mr. Mansfield, and some of the crew
being one day on shore, were present at the burying of a poisoned
negro girl. Though they had often heard of the circumstance of the
running in such cases, and had even seen it, they imagined it to be a
trick of the corpse-bearers. The mate therefore desired two of the
sailors to take up the coffin, and carry it to the grave. The sailors,
who were all of the same opinion, readily obeyed; but they had
scarcely raised it to their shoulders, before they began to run
furiously about, quite unable to direct themselves, till, at last,
without intention, they came to the hut of him who had poisoned the
girl. The coffin then immediately fell from their shoulders against
the hut, and damaged part of the wall. The owner of the hut was taken
into custody on this, and confessed the poisoning.--I give this story
as it was related by the mate and crew on their return to the ship.
The credit which is due to it I leave with the reader.]
[Footnote H: Page 178 to 216.]
[Footnote I: Philos. Trans. Nº 476, Sect. 4, cited by Mr. Clarkson, p.
205.]
[Footnote J: Same page.]
[Footnote K: Acts, c. xvii. v. 26.]
CHAP. II.
_The author's birth and parentage--His being kidnapped with
his sister--Their separation--Surprise at meeting again--Are
finally separated--Account of the different places and
incidents the author met with till his arrival on the
coast--The effect the sight of a slave ship had on him--He
sails for the West Indies--Horrors of a slave ship--Arrives
at Barbadoes, where the cargo is sold and dispersed._
I hope the reader will not think I have trespassed on his
patience in introducing myself to him with some account of the manners
and customs of my country. They had been implanted in me with great
care, and made an impression on my mind, which time could not erase,
and which all the adversity and variety of fortune I have since
experienced served only to rivet and record; for, whether the love of
one's country be real or imaginary, or a lesson of reason, or an
instinct of nature, I still look back with pleasure on the first
scenes of my life, though that pleasure has been for the most part
mingled with sorrow.