CHAPTER XI

THE LOST CAUSE RELOST

The racially pure ... Teuton on the American

Continent has arisen to be its master; he will

remain master so long as he too does not succumb

to blood defilement.--Adolf Hitler, _Mein Kampf_

In 1954 historian Francis B. Simkins told the Southern Historical

Association: “There is a reality about the South which historians

with egalitarian standards find hard to understand or appreciate.”

The South, said this native South Carolinian, should be judged by

its own standards, not those of a liberal, equalitarian, democratic

America.[547] Professor Simkins’ advice has _not_ been followed in this

study.

In contemplating the arguments advanced by white South Carolinians

against integrating the races on any level, one is struck by the

prominence given to expressions of fear that integration will

inevitably lead to wholesale “amalgamation” and/or “miscegenation”

which will result in turn in the destruction of Southern civilization.

An excellent example of this reasoning is contained in the late

Herbert Ravenel Sass’s article “Mixed Schools and Mixed Blood,” which

appeared in the November 1956 issue of the _Atlantic Monthly_. “It

is the deep conviction of nearly all white Southerners,” Sass wrote,

“that the mingling or integration of white and Negro children in the

South’s primary schools would open the gates to miscegenation and

widespread racial amalgamation.” To guard against this “danger,” he

declared, Southerners would maintain segregation in public schools at

all costs. “The South must do this because, although it is a nearly

universal instinct, race preference is not active in the very young.

Race preference (which the propagandists miscall race prejudice or

hate) is one of those instincts which develop gradually as the mind

develops and which, if taken in hand early enough, can be prevented

from developing at all.” If the South allowed its small children to

attend integrated schools in which white and colored would be “brought

together intimately and constantly” there would be many “in whom race

preference would not develop.” This would be the ultimate tragedy for

the South and for civilization. For “a very few years of thoroughly

integrated schools would produce large numbers of indoctrinated young

Southerners free from all ‘prejudice’ against mixed matings.” Negro

leaders, he concluded, desired racial amalgamation; “they not only want

the right to amalgamate through legal intermarriage but they want that

right to be exercised widely and frequently.”[548]

The concern of South Carolinians with the “threat” of intermarriage

is evidenced by the frequency with which this subject is mentioned

in letters to newspapers in the state. Though the logic and factual

accuracy of many of these letters leave something to be desired, they

none the less are illustrative of a state of mind. For example, W. A.

Morris of Charleston, referring to the mulattoes in the NAACP, said:

“In the animal kingdom the mongrel is despised and outlawed, the good

farmer uses only purebred stock and dog and cat fanciers insist on

pedigreed pets. Should we expect less of man, made in the image of God,

or attempt to improve on God’s work?”[549] Mr. Morris did not make it

exactly clear how both whites and blacks but not mulattoes could be

made in God’s image. Nor did he concern himself with how mulattoes got

to be what they are.

Sentiments similar to those of Morris were expressed by Mrs. S. L.

Blackman of Darlington: “Cross-bred animals lose the higher qualities

of the parent stock,” she asserted, “and the low qualities always

come to the fore. That’s a law of nature you can’t get away from....

If segregation is broken down everywhere, this world will be peopled

by a mongrel race, eventually fit for nothing, not worth the air they

would breathe, just scum of the earth.”[550] Mrs. Blackman’s dogmatic

assertions are in direct contrast to the findings of the late Professor

Franz Boaz, America’s greatest cultural anthropologist. Concerning

attitudes such as those expressed by Mrs. Blackman, Boas wrote: “The

claim has been made ... that mixed races ... are inferior in physical

and mental qualities, that they inherit all the unfavorable traits of

the parental races. So far as I can see, this bold proposition is not

based on adequate evidence.” Going even further, he declared, “The few

cases in which it has been possible to gather strictly scientific data

on the physical characteristics of the half-bloods have rather shown

that there may be a certain amount of physical improvement in the mixed

race.”[551]

Stanley F. Morse, a chronic letter-to-the-editor writer and prominent

in white supremacy circles, told the _News and Courier_ that the

progeny of “uncontrolled [interracial] crossings are mongrels which

are more apt to be inferior than superior.” “The fall of the Egyptian,

Roman and other great civilizations,” he continued, “was largely due

to the development of a mongrel race caused by interbreeding with

slaves and ‘barbarians.’” Furthermore, “planned mongrelization of a

race in 740 B.C. produced the despised Samaritans.” Those who would

condone such mongrelization were “breaking the Divine Laws.” Other

writers also considered intermarriage a violation of the will of God.

Mrs. E. R. Mansfield of Mt. Pleasant, for example, wrote the _News

and Courier_ editor that “naturally this process of maintaining racial

purity and integrity at the same time that we make possible equality of

opportunity, is going to impose a hardship and some personal tragedies,

on some individuals. But this will not be the first hard thing that God

in His infinite goodness has demanded for us.”[552]

Three principal conclusions result from this study: (1) South Carolina

has not yet embraced democracy as the term is generally defined by

Americans outside the South. (2) Many white South Carolinians still

accept a racism which in its most extreme forms approaches that of

Hitler and the Nazis. (3) Not a few of the arguments and defenses

advanced by segregationists against the Court decision are so illogical

and so riddled with inconsistencies that sometimes one is obliged

to question not only the sincerity but also the intelligence of the

spokesmen. These conclusions have been illustrated in the body of the

study but a short summary is in order.

The denial of equality of access or opportunity in any public area,

function or facility by a “superior” group to an “inferior” group

constitutes the antithesis of democracy. In this respect South

Carolina, like all of the Southern states, is undemocratic, a condition

which persons concerned with promoting integration have not failed to

note. Clarence Mitchell, the Washington NAACP official, referred to

South Carolina as “the frontier of democracy,” a place where “the real

meaning of America” had not penetrated.[553]

The attitude of leading segregation spokesmen regarding democracy

is more revealing than that of critics of the South. The _News and

Courier_ is the state’s most articulate expert on the “phony spiels

about democracy.” The American people had gone “hog-wild in worshipping

‘democracy,’” complained this paper. Democracy with its “unrestricted

franchise” did not guarantee good government. Indeed there was “ample

precedent for requiring that those who vote on public issues be able

to understand” what they were doing. Property, too, was a relevant

qualification. George Washington himself had warned against the

“‘dangerous multitudes without property and without principle.’”

“Some persons” would object to the use of property as a qualification

for voting but property was “still a gauge of competence.... Paupers

are and should be excluded from deciding how other people’s money is

to be spent.” Editor Thomas R. Waring’s editorials also argued that

majority rule might be the essence of democracy but the United States

was not a democracy. It was a republic. A mob might be a majority at

certain times. “The condemnation of Jesus Christ had the approval of a

majority. Throughout the history of the church there have been martyrs

of majorities.”[554]

A democracy, according to the _News and Courier_, did not guarantee

protection of sectional or local interests. But the United States--“a

federal republic”--was especially designed for this end. Under the

American constitutional system the parts were supposed to be equal to

the whole. In this sense then it was not “the democratic way to force

the majority of the people of a REGION to live in a manner that is

repugnant to them. The democratic way should take into consideration

the local as well as the national feelings of citizens.”[555] John C.

Calhoun never better expressed these sentiments.

The _Record_, too, abhorred “absolute democracy.” The United States

was never intended to be such. It was “a limited representative

democracy.” The _Record_ deplored constitutional flexibility. It

maintained that the presumption on which the Supreme Court based its

decision outlawing school segregation, namely, that the Constitution

was “a growing document,” eliminated, “for all practical purposes,”

the Constitution as “a safeguard of the people’s purposes,” as “a

safeguard of the people’s rights and as a limitation upon government.”

The _Record_ maintained that the integration problem arose from the

fact that “so many of the minority groups, who have been urging the

abolition of segregation and other such ‘reforms’” were “not inheritors

of the British tradition out of which the American Constitution grew.”

These groups saw nothing to be feared in constitutional amendments by

the Supreme Court. It was all “democracy” to them and by democracy

they meant what the United States Constitution did not mean--absolute

democracy.[556]

On this subject the _State_ was equally vociferous. Referring to the

term human rights as “meaningless,” the Columbia newspaper in 1957

declared: “The only right with which man is endowed at birth is the

right to survive if he can. The right to vote, think freely and speak

freely” and the right of representative government “are created by

government and society.” Social Darwinism in its rawest form is not yet

dead in South Carolina.

Not only do the segregationists deny the validity of many of the basic

concepts of democracy but they also dispute the authority of the

federal government to assure equal treatment under the laws of the

United States to all Americans. They uphold what they consider to be

the constitutional rights of the states above human rights as applied

to the Negro. Democracy is denied to Negroes in the name of democratic

government. Harking back to the conservative nature of the Constitution

as originally written, the _News and Courier_ thought it “ridiculous

that a document which recognized slavery” was now being “brandished as

a guarantee of all sorts of supposed rights. Did the framers of the

Constitution, who approved of slavery, sit down and write a document

guaranteeing to Negroes the right to send their children to mixed

schools?” The question of the Charleston paper reveals more of its

fetish for constitutionalism than does the answer: “The framers didn’t

guarantee Negroes anything--not even protection from the whip!” The

_Record_, at least recognizing that the Court based its decision on

the Fourteenth Amendment and not the original Constitution, declared

that “every student of the Constitution” knew that the amendment “was

never constitutionally submitted to the states or constitutionally

ratified” and was therefore “not today constitutionally a part of

the Constitution.”[557] The _Record’s_ arguments concerning the

ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment contain, of course, an

element of historical truth, but only a warped approach to the problem

of constitutionalism can hold that the Amendment is not part of the

fundamental law of the land.

Not only is there a considerable body of anti-democratic opinion in

the state but it is also safe to say that most white South Carolinians

consider the Negro a member of an inferior race. Dr. E. Ryan Crow,

chairman of the South Carolina education finance commission, observed,

for example, that “the white man feels he belongs to a superior race.”

To support this belief in racial superiority segregationists often

resort to science or pseudo-science. The _News and Courier_ thought it

“curious” that many Americans had “abandoned the scientific approach

to study of the human species.” “Leaders of public opinion,” it

complained, had thrown overboard “the scientists’ cold appraisal” and

had fallen back on “sentiment, on propaganda, on political catchwords.”

Anything that tended to confirm “inherent differences among races,”

was “frowned on as ‘racism.’ Yet a large body of scientific evidence

indicates that important differences DO exist” between the races.[558]

These comments by the _News and Courier_ brought a letter of agreement

from Francis Fielding-Reid, M.D., of Charleston who warned South

Carolinians against accepting “a certain type of pseudo-scientific

balderdash.” Said the doctor:

Some years ago a so-called “prominent scientist” made

a statement to the effect that the brains of people of

various races had been examined anatomically and found

essentially identical, and that this indicated that there

were no essential intellectual nor emotional racial

characteristics other than those caused by environment.

Such statements are puerile or are made with intent to

deceive....

This writer has heard pseudo-scientific sophistry to the

effect that, since most deservedly prominent colored people

have some white ancestry, mixing the races is desirable

in order to produce more of these individuals. Such

statements, too, are puerile and fraudulent.[559]

Other South Carolinians expressed similar opinions. Flora Bell Surles

of Mt. Pleasant reported that ethnologists, whom she failed to name,

had “shown” that the Negro race was “as yet ‘a childlike race.’”

Gilbert Wilkes, also of Mt. Pleasant, described Negroes as belonging

to a race which had “no history, or culture, or background of training

in either social behavior or custom.” They were “only four generations

removed from the trackless jungle” where they had lived “for countless

thousands of years, without any development and in many cases without

even having devised a language.”[560] Harold A. Petit of Charleston,

vice-president and regional manager for the South Carolina Electric

and Gas Company and past national president of Exchange Clubs,

declared: “The Negro is irresponsible in every degree. I think it is

a basic trait, although other conditions--environment, economics and

education--contribute to his so-called lethargy.”[561]

A “Dirt Farmer” from “Rural South Carolina” expressed in the _News

and Courier_ the sentiments of the state’s most extreme racists.

Conceding that segregation could not be “theoretically defended upon

the basis of any code of ethics,” he nonetheless favored it because

“like Hitler,” he believed “that the Aryan people are superior to any

other who have yet trod the face of this earth during the period of

recorded history, that they have the inherent ability to contribute

more to the future well-being of mankind than any other.” What were

the Aryan’s points of superiority, according to the “Dirt Farmer?”

Their “curiosity: the desire to know for the sake of knowledge itself;”

their “urge to reshape the world more to their own liking;” and their

“seeking and finding newer and truer answers” to the problems of

civilization. In the interest of impartiality he searched for points

of superiority in the Negro. He could find only one--“a more highly

developed sense of rhythm.” If the attributes of the Aryans were ever

merged “with those of their inferiors, that fatal error can never be

redeemed,” he concluded. Mankind’s slow progress would end “and the

wave of the future” would push him “inexorably back into darkness and

oblivion.”[562]

Logical inconsistency is the most striking characteristic of the many

statements made in defense of racial segregation. The aforegoing pages

have made this manifestly clear. But then who is logical when it comes

to the question of racial superiority? Adolf Hitler, Joseph Goebbels

and their like were living proof that logic really didn’t matter.

REFERENCES

CHAPTER I

[5] George B. Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_,

(Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1952), pp.

291-293.

[6] _Ibid._, pp. 54, 59, 73, 89, and 91. See also Tindall,

“The Campaign for the Disfranchisement of Negroes in South

Carolina,” _Journal of Southern History_, XV (May 1949),

212-34.

[7] Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_, p. 303.

See also Tindall, “The Question of Race in the South

Carolina Constitutional Convention in 1895,” _Journal of

Negro History_, XXXVII (July 1952), 277-303.

[8] In 1905 the Charleston _News and Courier_ was sued by

a white man whom the _News and Courier_ had referred to

in a news story as a Negro. In awarding damages to the

plaintiff the court held that “when we think of the radical

distinction subsisting between the white man and the black

man, it must be apparent that to impute the condition of

the Negro to a white man would affect his (the white man’s)

social status, and, in case anyone publish a white man to

be a Negro, it would not only be galling to his pride, but

would tend to interfere seriously with the social relation

of the white man with his fellow white men.” Gilbert T.

Stephenson, _Race Distinctions in American Law_, (New York:

Association Press, 1911), p. 28.

[9] Quoted in Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_,

p. 238.

[10] Full inaugural address quoted in Lewis K. McMillan,

_Negro Higher Education in the State of South Carolina_,

(Privately published, 1952), pp. 249-251.

[11] Gustavus M. Pinckney (ed.), Carlyle McKinley, _An

Appeal to Pharaoh: The Negro Problem and its Radical

Solution_, (Columbia: The State Co., 1907), p. 107.

[12] Anthony Harrigan (ed.), _The Editor and the Republic:

Papers and Addresses of William Watts Ball_ (Chapel Hill:

University of North Carolina Press, 1954), pp. 30, 72.

[13] _New York Times_, Mar. 1, 1944, p. 13. The Negro

Citizens Committee of South Carolina condemned this

resolution as “astonishing to the Negroes of South

Carolina.”

[14] _Ibid._, Mar. 1, 1944, p. 13. Senator “Cotton Ed”

Smith congratulated the House for its passage of this

resolution, saying, “We are damned tired of these butterfly

preachers who do not know conditions in the South.”

_Ibid._, Mar. 2, 1944, p. 34.

[15] In 1932 the Chairman of the Columbia Board of Election

Commissioners ruled that Negroes were excluded from voting

in primary elections unless they had voted for Wade Hampton

for governor in 1876 and presented ten witnesses to

substantiate it. _Ibid._, Apr. 21, 1932, p. 24.

[16] “Why South Carolina Keeps the Poll Tax,” _Christian

Century_, LXIII (Feb. 6, 1946), 166. The author of this

article considered the above quote evidence that “the real

issue is not race,” but that race was only a “smoke screen”

which “a little oligarchy” used to maintain control of the

state through the one-party system. However, it is the

opinion of informed observers that although the “little

oligarchy” does exercise more effective control through a

one-party system, the real issue is race. The one party

system is simply the most effective method of political

control by whites.

[17] _New York Times_, Dec. 5, 1952, p. 14.

[18] _Independent_, Aug. 28, 1956, p. 2.

[19] See George S. Parthemos, _The Supreme Court and the

Rights of Negroes Under the Reconstruction Amendments_,

(Unpublished Master’s thesis, Department of Political

Science, University of South Carolina, 1949), Chapter VII.

[20] _New York Times_, Apr. 14, 1944, p. 1.

[21] Quoted in _To Secure These Rights_, Report of the

President’s Committee on Civil Rights, (New York: Simon and

Schuster, 1947), p. 36.

[22] Parthemos, _op. cit._, p. 191.

[23] Judge Waring is one of the most interesting

personalities encountered in the study of the race issue

in South Carolina. Senator “Cotton Ed” Smith’s campaign

manager in 1938, he was representative of the most

“respectable” elements of Charleston society, was “a

descendant of Confederates,” and had the support of the

most orthodox of white supremacists when he was made a

federal judge by President Roosevelt. After his decisions

outlawing the white primary (and also after his divorce

and remarriage to an “outsider” with “radical” views on

the race question) he was completely ostracized by white

Charleston and South Carolina society. He and his wife

became complete integrationists. “The Southern advocates

of white supremacy,” he said, “are mentally sick.” “We

don’t have a Negro problem in the South, we have a white

problem.” _New York Times_, Feb. 27, 1950, p. 17. See also

“Judge Waring on the Civil Rights Issue,” _Nation_, CLXXIV

(June 7, 1952), 540-541. For Mrs. Waring’s views see “Mrs.

Waring Meets the Press,” _American Mercury_, LXX (May

1950), 562-569.

[24] _To Secure These Rights_, p. 36.

[25] Parthemos, _op. cit._, pp. 192-195.

[26] _Ibid._, pp. 194-195.

[27] _New York Times_, Apr. 20, 1948, p. 1.

[28] _Ibid._, July 28, 1948, p. 5.

[29] _Ibid._, Aug. 23, 1938, p. 5.

[30] Cassandra M. Birnie, “Race and Politics in Georgia and

South Carolina,” _Phylon_, XIII (Sept., 1952), 241.

[31] David D. Wallace, _South Carolina: A Short History_,

(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), p.

679.

[32] _New York Times_, July 8, 1950, p. 14.

[33] _Ibid._, Feb. 29, 1948, p. 9; July 17, 1948, p. 3;

Oct. 3, 1948, p. 40; Feb. 24, 1949, p. 15.

[34] _Ibid._, Feb. 7, 1952, p. 21.

[35] Other considerations, of course, entered into the

revolt. Economic factors were important, for example,

in the opposition of Southern financial and industrial

interests to Truman’s proposal for repeal of the

Taft-Hartley Act, which contained provisions for state

right-to-work laws. Other economic interests, e.g. oil

interests, also supported the movement. Nevertheless

the revolt was sold to the rank and file white South

Carolinians on the grounds of race and they undoubtedly

thought, this was the main consideration.

[36] _New York Times_, July 20, 1948, p. 1; Oct. 3, 1948, p.

40.

[37] _Ibid._, Aug. 1, 1948, p. 44; Aug. 12, 1948, p. 44.

[38] _Ibid._, Dec. 5, 1952, p. 14.

[39] Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_, p. 222.

[40] Simkins, “Race Legislation in South Carolina since

1865,” _South Atlantic Quarterly_, XX (June 1921), 170.

[41] Quoted in McMillan, _op. cit._, pp. 257-58. Gov.

Blease also wanted to secure as texts for the public

schools “books, especially histories [written] by Southern

authors for Southern children.”

[42] Grace Graham, “Negro Education Progresses in South

Carolina,” _Social Forces_, XXX (May 1952), 431-432.

[43] Figures quoted below were taken from Harry S. Ashmore,

_The Negro and the Schools_, (Chapel Hill: University of

North Carolina Press, 1954), pp. 152-53, 156-59.

[44] _Ibid._, pp. 115, 147, 160, 166.

[45] McMillan, _op. cit._, p. 219.

[46] _Ibid._, pp. 268, 199, 207, 211.

[47] _Ibid._, pp. 211-212.

[48] Parthemos, _op. cit._, pp. 94-96.

CHAPTER II

[49] _New York Times_, June 3, 1951, Section IV, p. 7.

[50] Julian Scheer, “The White Folks Fight Back,” _Nation_,

CLXXXI (Oct. 31, 1955), 10.

[51] _New York Times_, June 3, 1951, Section IV, p. 7.

[52] Scheer, _loc. cit._, p. 10. For a competent account of

the Clarendon situation see John Bartlow Martin, _The Deep

South Says Never_ (New York: Ballantine Books, 1957), pp.

43-77.

[53] _News and Courier_, May 18, 1954, p. 11.

[54] _New York Times_, May 29, 1951, p. 27; May 30, 1951,

p. 12.

[55] Walter White, _How Far the Promised Land_, (New York:

Viking Press, 1952), p. 47.

[56] _New York Times_, May 29, 1951, p. 27.

[57] _Ibid._, May 30, 1951, p. 12; _News and Courier_, May

18, 1954, p. 11.

[58] “Human Rights are Now,” _Nation_, CLXXIII (July 14,

1951), 24; _New York Times_, June 24, 1951, p. 72.

[59] _New York Times_, June 26, 1951, p. 40.

[60] _Ibid._, Mar. 19, 1951, p. 18; June 25, 1951, p. 19;

July 10, 1951, p. 21; also Ashmore, _op. cit._, p. 96.

[61] _New York Times_, Dec. 11, 1952, p. 44.

[62] _Ibid._, May 27, 1951, p. 40.

[63] Howard G. McClain and Henry G. Ruark, “Education or

Segregation?” _Christian Century_, LXX (Apr. 1, 1953), 378.

[64] First interim report of the Gressette Committee, July

28, 1954, quoted in S. C. Senate _Journal_ (1955), p. 14;

also _News and Courier_, June 16, 1954, p. 1.

[65] McClain and Ruark, _loc. cit._, p. 377; also _New York

Times_, Mar. 14, 1952, p. 16.

[66] _New York Times_, Dec. 11, 1952, p. 44.

[67] Supreme Court of the United States, “Brief of

Appellees on Reargument,” Case of Harry Briggs, Jr.,

_et al._, Appellants, against R. W. Elliott, _el al._,

Appellees, October Term 1953, pp. 1-2.

[68] For full reply of the state to the question see

_ibid._, pp. 8-83; see also p. 84.

[69] Full text of the Court’s opinion is quoted in Appendix

I.

[70] _News and Courier_, Sept. 16, 1954, p. 1.

[71] _Record_, Nov. 15, 1954, p. 1.

[72] Full text of the implementing decision is quoted in

_New York Times_, June 1, 1955, p. 26.

[73] _Morning News_, July 16, 1955, p. 1.

CHAPTER III

[74] _Morning News_, May 18, 1954, p. 1; May 20, 1954, p.

5-A; Mar. 2, 1956, p. 10-A.

[75] _Ibid._, Dec. 16, 1955, p. 1.

[76] _Record_, Jan. 24, 1957, p. 7-A.

[77] _Independent_, May 18, 1954, p. 1.

[78] _News and Courier_, May 18, 1954, p. 1; May 19, 1954,

p. 4; May 21, 1954, p. 4-A; May 26, 1954, p. 4-A; Nov. 23,

1954, p. 14-A.

[79] _Record_, May 18, 1954, p. 4-A; May 19, 1954, p. 4-A;

May 22, 1954, p. 4-A; May 26, 1954, p. 4-A; Nov. 23, 1954,

p. 4-A.

[80] _Independent_, May 18, 1954, p. 4; May 25, 1954, p. 4;

Dec. 1, 1954, p. 4.

[81] _Morning News_, May 18, 1954, p. 4; May 19, 1954, p.

4; Apr. 16, 1955, p. 4.

[82] _News and Courier_, May 28, 1954, p. 8-A.

[83] _Independent_, June 9, 1954, p. 8A [Italics mine].

[84] _News and Courier_, May 21, 1954, p. 10-A; May 24,

1954, p. 2.

[85] _Record_, June 20, 1955, p. 1; _Independent_, June 28,

1955, p. 1.

[86] _Record_, June 1, 1955, p. 4-A; _Morning News_, June 1,

1955, p. 4; _Independent_, June 2, 1955, p. 4; _News and

Courier_, June 4, 1955, p. 6-A.

[87] _Morning News_, June 1, 1955, p. 1.

[88] _Record_, Jan. 27, 1956, p. 1; Mar. 23, 1956, p. 8-A;

_Independent_, Aug. 13, 1956, p. 3; Mar. 8, 1956, p. 20.

[89] _News and Courier_, May 24, 1956, p. 12-A; May 25,

1955, p. 10-A; Nov. 25, 1954, p. 8-A; Nov. 13, 1954, p.

4-A; Dec. 5, 1954, p. 14-A.

[90] _Record_, Oct. 28, 1955, p. 4-A; Apr. 27, 1955, p. 4-A.

[91] _Independent_, Dec. 1, 1955, p. 4.

[92] _State_, June 27, 1957, p. 4; July 5, 1957, p. 4.

[93] _Record_, June 26, 1957; _State_, July 16, 1957, p. 4.

[94] James F. Byrnes, “The Supreme Court Must be Curbed,”

_U.S. News and World Report_, XL (May 18, 1956), 50-58.

[95] _News and Courier_, Aug. 19, 1955, p. 10-A.

[96] _State_, Aug. 21, 1955.

[97] _News and Courier_, July 17, 1955, p. 9-A; Oct. 30,

1955, p. 1-E; _Record_, May 29, 1956, p. 4-A.

[98] _News and Courier_, Oct. 7, 1954, p. 4-A.

[99] _Ibid._, Aug. 1, 1955, p. 7-A.

[100] _To Secure these Rights_, Report of the President’s

Committee on Civil Rights pp. 81-82.

[101] Thomas R. Waring, “The Southern Case against

Desegregation,” _Harper’s_, CCXII (Jan. 1956), 39-45.

[102] Herbert R. Sass, “Mixed Schools and Mixed Blood,”

_Atlantic Monthly_, CXCVIII, (Nov. 1956), 45-49.

[103] Oscar Handlin, “Where Equality Leads,” _ibid._, pp.

50-54.

[104] _News and Courier_, Sept. 14, 1956, p. 12-A; Apr. 28,

1955, p. 16-A; Nov. 17, 1954, p. 10-A.

[105] _Record_, Sept. 23, 1954, p. 4-A; Oct. 2, 1956, p.

4-A.

[106] _Morning News_, May 13, 1954, p. 4-A; Aug. 11, 1954,

p. 4; Aug. 5, 1956, p. 4-A; Aug. 30, 1956, p. 4-A; Sept. 1,

1956, p. 4.

[107] _Ibid._, Jan. 19, 1955, p. 1; Apr. 7, 1956, p. 5;

_Record_, Oct. 5, 1956, p. 1.

[108] _Morning News_, Sept. 2, 1955, p. 4-A.

[109] _News and Courier_, Sept. 5, 1954, p. 8-A.

[110] _Record_, Nov. 22, 1955, p. 4-A; _News and Courier_,

July 20, 1955, p. 1-B.

[111] _News and Courier_, Mar. 15, 1956, p. 2-B; May 15,

1956, p. 1-B; Dec. 16, 1956, p. 8-C.

[112] _Morning News_, Sept. 2, 1954, p. 3-A; _News and

Courier_, Aug. 14, 1955, p. 12-A.

[113] _Morning News_, Sept. 23, 1956, p. 4-A; also James F.

Byrnes, “The Supreme Court Must be Curbed,” _U.S. News and

World Report_, XL (May 18, 1956), 58; _News and Courier_,

June 6, 1954, p. 4-A.

[114] _News and Courier_, Aug. 28, 1955, p. 10-A.

[115] _Ibid._, April 28, 1956, p. 1; June 27, 1955, p. 6-A;

July 2, 1955, p. 6-A.

[116] _Ibid._, Dec. 3, 1954, p. 10-A.

[117] _Record_, Nov. 26, 1954, p. 1.

[118] _Ibid._, May 31, 1954, p. 4-A; June 17, 1955, p. 4-A;

July 11, 1955, p. 4-A; Oct. 12, 1956, p. 4-A.

[119] _Independent_, Dec. 1, 1954, p. 4.

[120] _Morning News_, Aug. 5, 1955, p. 1; _News and

Courier_, Aug. 24, 1955, p. 10-A; Aug. 31, 1956, p. 18-A.

[121] _News and Courier_, July 19, 1955, p. 1-B.

[122] _Record_, Dec. 29, 1955, p. 3-B.

[123] _Ibid._, Oct. 17, 1957, p. 10-A; _State_, Oct. 18,

1957, p. 2-B.

[124] _News and Courier_, Jan. 15, 1957, p. 1.

[125] _State_, June 25, 1957, p. 1.

CHAPTER IV

[126] _News and Courier_, Sept. 21, 1956, p. 1-B.

[127] According to a _News and Courier_ reporter, Eldridge

Thompson, Klan membership rocketed during 1956 and 1957.

In addition to Bickley’s organization the other principal

Klan groups are the Association of South Carolina Klans

with headquarters in West Columbia and the National Ku Klux

Klan of South Carolina which operates out of Greenville.

_Ibid._, Oct. 27, 1957, p. 12-A.

[128] _Morning News_, Aug. 21, 1955, p. 1

[129] _Ibid._, June 12, 1955, p. 1.

[130] _Ibid._, Mar. 25, 1956, p. 1; July 29, 1956, p. 1.

[131] _News and Courier_, Aug. 20, 1956, p. 2.

[132] _Morning News_, July 29, 1956, p. 1.

[133] _State_, July 26, 1957, p. 2-D; Aug. 5, 1957, p. 5-A;

Aug. 10, 1957, p. 1-B; Jan. 15, 1958, p. 1-B; Jan. 21,

1958, p. 1-B; Jan. 22, 1958, p. 1; _Record_, Aug. 3, 1957,

p. 1; Aug. 9, 1957, p. 1; Jan. 15, 1958, p. 8-A; Jan. 22,

1958, p. 1; Jan. 23, 1958, p. 1.

[134] _Morning News_, July 1, 1956, p. 4-A; _Independent_,

Jan. 27, 1956, p. 4; _News and Courier_, June 11, 1954, p.

4-A; June 17, 1954, p. 12-A.

[135] _Independent_, Feb. 3, 1956, p. 4.

[136] _Morning News_, Aug. 23, 1955, p. 1.

[137] _News and Courier_, Aug. 30, 1955, p. 8-A.

[138] _Ibid._, Aug. 1, 1957, p. 8-A.

[139] _Morning News_, July 16, 1954, p. 1.

[140] _Ibid._, July 21, 1954, p. 1; July 17, 1954, p. 4.

[141] _Ibid._, Aug. 6, 1954, p. 4; _News and Courier_, Oct.

8, 1954, p. 4-A.

[142] _Morning News_, Mar. 11, 1955, p. 1.

[143] _News and Courier_, Feb. 4, 1955, p. 11-A.

[144] _Morning News_, Mar. 22, 1955, p. 4; June 11, 1955,

p. 1; Aug. 19, 1955, p. 4-A.

[145] _Ibid._, Aug. 12, 1955, p. 9-A; June 17, 1955, p. 1.

[146] _News and Courier_, July 8, 1955, p. 10-A.

[147] _Ibid._, Aug. 13, 1955, p. 8-A.

[147] _Ibid._, July 1, 1955, p. 14-A; Feb. 10, 1957, p.

13-A.

[149] _Ibid._, Sept. 9, 1955, p. 14-A.

[150] _Record_, Dec. 29, 1955, p. 1; _News and Courier_,

Dec. 31, 1955, p. 6-A.

[151] _News and Courier_, May 26, 1955, p. 14-A; Mar. 18,

1956, p. 2-C; Oct. 4, 1955, p. 8-A.

[152] _Ibid._, Sept. 15, 1955, p. 1; Sept. 16, 1955, p. 1;

Sept. 17, 1955, p. 1.

[153] S. C. Senate _Journal_ (1956), pp. 248-249.

[154] _Morning News_, Feb. 11, 1956, p. 7.

[155] _News and Courier_, Sept. 23, 1955, p. 10-A.

[156] _Record_, Sept. 6, 1955, p. 1.

[157] _News and Courier_, July 1, 1956, p. 14-C. By

this date there were councils in the counties of Aiken,

Allendale, Bamberg, Beaufort, Calhoun (2), Charleston (6),

Clarendon (3), Darlington (4), Dorchester (2), Fairfield,

Florence (7), Georgetown, Jasper, Kershaw, Lee (2),

Lexington, Orangeburg (9), Richland (2), Spartanburg,

Sumter and Williamsburg (7).

[158] By February 1957 there were 58 local councils in

South Carolina. By this time leadership in the state

organization had changed. Thomas D. Keels of Sumter was

state chairman, Dr. W. M. Croswell of Timmonsville,

vice-chairman and H. L. Bowling of Elloree, treasurer.

_News and Courier_, Jan. 18, 1957, p. 1-B; Feb. 15, 1957,

p. 10-A.

[159] _Ibid._, July 1, 1956, p. 14-C.

[160] _Ibid._, Feb. 24, 1957, p. 2-A.

[161] _Ibid._, Mar. 4, 1957, p. 12.

[162] _Morning News_, Aug. 30, 1955, p. 1.

[163] _News and Courier_, July 1, 1956, p. 14-C; Jan. 9,

1956, p. 12.

[164] _Ibid._, May 6, 1956, p. 1.

[165] _Ibid._, May 27, 1956, p. 14-A.

[166] _Record_, Jan. 27, 1956, p. 1. Another indication

of the support given the Council was the resolution

unanimously adopted by the state legislature commending the

formation of the Councils and offering the legislators’

“approval and encouragement” to the movement.

[167] _News and Courier_, Aug. 31, 1955, p. 10-A; Oct. 6,

1955, p. 6-A.

[168] _Morning News_, Aug. 16, 1955, p. 12.

[169] _Ibid._, Aug. 28, 1955, p. 1.

[170] _Record_, Feb. 11, 1956, p. 1.

[171] _News and Courier_, Oct. 10, 1955, p. 1.

[172] _Morning News_, Aug. 17, 1955, p. 12; Aug. 21, 1955,

p. 3-A.

[173] This summary of the Orangeburg boycott was taken

largely from Edward Gamarekian, “The Ugly Battle of

Orangeburg,” _Reporter_, XVI (Jan. 24, 1957), 32-34, and

an article written by W. D. Workman, Jr., in the _News and

Courier_, Dec. 3, 1955, p. 1-E; see also _Record_, Apr. 13,

1956, p. 2-A.

[174] Gamarekian, _loc. cit._, pp. 32-34.

[175] _Morning News_, Jan. 25, 1956, p. 7; S. C. House

_Journal_ (1956), p. 101.

[176] _Record_, Mar. 26, 1956, p. 1.

[177] _Ibid._, Apr. 7, 1956, p. 1.

[178] _Morning News_, July 18, 1956, p. 6.

[179] Gamarekian, _loc. cit._, pp. 32-34.

[180] _Record_, Aug. 25, 1955, p. 4-A.

[181] _News and Courier_, Aug. 31, 1955, p. 10-A.

[182] _Ibid._, Aug. 24, 1955, p. 10-A.

CHAPTER V

[183] _News and Courier_, May 6, 1956, p. 16-A; July 1,

1956, p. 14-A.

[184] _Morning News_, Mar. 6, 1955, p. 4-A; May 19, 1955,

p. 4-A.

[185] _Independent_, Oct. 22, 1954, p. 1.

[186] _News and Courier_, Oct. 24, 1954, p. 4-A.

[187] _Ibid._, Aug. 31, 1955, p. 10-A.

[188] _Record_, Sept. 6, 1955, p. 7-A.

[189] _Morning News_, Oct. 3, 1955, p. 1.

[190] _Ibid._, Sept. 15, 1955, p. 1.

[191] _News and Courier_, Sept. 6, 1955, p. 1-B.

[192] _Morning News_, Aug. 29, 1955, p. 4.

[193] _Ibid._, Dec. 28, 1955, p. 5.

[194] _Morning News_, Dec. 23, 1955, p. 5.

[195] _News and Courier_, Aug. 27, 1954, p. 1.

[196] _Record_, Aug. 15, 1957, p. 1; _News and Courier_,

Aug. 16, 1957, p. 1.

[197] _Morning News_, Nov. 10, 1954, p. 5.

[197] _Independent_, Feb. 5, 1956, p. 1.

[199] _Record_, Feb. 21, 1956, p. 7-A.

[200] _Ibid._, Feb. 22, 1956, p. 10-A.

[201] _State_, June 27, 1957, p. 1; Sept 10, 1957, p. 7-A;

Sept. 27, 1957, p. 3-A; _News and Courier_, Oct. 17, 1957,

p. 1-B.

[202] _News and Courier_, May 8, 1956, p. 7-A.

[203] _Independent_, Apr. 19, 1956, p. 1.

[204] _News and Courier_, May 8, 1956, p. 7-A.

[205] _Ibid._, Oct. 7, 1955, p. 1-B.

[206] _Morning News_, Nov. 7, 1955, p. 1.

[207] _News and Courier_, July 15, 1955, p. 12-A.

[208] _Morning News_, Sept. 2, 1954, p. 1.

[209] _News and Courier_, Oct. 14, 1956, p. 14-A.

[210] _Ibid._, Sept. 19, 1954, p. 14-D; Sept. 8, 1954, p. 1.

[211] _Ibid._, Aug. 16, 1955, p. 8-A; _Independent_, Oct.

26, 1954, p. 14.

[212] _Morning News_, May 27, 1954, p. 4; May 29, 1954, p.

2.

[213] _Record_, Sept. 8, 1955, p. 1.

[214] _News and Courier_, July 18, 1956, p. 1-B; Aug. 28,

1955, p. 10-A.

[215] _Morning News_, Mar. 5, 1956, p. 5.

[216] _News and Courier_, May 30, 1954, p. 3-B.

[217] _State_, July 20, 1956, p. 10-B; _News and Courier_,

Dec. 18, 1956, p. 10-B.

[218] _News and Courier_, Feb. 16, 1957, p. 9-A.

[219] _Morning News_, Sept. 2, 1954, p. 3-A.

[220] _Independent_, May 25, 1954, p. 6; June 1, 1954, p.

14.

[221] _News and Courier_, July 19, 1954, p. 4.

[222] _Ibid._, Feb. 5, 1956, p. 4-A.

[223] _Ibid._, Sept. 12, 1954, p. 4.

[224] _Ibid._, Sept. 11, 1955, p. 2-C.

[225] _Ibid._, Oct. 24, 1954, p. 12-A.

[226] _Ibid._, Sept. 4, 1955, p. 8-A; Feb. 13, 1956, p.

8-A; Aug. 31, 1954, p. 4-A.

[227] _Morning News_, May 13, 1954, p. 4.

[228] _News and Courier_, Feb. 28, 1956, p. 8-A.

[229] In this summary the following _News and Courier_

editorials were considered: June 3, 1954, p. 4-A; Aug.

8, 1954, p. 4-A; Aug. 26, 1954, p. 4-A; Feb. 8, 1955, p.

8-A; June 12, 1955, p. 14-A; June 5, 1955, p. 14-A; Aug.

14, 1955, p. 12-A; Feb. 19, 1956, p. 12-A; May 6, 1956, p.

16-A; July 1, 1956, p. 14-A.

[230] _Ibid._, Aug. 31, 1954, p. 4-A.

CHAPTER VI

[231] _Morning News_, Sept. 4, 1955, p. 4-A.

[232] _Ibid._, Feb. 28, 1955, p. 1; _News and Courier_,

June 29, 1954, p. 4-A.

[233] _News and Courier_, Dec. 7, 1955, p. 12-A; Aug. 26,

1955, p. 12-A; also Thomas R. Waring, “The Southern Case

Against Desegregation,” _Harper’s, CCXII_ (Jan., 1956), 43.

[234] _News and Courier_, Dec. 5, 1955, p. 3.

[235] _Record_, Aug. 5, 1954, p. 4-A.

[236] _Independent_, Feb. 27, 1956, p. 13-A. For

comparison, 71 percent of the people outside the South (35

states) approved the decision, 24 percent disapproved it

and five percent were undecided.

[237] _News and Courier_, Mar. 1, 1956, p. 13-A; Mar. 15,

1956, p. 2-B.

[238] _Independent_, June 13, 1956, p. 37.

[239] _News and Courier_, Mar. 16, 1956, p. 1-B; Nov. 24,

1955, p. 1-B.

[240] _Record_, Nov. 10, 1955, p. 1-B; _Morning News_, June

15, 1954, p. 10-B; _Record_, Jan. 14, 1955, p. 1.

[241] _News and Courier_, June 1, 1954, p. 6; May 26, 1954,

p. 1; May 21, 1954, p. 10-A.

[242] _Morning News_, Mar. 7, 1956, p. 2; June 24, 1955, p.

6-B; Sept. 19, 1955, p. 8-A.

[243] _News and Courier_, Sept. 20, 1955, p. 8-A; Sept. 22,

1955, p. 14-A; _Independent_, Sept. 29, 1955, p. 4.

[244] _News and Courier_, Mar. 16, 1956, p. 1-B; Oct. 22,

1955, p. 1-B; Oct. 19, 1955, p. 12-A.

[245] _Independent_, May 6, 1954, p. 16.

[246] _News and Courier_, Dec. 5, 1955, p. 3; _Record_,

Apr. 26, 1956, p. 2-B.

[247] _News and Courier_, Sept. 19, 1954, p. 14-D; May 4,

1956, p. 16-A.

[248] _Independent_, May 18, 1954, p. 1; _News and

Courier_, May 20, 1954, p. 15-B.

[249] _News and Courier_, Oct. 7, 1955, p. 1-B.

[250] _Record_, June 22, 1955, p. 1.

[251] _Independent_, June 13, 1956, p. 37.

[252] _Morning News_, Feb. 26, 1956, p. 1; _News and

Courier_, Dec. 5, 1955, p. 3; _Record_, Aug. 5, 1954, p.

4-A.

[253] _News and Courier_, Jan. 20, 1955, p. 11-A; Sept. 6,

1955, p. 1-B; _Independent_, July 5, 1954, p. 4.

[254] _News and Courier_, Sept. 4, 1955, p. 8-A;

_Independent_, Nov. 14, 1956, p. 4; _Morning News_, Aug. 5,

1956, p. 4-A.

[255] _Morning News_, Aug. 5, 1956, p. 4-A; Aug. 30, 1956,

p. 4-A.

[256] _Ibid._, Sept. 23, 1956, p. 4-A.

[257] _News and Courier_, May 28, 1956, p. 6-A; Sept. 8,

1955, p. 1-B; Aug. 30, 1955, p. 1-B; July 15, 1955, p. 12-A.

[258] _Ibid._, Nov. 21, 1955, p. 10.

[259] _Morning News_, Sept. 2, 1954, p. 3-A.

[260] _News and Courier_, Feb. 19, 1955, p. 8-A; Jan. 12,

1955, p. 8-A.

[261] For example there were only two Negro delegates to

the state Democratic convention in 1956. _Morning News_,

Mar. 22, 1956, p. 1.

[262] _Independent_, Aug. 2, 1956, p. 11.

[263] _Morning News_, Aug. 11, 1956, p. 1; _News and

Courier_, May 4, 1956, p. 1-B.

[264] _News and Courier_, Dec. 30, 1954, p. 12-A.

[265] _Independent_, Mar. 18, 1956, p. 1.

[266] _NAACP Civil Rights Handbook_ (New York, Apr., 1953),

p. 5.

[267] _Record_, Mar. 29, 1956, p. 4-A.

[268] _Ibid._, Mar. 26, 1956, p. 1.

[269] _News and Courier_, Mar. 29, 1956, p. 1-B; Nov. 7,

1954, p. 8-A.

[270] _Independent_, May 25, 1954, p. 5.

[271] _News and Courier_, Oct. 16, 1954, p. 7-A.

[272] _Record_, Sept. 12, 1955, p. 1.

[273] _Morning News_, June 30, 1955, p. 1.

[274] _Ibid._, July 1, 1955, p. 4-A; _News and Courier_,

Aug. 11, 1955, p. 14-A.

[275] _Morning News_, Aug. 21, 1955, p. 3-A.

[276] _Record_, Sept. 1, 1955, p. 1; Sept. 14, 1955, p. 5-A.

[277] Evans to A. J. Clement, Jr., printed in program of

13th annual session of the state NAACP (1953).

[278] _Morning News_, Aug. 20, 1955, p. 4-A.

[279] _Ibid._, Aug. 20, 1954, p. 4-A; May 25, 1954, p. 4;

_Independent_, Nov. 18, 1955, p. 4; _Record_, May 26, 1954,

p. 8-A.

[280] _Record_, Oct. 11, 1955, p. 3-A; _News and Courier_,

Apr. 2, 1956, p. 6-A; Feb. 15, 1956, p. 10-A.

[281] _Record_, June 30, 1956, p. 4-A; _State_, July 20,

1956, p. 5-A.

[282] _Record_, Dec. 12, 1955, p. 1. In a paper delivered

at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Society

in Washington, D. C. on August 29, 1957, Professor Wilson

Record of Sacramento State College showed the wide

divergences between the NAACP and the Communist Party in

structure, methods, and basic ideology.

[283] _Morning News_, Aug. 30, 1955, p. 1; Apr. 28, 1956,

p. 1; Aug. 19, 1955, p. 4-A.

[284] _News and Courier_, Oct. 14, 1954, p. 15-A; May 30,

1954, p. 4-A; July 17, 1955, p. 6-A.

[285] _Ibid._, Aug. 25, 1955, p. 1-B.

[286] _Record_, Mar. 29, 1956, p. 4-A.

[287] In connection with the use of this system against

labor organizers, Rep. Gary Brown of Abbeville County said,

“As for unions we don’t have any trouble in the county....

We are expecting to get some new industry and I would pass

50 bills to protect it.” _News and Courier_, Apr. 22, 1957,

p. 8.

[288] _Independent_, Aug. 24, 1955, p. 6.

[289] _Morning News_, Aug. 19, 1955, p. 4-A; Mar. 12, 1956,

p. 4.

[290] _News and Courier_, July 20, 1955, p. 1-B; _Record_,

Nov. 22, 1955, p. 4-A.

[291] _News and Courier_, Nov. 22, 1955, p. 1-B; _Morning

News_, Aug. 30, 1955, p. 1; S. C. House _Journal_ (1956),

p. 450.

[292] _Record_, Aug. 11, 1955, p. 4-A; Nov. 4, 1955, p. 7-A.

[293] _Morning News_, Sept. 22, 1955, p. 4-A.

[294] Myrdal, _An American Dilemma_, pp. 831, 820, 830.

[295] _Record_, Feb. 13, 1956, p. 1; _News and Courier_,

Feb. 25, 1956, p. 10-A; Dec. 19, 1954, p. 14-A.

[296] _Record_, Aug. 30, 1955, p. 1; Sept. 12, 1955, p. 1.

CHAPTER VII

[297] _Morning News_, Aug. 7, 1956, p. 5.

[298] _News and Courier_, May 19, 1954, p. 4; May 20, 1954,

p. 4.

[299] _Morning News_, May 22, 1954, p. 4.

[300] _News and Courier_, May 30, 1954, p. 8-A.

[301] _Morning News_, May 21, 1954, p. 1; July 16, 1954, p.

3-A; Sept. 1, 1954, p. 1.

[302] _Record_, Jan. 4, 1956, p. 1; _Morning News_, Jan.

15, 1956, p. 3-B.

[303] _News and Courier_, July 30, 1956, p. 1.

[304] _Independent_, July 29, 1955, p. 1; Nov. 4, 1955, p.

28.

[305] _News and Courier_, Oct. 20, 1954, p. 8-A.

[306] S. C. Senate _Journal_ (1956), p. 55.

[307] _News and Courier_, Jan. 20, 1955, p. 11-A.

[308] _Record_, Nov. 4, 1955, p. 7-A.

[309] South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1955), p. 15.

[310] _Independent_, June 26, 1956, p. 7.

[311] _Morning News_, Apr. 27, 1956, p. 10-A.

[312] _News and Courier_, Jan. 13, 1955, p. 14-A.

[313] _Morning News_, July 9, 1954, p. 4-A; Aug. 4, 1954,

p. 4.

[314] South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1955), p. 15.

[315] _News and Courier_, May 21, 1955, p. 6-A.

[316] _Ibid._, Nov. 29, 1955, p. 1-B; Sept. 8, 1955, p.

1-B; also South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1955), pp.

14-27; South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1956), pp. 38-44.

[317] _Independent_, May 26, 1954, p. 3.

[318] _News and Courier_, Aug. 9, 1954, p. 4.

[319] _Independent_, July 25, 1954, p. 4.

[320] _News and Courier_, Aug. 7, 1954, p. 16.

[321] _Ibid._, May 30, 1954, p. 8-A; Oct. 29, 1955, p. 8-A;

May 25, 1956, p. 4.

[322] _Morning News_, Apr. 28, 1956, p. 1; Aug. 7, 1956, p.

5.

[323] _News and Courier_, Aug. 1, 1955, p. 7-A.

[324] _Morning News_, May 28, 1954, p. 4.

[325] _News and Courier_, May 25, 1954, p. 6.

[326] _Ibid._, Oct. 10, 1954, p. 2-A.

[327] _Morning News_, Aug. 12, 1955, p. 1; Aug. 7, 1955, p.

1.

[328] _News and Courier_, June 30, 1955, p. 10-A; S. C.

Senate _Journal_ (1956), pp. 52-53.

[329] _Independent_, Jan. 9, 1956, p. 1.

[330] _News and Courier_, Mar. 29, 1957, p. 1.

[331] _Independent_, Oct. 26, 1955, p. 14.

[332] _Ibid._, Jan. 7, 1956, p. 5. According to the annual

report of the state Superintendent of Education for 1953-54

South Carolina received $8,216,840 from the federal

government for education in 1952-53 and $5,946,597 for

1953-54. These figures represented 8.88 percent and 4.38

percent respectively of the total school budget.

[333] _News and Courier_, Feb. 26, 1956, p. 8-A; _Record_,

May 24, 1954, p. 4-A; _Morning News_, Aug. 26, 1955, p. 4-A.

[334] _Independent_, Dec. 17, 1955, p. 4; _Morning News_,

July 15, 1956, p. 4-A.

[335] _Record_, Aug. 15, 1957, p. 1; _State_, Aug. 19,

1957, p. 4-A; _News and Courier_, Aug. 17, 1957, p. 6-A.

[336] _News and Courier_, Nov. 29, 1955, p. 1-B; South

Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1955), pp. 19-27.

[337] _Morning News_, Feb. 9, 1955, p. 1; Mar. 2, 1955, p.

1; _Independent_, Feb. 23, 1955, p. 1.

[338] _Independent_, Feb. 11, 1955, p. 4.

[339] _News and Courier_, Mar. 12, 1955, p. 6-A.

[340] _Ibid._, May 28, 1955, p. 1.

[341] South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1955), pp. 134, 652.

[342] _Morning News_, May 26, 1956, p. 10. A further

example of the frame of mind of the legislature was the

passage of a resolution which declared that the Confederate

Battle Flag symbolized “the divine cause of human freedom

for which our forefathers fought and for which the men,

women and children of the South displayed a courage and

devotion to duty unparalleled in the history of the world.”

South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1956), p. 1185.

[343] _News and Courier_, Dec. 18, 1955, p. 1.

[344] _Morning News_, Dec. 29, 1955, p. 1; Feb. 15, 1956,

p. 6.

[345] _News and Courier_, Feb. 7, 1956, p. 1-B.

[346] _Record_, May 1, 1956, p. 4-A.

[347] _Ibid._, Jan. 10, 1956, p. 4-A.

[348] _Morning News_, Dec. 30, 1955, p. 4.

[349] _Independent_, Feb. 1, 1956, p. 4; Feb. 5, 1956, p. 4.

[350] _News and Courier_, Feb. 3, 1956, p. 16-A; Dec. 17,

1955, p. 6-A; Apr. 26, 1956, p. 16-A.

[351] South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1956), p. 164.

[352] _Ibid._, pp. 150-155.

[353] _Morning News_, Jan. 11, 1956, p. 1.

[354] South Carolina House _Journal_ (1956), p. 322.

[355] _News and Courier_, Feb. 3, 1956, p. 1.

[356] _Independent_, Feb. 9, 1956, p. 4.

[357] _Record_, Feb. 3, 1956, p. 4-A.

[358] _Morning News_, Feb. 3, 1956, p. 1.

[359] _News and Courier_, Sept. 4, 1957, p. 10-A; _State_,

Sept. 5, 1957, p. 4-A; Sept. 7, 1957, p. 4-A.

[360] South Carolina Senate _Journal_ (1956), pp. 387-388.

[361] _News and Courier_, Jan. 24, 1957, p. 12-A. Most,

though not all of South Carolina’s Negro teachers

apparently answered these questions satisfactorily. Those

who did not lost their jobs. However, when considering

this fact one should also bear in mind that the Palmetto

Education Association, which represents the state’s

approximately 7,000 Negro teachers, adopted a resolution

in 1955 stating its approval of the Supreme Court’s

desegregation decision and offering its assistance to

white school authorities in “discussing, outlining, and

implementing plans for universal public education” in South

Carolina “within the framework of the recent ruling of the

United States Supreme Court.”

[362] _Morning News_, Jan. 18, 1956, p. 1.

[363] _Ibid._, Feb. 10, 1956, p. 4-A; Jan. 20, 1956, p. 4-A.

[364] _Independent_, Feb. 21, 1956, p. 1. The quotation

from the Walterboro _Press and Standard_ appears in this

article.

[365] _Record_, Feb. 16, 1956, p. 4-A.

[366] _News and Courier_, July 15, 1955, p. 12-A; Jan. 21,

1956, p. 6-A.

[367] _Morning News_, Jan. 18, 1956, p. 1; Feb. 18, 1956,

p. 7.

[368] _Ibid._, Mar. 1, 1956, p. 2.

[369] Jerrold Beim, _The Swimming Hole_, (New York: Morrow

and Co., 1950).

[370] This summary of the _Swimming Hole_ affair was taken

from _Morning News_, Mar. 2, 1956, p. 1; Mar. 7, 1956, p.

1; and Mar. 9, 1956, p. 1; South Carolina House _Journal_

(1956), pp. 936-937; _Record_, Mar. 10, 1956, p. 4-A; and

_News and Courier_, Mar. 8, 1956, p. 16-A.

[371] _News and Courier_, Apr. 24, 1957, p. 1-B; Apr. 27,

1957, p. 8-A; _State_, Apr. 17, 1957; Apr. 24, 1957.

[372] _State_, Apr. 17, 1957; Apr. 24, 1957.

[373] _News and Courier_, Mar. 1, 1957, p. 1; Mar. 2, 1957,

p. 8-A.

[374] _Ibid._, Feb. 10, 1957, p. 3-A; Apr. 25, 1957, p. 1;

Apr. 8, 1957, p. 12; Jan. 17, 1957, p. 14-A; Mar. 8, 1957,

p. 1-B.

[375] _Record_, May 2, 1957.

[376] _State_, Aug. 6, 1957, p. 1; Sept. 10, 1957, p. 1;

_Record_, Aug. 6, 1957, p. 1.

[377] _Record_, Sept. 21, 1957, p. 10-A.

[378] Radio WIS broadcast, Sept. 14, 1957.

[379] _State_, Sept. 21, 1957, p. 3-B.

[380] _Morning News_, Sept. 24, 1957, p. 4.

[381] _Record_, Jan. 10, 1958, p. 1; _State_, Jan. 11,

1958, p. 1; Baltimore _Afro-American_, Jan. 11, 1958, p. 2.

[382] _State_, Jan. 1, 1958, p. 1; Jan. 3, 1958, p. 1;

_Record_, Jan. 2, 1958, p. 1; _New York Times_, Jan. 3,

1958, p. 14.

[383] _Record_, Jan. 10, 1958, p. 1; _State_, Jan. 11,

1958, p. 1; _News and Courier_, Jan. 11, 1958, p. 1-B.

[384] _Record_, Jan. 15, 1958, p. 8-B. On April 9 the South

Carolina general assembly provided for a 6 man committee,

3 members from the Senate and 3 from the House, to probe

Communism and Communist activities in the state. _Ibid._,

April 9, 1958.

[385] U.P. Wire, Jan. 16, 1958.

[386] _State_, Jan. 16, 1958, p. 1; _ibid._, Jan. 17, 1958,

p. 1-B; _ibid._, Jan. 23, 1958, p. 8-A; _Record_, Jan. 17,

1958, p. 3-A.

[387] _State_, Jan. 16, 1958, p. 1; _Record_, Jan. 17,

1958, p. 3-A.

[388] _State_, Jan. 17, 1958, p. 1-B.

[389] _Record_, Jan. 29, 1958, pp. 1, 6-A.

[390] _State_, Feb. 5, 1958, p. 8-B; Feb. 8, 1958, p. 1-B;

Feb. 4, 1958, p. 9-B; _Record_, Feb. 1, 1958, p. 10-A.

[391] _Record_, Feb. 14, 1958, p. 6-A; Feb. 20, 1958, p. 1;

_State_, Feb. 25, 1958, p. 9-A.

[392] _News and Courier_, Dec. 1, 1955, p. 1-B; Dec. 2,

1955, p. 8-A.

[393] S. C. Senate _Journal_ (1956), pp. 226-227.

[394] _News and Courier_, Apr. 28, 1956, p. 1.

[395] _Record_, Apr. 23, 1956, p. 1; Apr. 26, 1956, p. 4-A;

_Morning News_, Apr. 24, 1956, p. 1.

[396] _Morning News_, Apr. 24, 1956, p. 3; _News and

Courier_, Dec. 8, 1955, p. 8-A; S. C. House _Journal_

(1956), p. 15.

[397] _Independent_, July 24, 1955, p. 1; July 25, 1955, p.

3; Aug. 18, 1955, p. 1.

[398] _State_, June 26, 1957, p. 4-A.

CHAPTER VIII

[399] _News and Courier_, Feb. 14, 1956, p. 8-A; Sept. 15,

1956, p. 9-A.

[400] _Independent_, Mar. 11, 1956, p. 2.

[401] _Ibid._, May 26, 1954, p. 3; May 27, 1954, p. 22.

[402] _Morning News_, May 2, 1954, p. 1.

[403] _Independent_, May 9, 1954, p. 28; May 16, 1955, p.

22; May 19, 1954, p. 2; _Morning News_, May 2, 1954, p. 1.

[404] Quoted in _Independent_, June 3, 1954, p. 18.

[405] _Record_, May 22, 1954, p. 4-A.

[406] _News and Courier_, Jan. 9, 1956, p. 12; July 31,

1956, p. 8-A.

[407] _Record_, Apr. 23, 1955, p. 4-A.

[408] _News and Courier_, Mar. 10, 1956, p. 1-B.

[409] _Morning News_, Oct. 11, 1956, p. 4-A.

[410] _Ibid._, Mar. 6, 1956, p. 1.

[411] _Ibid._, Mar. 27, 1956, p. 1.

[412] S. C. House _Journal_ (1956), pp. 1303-1304.

[413] _Record_, Mar. 22, 1956, p. 11-C.

[414] _Ibid._, June 20, 1956, p. 1; July 16, 1956, p. 10-A.

[415] _Ibid._, Aug. 2, 1956, p. 1; Aug. 3, 1956, p. 4-A.

[416] _Morning News_, July 13, 1956, p. 4-A.

[417] _News and Courier_, June 26, 1956, p. 8-A.

[418] _Record_, Aug. 3, 1956, p. 4-A.

[419] _Independent_, Aug. 11, 1956, pp. 1, 3.

[420] _Morning News_, Aug. 16, 1956, p. 2-A.

[421] _News and Courier_, Aug. 16, 1956, p. 16-A; Aug. 21,

1956, p. 8-A.

[422] _Record_, Aug. 17, 1956, p. 4-A.

[423] _News and Courier_, Aug. 19, 1956, p. 14-A; _Record_,

Oct. 31, 1956, p. 4.

[424] _Independent_, Aug. 17, 1956, p. 4; Aug. 18, 1956, p.

4.

[425] _Morning News_, Aug. 28, 1956, p. 1.

[426] _News and Courier_, Aug. 28, 1956, pp. 1, 8-A.

[427] _Independent_, Feb. 10, 1956, p. 4; Mar. 7, 1956, p.

4.

[428] _Morning News_, Mar. 21, 1956, p. 4; June 26, 1956,

p. 4; Aug. 22, 1956, p. 4.

[429] _News and Courier_, Mar. 11, 1956, p. 14-A; May 23,

1956, p. 12-A; June 25, 1956, p. 6-A; Aug. 2, 1956, p.

14-A; Aug. 9, 1956, p. 14-A; Aug. 24, 1956, p. 12-A.

[430] _Ibid._, Aug. 23, 1956, p. 8-A.

[431] Quotations in order are from _News and Courier_, Aug.

26, 1956, p. 15-A; Aug. 30, 1956, p. 17-A; Sept. 1, 1956,

p. 6-A; Sept. 9, 1956, p. 12-A; Sept. 14, 1956, p. 12-A;

Aug. 27, 1956 p. 7-A; Aug. 28, 1956, p. 10-A; Sept. 2,

1956, p. 11-A.

[432] _Independent_, June 6, 1956, p. 8.

[433] _Morning News_, Aug. 28, 1956, p. 1; _News and

Courier_, Aug. 28, 1956, p. 1.

[434] _News and Courier_, Oct. 2, 1956, p. 8-A.

[435] _Ibid._, Oct. 4, 1956, p. 1; Sept. 21, 1956, p. 1.

[436] _Record_, Oct. 25, 1956, p. 2-B.

[437] _Morning News_, Sept. 28, 1956, p. 6-B.

[438] _News and Courier_, Oct. 17, 1956, p. 10-A; Oct. 22,

1956, p. 6-A.

[439] _Independent_, Nov. 4, 1956, p. 28; Oct. 31, 1956,

p. 11; _News and Courier_, Oct. 28, 1956, p. 4-C; Nov. 4,

1956, p. 12-A.

[440] _Morning News_, Oct. 27, 1956, p. 2-A; _News and

Courier_, Oct. 28, 1956, p. 14-A; _Independent_, Oct. 27,

1956, p. 1.

[441] _Record_, Aug. 31, 1956, p. 3-A; _News and Courier_,

Sept. 3, 1956, p. 6-A; Oct. 24, 1956, p. 10-A.

[442] _Independent_, June 7, 1956, p. 4; Oct. 19, 1956, p.

4; Oct. 24, 1956, p. 4.

[443] _Ibid._, Oct. 19, 1956, p. 4.

[444] _Ibid._, Oct. 21, 1956, p. 28; _Morning News_, Oct.

9, 1956, p. 8; Nov. 2, 1956, p. 9-B.

[445] _Independent_, Oct. 31, 1956, p. 10; Nov. 2, 1956, p.

5.

[446] Open letter from South Carolina Republican Party,

signed by Oscar W. Pitts, chairman, undated.

[447] _Morning News_, Nov. 1, 1956, p. 1.

[448] _Ibid._, Oct. 31, 1956, p. 2.

[449] _News and Courier_, Oct. 22, 1956, p. 8-A.

[450] _Ibid._, Nov. 14, 1956, p. 12-A.

[451] _Morning News_, Nov. 8, 1956, p. 9-A.

[452] _News and Courier_, Jan. 16, 1957, p. 1-B. At the

state Democratic Party Convention on March 25, 1958, the

“Independent” faction made a bid to capture the party

chairmanship but was decisively defeated.

[453] _State_, Nov. 27, 1956, p. 6-B.

CHAPTER IX

[454] _News and Courier_, July 18, 1955, p. 6-A; Sept. 21,

1956, p. 15-A; Mar. 27, 1957, p. 10-A.

[455] _Morning News_, July 1, 1956, p. 4-A.

[456] _News and Courier_, June 30, 1956, p. 10-A.

[457] _Ibid._, June 17, 1955, p. 12-A.

[458] _Ibid._, Jan. 26, 1957, p. 1-B.

[459] _Ibid._, Jan. 30, 1956, p. 12.

[460] _Ibid._, Apr. 15, 1955, p. 12-A.

[461] _Ibid._, May 12, 1956, p. 1; July 3, 1954.

[462] _Ibid._, Nov. 20, 1954, p. 14.

[463] _State_, July 15, 1957, p. 4.

[464] _News and Courier_, Aug. 1, 1957, p. 8-A.

[465] _Ibid._, Aug. 27, 1957, p. 8-A.

[466] _State_, Aug. 20, 1957, p. 4-A.

[467] _News and Courier_, Dec. 13, 1954, p. 8-A; July 3,

1955, p. 14-A; May 8, 1955, p. 14-A.

[468] _Ibid._, Mar. 3, 1955, p. 14-A; Dec. 18, 1956, p.

10-A.

[469] _Ibid._, Jan. 30, 1956, p. 12.

[470] _Ibid._, Aug. 2, 1956, p. 12.

[471] _Ibid._, Sept. 24, 1957, p. 8-A.

[472] _State_, Oct. 2, 1957, p. 1.

[473] _News and Courier_, May 8, 1955, p. 14-A; Oct. 29,

1954, p. 4-A.

[474] _Ibid._, July 13, 1955, p. 10-A; Feb. 19, 1956, p.

4-A; _Independent_, Mar. 11, 1956, p. 4.

[475] _News and Courier_, July 6, 1955, p. 1.

[476] _Ibid._, July 23, 1955, p. 4-A.

[477] _Ibid._, Sept. 24, 1957, p. 10-A. Much to the disgust

of many members of the faculty, the University of South

Carolina awarded David Lawrence an honorary degree in June,

1957.

[478] _Ibid._, Feb. 1, 1957, p. 1-B.

[479] _Record_, Apr. 9, 1956, p. 1.

[480] _Independent_, Apr. 10, 1956, p. 1; Apr. 13, 1956, p.

4; _News and Courier_, Apr. 11, 1956, p. 10-A.

[481] _News and Courier_, Feb. 6, 1957, pp. 1, 15-A; Feb.

27, 1957, p. 1.

[482] _Ibid._, Feb. 27, 1957, p. 1; Feb. 15, 1957, p. 1.

[483] _Ibid._, Feb. 28, 1957, p. 6-A.

[484] See Walter F. Murphy, “Some Strange New Converts to

the Cause of Civil Rights,” _Reporter_, (June 27, 1957), 13.

[485] Douglass Cater, “How the Senate Passed the

Civil-Rights Bill,” _ibid._ (Sept. 5, 1957), 9.

[486] _State_, Aug. 12, 1957, p. 1-B; Aug. 24, 1957, p. I;

_Independent_, Aug. 29, 1957, p. 1.

[487] _State_, Aug. 28, 1957, p. 1-B.

[488] _Ibid._, p. 1; Record, Aug. 28, 1957, p. 1.

[489] _Record_, Aug. 30, 1957, p. 1.

[490] _New York Times_, Aug. 31, 1957, p. 1; _State_, Aug.

30, 1957, p. 1; _Record_, Aug. 30, 1957, p. 1. Thurmond

maintained that only purpose of the filibuster “was to

arouse the American people.” He denied that he had broken

any agreement with his fellow Southern senators. He

contended that the caucus had agreed against an organized

filibuster but permitted each individual Senator to “oppose

the bill in his own way.” According to Thurmond, “Senator

Russell said it would be up to each Senator as to how long

he would talk, so a Senator was free to make a long speech

if he chose to do so. I chose to make a long one and told

Senator Russell in his office the following Wednesday that

I was going to make a long speech face.... I spoke 24 hours

and 20 minutes and do not think it was too long to talk

against such a dangerous bill.” _State_, Sept. 5, 1957, p.

1-D. Senator Johnston, nettled by the filibuster of his

colleague, sent out a circular letter to constituents which

by indirection slapped hard at Thurmond. Without comment

of his own, Johnston referred to the various criticisms of

Thurmond’s action made by his Senatorial colleagues from

the South.

[491] _Record_, Aug. 31, 1957, p. 1; _News and Courier_,

Aug. 31, 1957, p. 1.

[492] _News and Courier_, Aug. 31, 1957, p. 8-A; _Morning

News_, Aug. 31, 1957, p. 4; _State_, Aug. 30, 1957, p. 4-A.

[493] _Independent_, Aug. 31, 1957, p. 4.

[494] _Record_, Aug. 30, 1957, p. 3; _News and Courier_,

Aug. 31, 1957, p. 1.

[495] _State_, Sept. 26, 1957, p. 4-A. The _Record_

entitled its editorial comment on President Eisenhower’s

sending of troops to Little Rock: “General Eisenhower

Succumbs to Hysteria,” Sept. 25, 1957, p. 4-A. “Governor

Faubus chose to follow the course of ultimate legal

resistance. He made it clear that he would exhaust all

avenues of appeal to overturn the injunction,” commented

the _Morning News_, Sept. 22, 1957, p. 4. The _Independent_

praised Governor Faubus for standing up to the pressure of

Winthrop Rockefeller and other Arkansas businessmen who

allegedly tried to get him to submit to integration without

resistance and thus not discourage industrialists from

investing in Arkansas. The _Independent_ termed them the

“Don’t Rock-the-Boat-Crowd.” Sept. 17, 1957, p. 4; _ibid._,

Sept. 25, 1957, p. 4. Of South Carolina newspapers only

the weekly Cheraw _Chronicle_, which has been an editorial

voice of moderation in the state, censured Faubus.

“Whatever his motives, Governor Faubus must be curbed,” it

asserted. Quoted in _News and Courier_, Sept. 23, 1957, p.

12.

[496] _Record_, Sept. 28, 1957, p. 1. State Senator James

Hugh McFaddin of Clarendon County also resigned his

commission in the U. S. Army Reserve. In a letter to

President Eisenhower he wrote: “In good conscience I could

not obey the orders now being issued by you to bayonet

innocent people and to force school children to eat lunch

with undesirables, when the lunch is paid for by their

parents.” _Ibid._, Sept. 30, 1957, p. 1.

[497] _State_, Sept. 27, 1957, p. 1.

[498] _Ibid._, Sept. 25, 1957, p. 1-B. The _Washington

Post and Times Herald_ editorially blasted Johnston for

his remarks which it considered as seditious in character.

Cited in _Record_, Sept. 27, 1957, p. 3-A.

[499] _State_, Sept. 27, 1957, p. 1.

[500] _Ibid._, Sept. 26, 1957, p. 1-B.

[501] _Ibid._, p. 1.

[502] _Ibid._, p. 1-B.

[503] _Ibid._, Oct. 7, 1957, p. 1-B.

[504] _News and Courier_, May 17, 1956, p. 1-B.

[505] _Independent_, Mar. 29, 1956, p. 4.

[506] _Ibid._, May 14, 1956, p. 4.

[507] _News and Courier_, Feb. 25, 1956, p. 8-A;

_Independent_, Dec. 13, 1955, p. 8.

[508] _News and Courier_, Sept. 3, 1957, p. 10-A.

[509] _News and Courier_, Apr. 4, 1955, p. 12; July 1,

1956, p. 14-B; Mar. 8, 1955, p. 8-A.

[510] _Morning News_, Mar. 3, 1955, p. 8-A.

[511] _News and Courier_, Oct. 4, 1956, p. 1-B; Jan. 15,

1957, p. 1-B.

[512] _Ibid._, Jan. 16, 1957, p. 1-B.

[513] _Ibid._, Apr. 13, 1958, p. 10-B.

CHAPTER X

[514] _Morning News_, Feb. 26, 1956, p. 4.

[515] _Record_, Oct. 5, 1956, p. 1.

[516] _News and Courier_, May 30, 1954, p. 4-A; July 18,

1955, p. 6-A; Aug. 24, 1955, p. 10-A; Oct. 6, 1955, p. 6-A;

Feb. 2, 1956, p. 14-A.

[517] _Ibid._, Aug. 29, 1955, p. 6-A.

[518] _Ibid._, Mar. 16, 1956, p. 16-A; June 20, 1956, p.

12-A.

[519] _Ibid._, Aug. 10, 1955, p. 1-B.

[520] _Independent_, July 10, 1954, p. 2.

[521] _Record_, May 24, 1954, p. 12-A.

[522] _News and Courier_, Feb. 5, 1956, p. 5-D.

[523] _Record_, July 2, 1957, p. 1.

[524] _Morning News_, July 16, 1957, p. 1.

[525] _South Carolinians Speak: A Moderate Approach to Race

Relations_ (Dillon, S.C., 1958).

[526] _Record_, Nov. 20, 1957, p. 1-A.

[527] _News and Courier_, Oct. 23, 1957, p. 10-A.

[528] _South Carolinians Speak_, p. 72.

[529] _Ibid._, p. 69.

[530] _Record_, Nov. 20, 1957, p. 1.

[531] _Ibid._, Dec. 7, 1957, p. 1.

[532] _State_, Nov. 28, 1957, p. 9-A.

[533] _Ibid._, Jan. 4, 1958, p. 1-B; _Record_, Jan. 13,

1958, p. 2.

[534] _Ibid._, May 19, 1954, p. 4; Feb. 5, 1956, p. 5-D;

Mar. 26, 1957, p. 5.

[535] _Ibid._, Feb. 5, 1956, p. 5-D.

[536] _Morning News_, Dec. 5, 1956, p. 6; _News and

Courier_, Aug. 8, 1955, p. 7-A; Oct. 12, 1954, p. 4-A;

Sept. 3, 1955, p. 6-A.

[537] This summary of the Travelstead affair was taken

largely from Chester C. Travelstead, “Turmoil in the Deep

South,” _School and Society_, LXXXIII (Apr. 28, 1956),

143-147; and Harry L. Golden, “No Dissent in Dixie,”

_Nation_, CLXXXI (Dec. 17, 1955), inside cover page.

[538] This summary of student reaction was taken from the

_Gamecock_ (University of South Carolina), Dec. 2, 1955, p.

2; Dec. 9, 1955, pp. 2, 6.

[539] _News and Courier_, Nov. 25, 1955, p. 12-A.

[540] _Morning News_, Nov. 26, 1955, p. 4.

[541] _Ibid._, May 13, 1954, p. 4; June 2, 1955, p. 4-A;

June 3, 1955, p. 4-A; June 17, 1955, p. 4-A; Jan. 29, 1956,

p. 4-A; May 2, 1956, p. 10.

[542] _Ibid._, Feb. 26, 1956, p. 4.

[543] “Retreat from Reason,” _Time_, LXVII (Apr. 2, 1956),

85.

[544] _Morning News_, Mar. 11, 1956, p. 4-A.

[545] _Ibid._, Apr. 1, 1956, p. 4-A.

[546] _News and Courier_, Mar. 30, 1956, p. 12-A; Nov. 26,

1956, p. 6-A.

CHAPTER XI

[547] Francis B. Simkins, “Tolerating the South’s Past,”

_Journal of Southern History_, XXI (Feb. 1955), 5.

[548] Herbert R. Sass, “Mixed Schools and Mixed Blood,”

_Atlantic Monthly_, CXCVIII (Nov. 1956), 45-49.

[549] _News and Courier_, Sept. 3, 1955, p. 6-A.

[550] _Ibid._, Apr. 24, 1955, p. 10-A.

[551] Franz Boaz, _Race, Language, Culture_ (New York,

Macmillan Co., 1940), pp. 19-21.

[552] _News and Courier_, Apr. 14, 1955, p. 16-A; Sept. 6,

1955, p. 9-A.

[553] _Morning News_, Feb. 28, 1956, p. 10.

[554] _News and Courier_, May 8, 1955, p. 14-A; Feb. 19,

1955, p. 12-A; Feb. 25, 1956, p. 8-A.

[555] _Ibid._, July 3, 1955, p. 14-A; July 14, 1954, p. 4.

[556] _Record_, Aug. 20, 1954, p. 4-A; May 20, 1954, p. 4-A.

[557] _News and Courier_, Feb. 27, 1956, p. 12; _Record_,

July 7, 1956, p. 4-A.

[558] _Morning News_, Dec. 16, 1956, p. 11-A; _News and

Courier_, Dec. 10, 1954, p. 12-A.

[559] _News and Courier_, Dec. 13, 1954, p. 8-A.

[560] _Ibid._, July 7, 1955, p. 15-A; Sept. 5, 1954, p. 8-A.

[561] _Morning News_, Dec. 16, 1956, p. 11-A.

[562] _News and Courier_, June 26, 1954, p. 4.

APPENDIX

The following is the text of the decision, read by

Chief Justice Earl Warren, in the case of _Briggs

v. Elliott_ (in conjunction with cases from Kansas,

Virginia and Delaware) on May 17, 1954:

These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina,

Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and

different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their

consideration together in this consolidated opinion.

In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal

representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to

the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each

instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white

children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to

race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the

equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of

the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district

court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called “separate but

equal” doctrine announced by this Court in _Plessy v. Ferguson_, 163

U.S. 537. Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when

the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though

these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court

of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs

be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the

Negro schools.

The plaintiffs contend that segregated public schools are not “equal”

and cannot be made “equal,” and that hence they are deprived of the

equal protection of the laws. Because of the obvious importance of the

question presented the Court took jurisdiction. Argument was heard in

the 1952 Term, and reargument was heard this Term on certain questions

propounded by the Court.

Reargument was largely devoted to the circumstances surrounding the

adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. It covered exhaustively

consideration of the Amendment in Congress, ratification by the states,

then existing practices in racial segregation, and the views of

proponents and opponents of the Amendment. This discussion and our own

investigation convinced us that although these sources cast some light,

it is not enough to resolve the problem with which we are faced. At

best, they are inconclusive. The most avid proponents of the post-War

Amendments undoubtedly intended them to remove all legal distinctions

among “all persons born or naturalized in the United States.” Their

opponents, just as certainly, were antagonistic to both the letter and

the spirit of the Amendments and wished them to have the most limited

effect. What others in Congress and the state legislatures had in mind

cannot be determined with any degree of certainty.

An additional reason for the inconclusive nature of the Amendment’s

history, with respect to segregated schools, is the status of public

education at that time. In the South, the movement toward free common

schools, supported by general taxation, had not yet taken hold.

Education of white children was largely in the hands of private

groups. Education of Negroes was almost nonexistent, and practically

all of the race were illiterate. In fact, any education of Negroes

was forbidden by law in some states. Today, in contrast, many Negroes

have achieved outstanding success in the arts and sciences as well

as in the business and professional world. It is true that public

education had already advanced further in the North, but the effect

of the Amendment on Northern States was generally ignored in the

congressional debates. Even in the North, the conditions of public

education did not approximate those existing today. The curriculum

was usually rudimentary; ungraded schools were common in rural areas;

the school term was but three months a year in many states; and

compulsory school attendance was virtually unknown. As a consequence,

it is not surprising that there should be so little in the history of

the Fourteenth Amendment relating to its intended effect on public

education.

In the first cases in this Court construing the Fourteenth Amendment,

decided shortly after its adoption, the Court interpreted it as

proscribing all state-imposed discriminations against the Negro race.

The doctrine of “separate but equal” did not make its appearance in

this Court until 1896 in the case of _Plessy v. Ferguson_, _supra_,

involving not education but transportation. American courts have since

labored with the doctrine for over half a century. In this Court, there

have been six cases involving the “separate but equal” doctrine in the

field of public education. In _Cumming v. County Board of Education_,

175 U.S. 528, and _Gong Lum v. Rice_, 275 U.S. 78, the validity of the

doctrine itself was not challenged. In more recent cases, all on the

graduate school level, inequality was found in that specific benefits

enjoyed by white students were denied to Negro students of the same

educational qualifications. _Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada_, 305.

U.S. 337; _Sipuel v. Oklahoma_, 332 U.S. 631; _Sweatt v. Painter_, 339

U.S. 629; _McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents_, 339 U.S. 637. In none

of these cases was it necessary to re-examine the doctrine to grant

relief to the Negro plaintiff. And in _Sweatt v. Painter_, _supra_, the

Court expressly reserved decision on the question whether _Plessy v.

Ferguson_ should be held inapplicable to public education.

In the instant cases, that question is directly presented. Here, unlike

_Sweatt v. Painter_, there are findings below that the Negro and

white schools involved have been equalized, or are being equalized,

with respect to buildings, curricula, qualifications and salaries of

teachers, and other “tangible” factors. Our decision, therefore, cannot

turn on merely a comparison of these tangible factors in the Negro and

white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look instead to

the effect of segregation itself on public education.

In approaching this problem, we cannot turn the clock back to 1868 when

the Amendment was adopted, or even to 1896 when _Plessy v. Ferguson_

was written. We must consider public education in the light of its

full development and its present place in American life throughout the

Nation. Only in this way can it be determined if segregation in public

schools deprives these plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws.

Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and

local governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great

expenditures for education both demonstrate our recognition of the

importance of education to our democratic society. It is required in

the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service

in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship.

Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural

values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in

helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is

doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life

if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity,

where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be

made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in

public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical

facilities and other “tangible” factors may be equal, deprive the

children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We

believe that it does.

In _Sweatt v. Painter_, _supra_, in finding that a segregated

law school for Negroes could not provide them equal educational

opportunities, this Court relied in large part on “those qualities

which are incapable of objective measurement but which make for

greatness in a law school.” In _McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents_,

_supra_, the Court, in requiring that a Negro admitted to a white

graduate school be treated like all other students, again resorted to

intangible considerations:

“... his ability to study, to engage in discussions and exchange views

with other students, and, in general, to learn his profession.” Such

considerations apply with added force to children in grade and high

schools. To separate them from others of similar age and qualifications

solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to

their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds

in a way unlikely ever to be undone. The effect of this separation

on their educational opportunities was well stated by a finding in

the Kansas case by a court which nevertheless felt compelled to rule

against the Negro plaintiffs:

“Segregation of white and colored children in public

schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children.

The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the

law; for the policy of separating the races is usually

interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group.

A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to

learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has

a tendency to retard the educational and mental development

of Negro children and to deprive them of some of the

benefits they would receive in a racially integrated school

system.”

Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the

time of _Plessy v. Ferguson_, this finding is amply supported by modern

authority. Any language in _Plessy v. Ferguson_ contrary to this

finding is rejected.

We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of

“separate but equal” has no place. Separate educational facilities

are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and

others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are,

by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal

protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. This

disposition makes unnecessary any discussion whether such segregation

also violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability of

this decision and because of the great variety of local conditions, the

formulation of decrees in these cases presents problems of considerable

complexity. On reargument, the consideration of appropriate relief was

necessarily subordinated to the primary question--the constitutionality

of segregation in public education. We have now announced that such

segregation is a denial of the equal protection of the laws. In order

that we may have the full assistance of the parties in formulating

decrees, the cases will be restored to the docket, and the parties are

requested to present further argument on Questions 4 and 5 previously

propounded by the Court for reargument this Term. The Attorney General

of the United States is again invited to participate. The Attorneys

General of the states requiring or permitting segregaion in public

education will also be permitted to appear as _amici curiae_ upon

request to do so by September 15, 1954, and submission of briefs by

October 1, 1954.

INDEX

A

Adams, Sherman, 159

AFL-CIO, 51, 185, 187, 189, 141, 168, 164, 166

Agnew, E. H., 27, 84, 96

Allen University, 116-124

American Association of University Professors, 119-120

American Civil Liberties Union, 165

American Council of Education, 101

_American Dilemma_, 22, 27

American Educators, Incorporated, 88, 45

Americans For Democratic Action, 136, 138, 141

Anti-Defamation League, 89

Anti-Semitism, 40, 43, 86

Armstrong, Ben J., 74

Ashmore, Robert J., 26-27, 49, 101

Association for Preservation of Southern Traditions, 88

Association of School Administrators, 99

Atkins, Alford, 79

_Atlantic Monthly_, 80, 181

Atomic Energy Commission, 102

B

Bacoats, J. A., 124, 125

Ball, W. W., 2

Ballard, L. B., 179

Baptist Church, 60-61

Baruch, Bernard, 39

Bass, Jack, 177

Bates, Lester, 129-130

Bates, W. T. C., 53

Batista, Fulgencio, 149

Bellinger, G. Duncan, 37

Benedict College, 122, 124-125

Bethune, Mary McLeod, 110

Bickley, J. H., 39, 40, 41, 192

Blackman, Mrs. S. L., 182

Blake, C. E., 160

Blatt, Solomon, 95

Blease, Cole, 9, 189

Blease, Eugene S., 27

Boas, Franz, 182

Bob Jones University, 65

Bonner, I. H., 118, 119, 120, 121, 123

Booker, Harold, 139

Bostwick, Margaret, 67

Bowles, Bryant, 12, 42-43

Bowling, H. L., 193

Boyette, Luther E., 178

Boyle, Gaston, 64

Brabham, A. McKay, Jr., 57

Brabham, P. Eugene, 100

Bragg, W. W., 34

Brailsford, James M., 41

Brameld, Theodore, 27

Breeland, Richard, 103

Brown, Edgar, 128

Brown, Gary, 196

Brown, Giles G., 76

Brown, Millie Lewis, 41

_Brown vs. Baskin_, 4, 5-6

Brownell, Herbert, 19, 22, 25, 129, 142, 158, 159, 161

Bryant, Herbert, 177

Buchanan, George, 28

Bulganin, Nikolai A., 140

Bunche, Ralph J., 110

Byrd, E. L., 44, 56, 64

Byrd, Harry F., 187, 189

Byrnes, James F., 4, 8, 15-16, 17, 22, 27, 31, 33, 50, 83, 93, 96,

100, 101-102, 140, 141, 147, 161, 167, 170

C

Calhoun, John C., 1, 21, 38, 63-64, 79, 105, 109, 137, 143, 150, 184

Callison, T. C., 18, 19, 22, 25-26, 42, 86, 117, 126, 168

Cardozo, Benjamin N., 12

Carr, Robert K., 119-120

Carroll, David D., 128-129

Catholic Church, 52

Central High School (Little Rock), 159, 160

Chalmers, Allen Knight, 110

_Cheraw Chronicle_, 172, 208

_Chicago Daily News_, 148-149

_Chicago Sun-Times_, 180

Childs, Margaretta P., 48

_Christian Advocate_, 169

Christian Council on Human Relations, 169

Citadel, The, 125, 178

Citizens Council, 32, 37, 38, 41, 45-53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 63, 64, 65,

75, 83, 84, 86, 89, 92, 98, 105, 132, 187, 188, 189, 164, 169,

170, 171, 192-193

_Citizens Council, The_, 48

Civil Rights Act (1957), 154-158, 163

Civil Rights Bill (1956), 154

Clarendon County Case (Briggs _et al_ vs Elliott, _et al_), 10,

12-20, 21, 28, 76-77, 81, 82, 90, 94, 95, 189

Clarendon County Civic League, 74

Clark, H. B., 29, 68

Clark, Mark, 125-126, 137

Clement, A. J., Jr., 71, 81, 90, 96

Clemson College, 11, 102-103

Cleveland, Grover, 137

Coker, Robert R., 27

Colvin, E. E., 38, 66, 79

Committee of 52, 27-28

Communism (including Communist Party), 24, 28, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45,

57, 62, 65, 67, 102, 111, 121, 122, 123, 124, 131, 132, 138,

140, 147, 168, 196, 200

“Concerned South Carolinians”, 170-173

Cook, Eugene, 112

Cook, Pierce E., 57-58

Corbit. Lynn. 62

Cousins. Norman, 110

Cousins, Ralph, 170

Crawford, Leon, 143

Criswell, W. A., 60-61

Crosswell, W. M., 193

Crow, E. Ryan, 93, 185

Cruell, Claude and Fannie, 40-41

Culbertson, John Bolt, 174

D

Dabbs, James M., 173-174

Dabbs, Mrs. James M., 170, 173

Daniels, G. G., 76

Davies, Ronald N., 109-110, 158, 161

Davis, Henry E., 86, 98

Davis, James B., 66

Davis, John W., 18

Debnam, W. E., 152

DeLaine, J. A., 86

Democratic National Convention (1936), 6, 7;

(1956) 113

Democratic Party, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 15, 22, 24, 80, 128, 130,

131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142,

143, 144, 161, 165

Dewey, Thomas, 25, 142

Dixiecrats, 131, 133, 134, 138

Dobie, Armisted M., 17, 20

Dorn, William Jennings Bryan, 6, 27, 49, 142, 146, 155, 156

Douglas, W. Ernest, 174

Dulles, John Foster, 25

E

Eastland, James O., 27, 50

Edisto Beach State Park, 88, 104, 127

_Education and Race Relations_, 34

Edwards, B. M., 124

Edwards, E. L., 26, 39

Eisenhower, Dwight D., 8, 23, 26, 39, 95, 105, 131, 138, 140, 142,

143, 154, 157, 158, 161, 164, 208, 204

Ellis, R. Archie, 124

Elmore, George, 5, 82

Episcopal Church, 61-62

Evans, J. Claude, 169, 170

Evans, J. Walker, 85

F

Faubus, Orval, 109, 158, 160, 161, 203

Federal aid to education, 99-100, 102-103, 198

Federal Bureau of Investigation, 121

Federation for Constitutional Government, 38, 45, 137

F.E.P.C., 134, 135, 139

Fielding-Reid, Francis, 185

Figg, Robert McC., 13, 14, 20

Fitzhugh, George, 79

Flemming, Sarah Mae, 126

For America, 45

Ford Foundation, 13

Ford, Henry, II, 40

Fort Jackson, 102, 157

Frazier, E. Franklin, 27

Fugitive Slave Law, 105

Fund for the Republic, 169

G

Gallup Poll, 72-73

_Gamecock, The_, 176-177

Garrett, Charles G., 89

Gaud, Henry, 143

Gentry, John T., 114

George, Walter, 136

Goebbels, Joseph., 186

Golden, Harry, 91

Grant, Ulysses S., 25

Grass Roots League, 24, 38, 44-45, 137

Graydon, Clint T., 155

Gressette, L. Marion, 17, 77, 79, 95, 107, 109, 122, 161-162

Gressette School Segregation Committee, 17, 93, 96-97, 103, 105, 115,

147, 161

Grimball, William H., Jr., 114

Grossman, Fred, 150

Guerry, Edward B., 27, 65

Guess, Dorothy Moore, 168, 180

H

Haigh, Charles D., 81

Hammerstein, Oscar, II, 110

Hammond, James H., 26

Hampton, Wade, 129, 143

Handlin, Oscar, 30

Harlan, John Marshall, 26

Harman, H. Odelle, 63

Harmon, Nolan B., 59

_Harper’s_, 29-30, 72

Harrell, George S., 26, 108, 115

Harrelson, D. M., 174

Harrigan, Anthony, 172

Harriman, Averill, 136, 149

Hart, John Calhoun, 103, 112, 113, 115, 116, 164

Hartford Convention, 92, 105

Hastie, William, 110

Hemphill, Robert, 157

Herbert, R. Beverley, 27, 124, 172

Hilton, Henrietta, 73

Hilton, Leroy, 73

Hilton, Morgan, 73

Hilton, William, 73

Hinton, James M., 6, 22, 74, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 87, 110, 129, 180

Hitler, Adolf, 62, 150, 181, 183, 186

Hoffman, Edwin, 117-128

Holler, J. C., 59

Hollings, Ernest F., 31, 77, 86, 95, 97-98, 163

Holmes, J. Arthur, 76

Horlbeck, John M., 108, 114

Horn, Joseph, 170

Hughes, Jerry M., 58

Hutchins, Guy, 86-87

I

_Independent_ (Anderson), 23-24, 25, 26, 35, 42, 50, 66, 75, 77, 85,

101-102, 103, 107, 109, 111, 128, 133, 135, 136, 139, 140, 152,

154, 158, 160, 168, 203

Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance (Columbia), 76, 124

Interposition, 105-110

_Island in the Sun_, 115

Ivey, G. L., 43, 86, 88, 96

J

Jackson, Larry, 170

James, F. C., 121

James, William, 77

Jefferson, Thomas, 136, 137, 145

Jenkins, Micah, 44, 45, 47, 48, 137, 138

Jerome, Emmette, 169

Johnson, Lyndon, 136, 155, 157

Johnston, Olin D., 4, 6, 22, 50, 136, 143, 154, 156, 157, 160, 203,

204

Jones, Bob, 65

Jones, E. S., 58

K

Keels, Thomas D., 193

Kefauver, Estes, 40, 135, 136, 139, 140

Kennard, J. Spencer, 124, 125

Kilpatrick, James J., 105

King, Arthur Locke, 172

Knights of Columbus, 89

Knowland, William, 157

Ku Klux Klan, 7, 12, 26, 38-42, 46, 51, 87-88, 111, 112, 165, 178,

174, 179, 192

L

Lamb, J. Harold, 162

Lane, J. M., 64

Latimer, Samuel, 110, 149-150, 158

Lawrence, David, 147, 153, 202

Le Clerq, Fred, 177

Lee, J. Bracken, 137

Lee, Robert E., 92, 148

_Life_, 147

_Lighthouse and Informer_, 129, 180

Lincoln, Abraham, 142

Lines, Stiles B., 86-87

Little Rock Affair, 109-110, 148, 158-162, 178, 208

_Living Church, The_, 62

Long, John D., 162

_Look_, 147

Lutheran Church, 68

Lyles, John, 170

M

Mance, R. A., 120

Mann, Woodrow Wilson, 159, 160

Manning, Wyndham, 27

Mansfield, Mrs. E. R., 182-183

Marshall, Thurgood, 13-14, 15, 18, 51, 83, 88, 90

Martin, E. M., 174

Martin, Robert P., 178

Mason, E. R., 65, 86

Maybank, Burnet R., Jr., 50

Maybank, Burnet R., Sr., 4, 9, 22, 180

Mays, Benjamin E., 71, 110

Mdodana, P. B., 82

Meany, George, 164

_Mein Kampf_, 181

Mellette, Billy, 177

Mencken, H. L., 49

Methodist Church, 50-51, 55, 56-59

Methodist Church, Southeastern Jurisdiction, 55

Miller, Thomas R., 181

Mitchell, Clarence, 113, 183

Moore, Charles, 179

Moore, Fred, 54

Morehouse College, 71

_Morning News_ (Florence), 24, 25, 30-31, 33, 41-42, 43, 50, 56, 58,

67, 68, 71, 77, 84, 85, 88, 92, 96, 99, 101, 102, 106, 111,

113, 119, 133, 134, 135, 136, 139, 141, 145, 155, 158, 160,

167, 177, 178, 179, 180, 203

Morris, John B., 170, 178

Morris, W. A., 182

Morse, Stanley F., 24, 41, 86, 137, 182

Morse, Wayne, 157

Murray J. B., 57

Myrdal, Gunnar, 22, 26, 27, 89

Mc

“McCarthyism”, 111, 121

McClary, Webster, 75

McClung, Carolyn, 176

McCord, L. B., 24, 47, 57, 64

McCray, John, 6, 80, 124

McFaddin, James H., 54, 203-204

McFaddin, T. H., 98

McKinley, Carlyle, 2

McLaughlin, Mr. and Mrs. Carl B., 172

McMaster, J. G., 33

McMillan, John L., 50

McMillan, Lewis K., 11

McNair, Robert E., 155

McQueen, Cleveland M., 11

N

_Nation, The_, 12

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 3, 5, 9,

10, 12, 13, 14, 17, 19, 22, 28, 30, 32, 36, 39, 40, 43, 45, 46,

50, 51, 52, 53, 58, 64, 65, 67, 68, 71, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80,

81-91, 96, 104, 110-111, 113, 116, 129, 130, 135, 137, 141,

142, 149, 150, 152, 159, 160, 163, 170, 171, 174, 179, 182,

183, 196

National Association for the Advancement of White People, 12, 38,

42-43, 96

National Council of Churches, 40, 52, 69

National Education Association, 101

Neff, Lawrence, 67

Negro Baptist State Convention, 76

Negro Citizens Committee of South Carolina, 187

_New York Herald Tribune_, 147, 148

_New York Times_, 32, 73, 147, 148, 149

_News and Courier_ (Charleston), 2, 7, 22-23, 24, 25, 26, 27-28, 29,

30, 31, 32, 33-34, 35, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, 54, 56, 57,

63, 64, 67, 68-69, 72, 75, 77-78, 79, 84, 86, 87, 88, 92, 93,

96, 98, 99-100, 101, 102-103, 107, 108, 109, 112, 114, 116,

126, 128, 130-131, 132, 134, 135, 136-137, 139, 140, 141, 143,

145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 158,

159, 163-164, 167, 168, 169, 172, 177, 180, 182, 183, 184, 185,

186, 187

Niebuhr, Reinhold, 65

Nixon, Richard M., 112, 138, 142, 158, 159

O

O’Dowd, Jack H., 24, 30-31, 56, 58, 77, 85, 96, 99, 111, 136, 155,

167, 177, 178-180

Orangeburg boycotts, 51-54

Ott, E. Mitchell. 153-154

Oxnam, G. Bromley, 40

P

Palmetto Education Association, 73-74, 96, 199

Palmetto State Voters Association, 80-81, 148

Parker, Barrington, 142-143

Parker, John J., 13, 14, 20, 126

Patrick, J. J., 64-65

Peale, Norman Vincent, 68

Petit, Harold A., 186

Pierce, Bob, 149

Pitts, Oscar, 142

_Plessy vs. Ferguson_, 3, 22, 26, 126

Poag, Fred V., 64

Pollock, William, 164

Poole, Robert E., 102

Pope, Thomas H., 27, 155

Powell, Adam Clayton, 139, 142

Powell, Joe B., 180

Pridgen, Paul M., 68

Pritchett, Carl, 64

Progressive Democratic Party, 6-7, 73, 75, 80, 124

R

Randolph, A. Philip, 110

Rankin, Henry, 63

Ravenel, Arthur, Jr., 153

Rayburn, Sam, 136

Rea, C. A., 42

_Record_, (Columbia), 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34-35, 50, 54, 72,

76, 77, 81, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 101, 106, 109, 111-112,

114, 126, 131, 134, 135, 141, 160, 184, 185

Record, Wilson, 196

Reid, Frank Madison, 75-76

_Reporter, The_, 52

Republican Party, 8, 24, 128, 130, 131, 134, 137, 138, 141, 142, 143,

163

Reuther, Walter, 139, 165

_Rice vs. Elmore_, 4

Richards, James P., 106, 161, 171, 172

_Richmond News Leader_, 105

Rideout, John G., 117-123

Riley, E. P., 142

Riley, John J., 49, 50, 121

Rivers, L. Mendel, 45, 49, 50, 106, 131, 154, 157

Rochester, A. Marshall, 41

Rockefeller, Winthrop, 203

Rogers, James A., 31, 33, 77, 135, 136, 139, 140

Rogers, S. Emory, 13, 20, 46, 48, 55, 89, 106, 138

Roosevelt, Eleanor, 39, 139

Roosevelt, Franklin D., 8, 39, 130, 131, 135, 188

Rowell, Robert, 67

Ruppert, C. H., 151

Russell, Donald S., 100, 151-152, 175, 176

Russell, Richard B., 142, 203

Rutledge, Archibald, 69

S

Sanders, Claudia Thomas, 172, 173

Sanders, Dr. James H., 172

Sass, Herbert Ravenel, 27, 30, 181

Sass, M. H., 144

_Saturday Evening Post_, 147

School Boards Association, 99

Secrest, Andrew McDowd, 172

Shean, Maurice, 169

Siceloff, Courtney, 169

Simkins, Francis B., 9, 181

Simkins, Mojeska, 129

Sinkler, Huger, 25

Smith, Edna M., 68

Smith, Ellison D. (“Cotton Ed”), 6, 46, 138, 187

Smith, Ellison D., Jr., 27

Smith, Farley, 27, 46, 138, 144, 161

Smith, Lewis, 124, 125

_Smith vs. Allwright_, 4

Somersett, W. A., 165-166

South Carolina Citizens Committee, 74

South Carolina Conference of Education, 100

South Carolina Council on Human Relations, 169

South Carolina Education Association, 99, 175

South Carolina Electric and Gas Co., 126, 186

South Carolina Farm Bureau Federation, 34, 96

South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs, 99, 169

South Carolinians for Independent Electors (South Carolina

Independent Democrats), 80, 138-144, 161, 165

Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, 10

Southern Baptist Convention, 55, 60, 61

Southern Historical Association, 181

Southern Manifesto, 40, 169

Southern Methodist Church, 62-63

Southern Presbyterian Assembly, 55

Southern Regional Council, 169, 173

Spearman, Alice N., 169

Spingarn, Arthur B., 110

Spruill, James A., 155

Stafford, G. Jackson, 60, 174

Stalin, Joseph, 8

_Star_ (Marion), 130

_State_ (Columbia), 26, 102, 109-110, 127, 147-148, 149, 158, 160, 184

State Agricultural and Mechanical College for Negroes, 11, 53, 82,

95, 104, 111, 118, 128

State Board of Education, 116, 117-118, 120, 121, 123

State Law Enforcement Division, 53, 172-173

State Library Board, 104, 113, 114

States Rights League, 38, 43-44, 45

Stevens, Thaddeus, 25

Stevenson, Adlai, 131, 135, 139, 140, 143, 159

Stoney, Thomas P., 139

Strobel, Hydrick, 76

Stuckey, J. Henry, 114

Summers, S. J., Jr., 63

Supreme Court (United States), 3, 17-20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,

29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 43, 44, 58, 60, 61, 62, 65, 72, 74,

76, 85, 86, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 103, 104, 108, 111, 116,

123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 131, 132, 134, 139, 144, 167,

169, 170, 171, 173, 175, 178, 183, 184, 185, 199

Surles, Flora Bell, 186

_Swimming Hole, The_, 113-114

Swinton, Sylvia, 117

_Syracuse Post-Standard_, 149

T

Taft, Robert A., 137

Taft-Hartley Act, 140, 188

Talmadge, Herman, 142

Textile Workers Union of America, 164

_Then My Old Kentucky Home Good Night_, 152

Thomas, Albert S., 27, 67

Thompson, Eldridge. 88, 192

Thurmond, J. Strom, 7, 8, 22, 26, 35, 50, 128, 134, 154, 155, 156,

157, 158, 203

Till, Emmett, 86

Tillman, Ben, 137

_Time_, 147, 148, 180

Timmerman, George Bell, Jr., 4, 31, 36, 42, 53-54, 60, 77, 80, 89,

90, 93-95, 100, 102, 106, 107, 108, 116-125, 129-130, 132, 133,

134, 147, 156-167, 158, 161, 171, 175

Timmerman, George Bell, Sr., 13, 14, 20, 60, 93, 126

Tobias, Channing, 83, 110

Toth, André, 117, 119

Travelstead, Chester C., 167, 175-177

Truax, Carlton, 25

Trujillo, Rafael Leonidas, 149

Truman, Harry S., 7, 8, 15, 29, 131, 139, 188

Turner, Benner C., 54, 95, 118

Turner, Sherwood, 40-41

Turnipseed, Barnwell Rhett, 59

U

Un-American Activities Committee, 27, 40, 110, 117, 124

United Church Women, 170

United Southern Employees Association, 165-166

University of Chicago, 180

University of South Carolina, 2, 11, 100, 118, 122, 123, 167, 174,

175, 176, 177, 202

_U. S. News and World Report_, 147, 158

V

Vanwright, James, 76

Veal, Frank, 117-118, 120, 121, 123

Victory Savings Bank, 52

Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, 105

W

Wallace, David Duncan, 7

Wallace, Lewis, 103

_Walterboro Press and Standard_, 111

Waring, George W., 45

Waring, J. Waties, 5-6, 7, 13, 15, 17, 188

Waring, Thomas R., 7, 23, 29-30, 46, 72, 126, 132, 148, 168, 183

Warr, O. L., 98

Warren, Earl, 19, 22, 23, 26, 142

Washington, Booker T., 77, 79

_Washington Post and Times-Herald_, 147, 204

Watson, Albert W., 114

Waugh, Alec, 115

We The People, 43

Wheeler, Paul, 124

_Weep No More My Lady_, 152

White, Walter, 14

Wiggins, Forrest O., 117-123

Williams, Norton, 28-29

Wilkes, Gilbert, 31-32, 79, 186

Wilkins, Roy, 84, 89

Williams, Ashton H., 88

Williams, G. Mennen, 136

Williams, John Bell, 139

Williams, Marshall, 79

Williams, Ransome J., 27

Wilson, Woodrow, 137

Woodson, M. A., 65

Workman, W. D., Jr., 24, 27, 28, 32, 35, 72, 77, 88, 93, 98, 108-109,

152-153

Wrighten, John, 11

Transcriber’s Note:

This book was written in a period when many words had not become

standardized in their spelling. Words may have multiple spelling

variations or inconsistent hyphenation in the text. These have been

left unchanged unless indicated below. Misspelled words were not

corrected.

Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like

this_. Footnotes were renumbered sequentially. Obvious printing errors,

such as backwards, upside down, or partially printed letters and

punctuation were corrected. Final stops missing at the end of sentences

and abbreviations were added. Duplicate letters at line endings were

removed.

The following was changed:

“as” to “is”: ... is, in itself, unconstitutional,...