CHAPTER X

THE GUARANTY IN THE REVISED COVENANT

During the three weeks preceding the meeting of the Commission on the

League the work of revising the President's original draft of the

Covenant had been in progress, the President and Colonel House holding

frequent interviews with the more influential delegates, particularly

the British and French statesmen who had been charged with the duty of

studying the subject. While I cannot speak from personal knowledge, I

learned that the suggested changes in terms and language were put into

form by members of the Colonel's office staff. In addition to

modifications which were made to meet the wishes of the foreign

statesmen, especially the British, Mr. Gordon Auchincloss, the

son-in-law and secretary of Colonel House, and Mr. David Hunter Miller,

Auchincloss's law partner and one of the accredited legal advisers of

the American Commission, prepared an elaborate memorandum on the

President's draft of a Covenant which contained comments and also

suggested changes in the text. On account of the intimate relations

existing between Messrs. Miller and Auchincloss and Colonel House it

seems reasonable to assume that their comments and suggestions were

approved by, if they did not to an extent originate with, the Colonel.

The memorandum was first made public by Mr. William C. Bullitt during

his hearing before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in

September, 1919 (Senate Doc. 106, 66th Congress, 1st Session, pages 1177

_et seq._).

The most important amendment to the Covenant suggested by these advisers

was, in my judgment, the one relating to Article III of the draft, which

became Article 10 in the Treaty. After a long criticism of the

President's proposed guaranty, in which it is declared that "such an

agreement would destroy the Monroe Doctrine," and that "any guaranty of

independence and integrity means war by the guarantor if a breach of the

independence or integrity of the guaranteed State is attempted and

persisted in," the memorandum proposed that the following be

substituted:

"Each Contracting Power severally covenants and guarantees that it

will not violate the territorial integrity or impair the political

independence of any other Contracting Power."

This proposed substitute should be compared with the language of the

"self-denying covenant" that I sent to the President on December 23,

1918, the pertinent portion of which is repeated here for the purpose of

such comparison:

"Each power signatory or adherent hereto severally covenants and

guarantees that it will not violate the territorial integrity or

impair the political sovereignty of any other power signatory or

adherent to this convention, ..."

The practical adoption of the language of my proposed substitute in the

memorandum furnishes conclusive proof that Colonel House was "entirely

converted" to my form of a guaranty as he had frankly assured me that he

was on the evening of January 6. I am convinced also that Mr. Henry

White and General Bliss held the same views on the subject. It is

obvious that President Wilson was the only one of the American

representatives at Paris who favored the affirmative guaranty, but, as

he possessed the constitutional authority to determine independently the

policy of the United States, his form of a guaranty was written into the

revised draft of a Covenant submitted to the Commission on the League of

Nations and with comparatively little change was finally adopted in the

Treaty of Peace with Germany.

The memorandum prepared by Messrs. Miller and Auchincloss was apparently

in the President's hands before the revised draft was completed, for

certain changes in the original draft were in accord with the

suggestions made in their memorandum. His failure to modify the guaranty

may be considered another rejection of the "self-denying covenant" and a

final decision to insist on the affirmative form of guaranty in spite of

the unanimous opposition of his American colleagues.

In view of what later occurred a very definite conclusion may be reached

concerning the President's rejection of the proposed substitute for his

guaranty. Article 10 was from the first the storm center of opposition

to the report of the Commission on the League of Nations and the chief

cause for refusal of consent to the ratification of the Treaty of

Versailles by the Senate of the United States. The vulnerable nature of

the provision, which had been so plainly pointed out to the President

before the Covenant was submitted to the Commission, invited attack. If

he had listened to the advice of his colleagues, in fact if he had

listened to any American who expressed an opinion on the subject, the

Treaty would probably have obtained the speedy approval of the Senate.

There would have been opposition from those inimical to the United

States entering any international organization, but it would have been

insufficient to prevent ratification of the Treaty.

As it was, the President's unalterable determination to have his form of

guaranty in the Covenant, in which he was successful, and his firm

refusal to modify it in any substantial way resulted in strengthening

the opponents to the League to such an extent that they were able to

prevent the Treaty from obtaining the necessary consent of two thirds of

the Senators.

The sincerity of Mr. Wilson's belief in the absolute necessity of the

guaranty, which he proposed, to the preservation of international peace

cannot be doubted. While his advisers were practically unanimous in the

opinion that policy, as well as principle, demanded a change in the

guaranty, he clung tenaciously to the affirmative form. The result was

that which was feared and predicted by his colleagues. The President,

and the President alone, must bear the responsibility for the result.

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