BARCELLONA--JOURNEY TO THE FRONTIER.
General Character of Barcellona, and its Population; Paseos,
Ramparts, and Fortifications; the Conde de España; his Policy;
Interview with the Conde; his Character and Government; Anecdotes
of his Government; Political Feeling in Barcellona; Churches and
Convents; the Opera; Monjuich; Barcellonetta; Decrease of Trade
with England, and its Causes; General Trade of Barcellona; an
Execution; the Priesthood and the People; a Miracle in 1827; Prices
of Provisions; Visit to Montserrat; Journey from Barcellona to the
Frontier; Delightful Scenery; Proofs of Catalunian Industry; Gerona
Figueras; the Pyrenees, Reflexions.
A glance at Barcellona is sufficient to show, that we approach the
frontier. We no longer see a purely Spanish population. Spanish hats are
scarcely to be seen, nor is the mantilla altogether indispensible. In
the buildings too, we perceive a difference; the streets are wider, and
few of the houses are adorned with balconies. I thought too, but this
might be fancy, that I could perceive a different expression in the
countenances of the people. Of one thing I am certain, that although the
women of Barcellona have not perhaps the grace of the Andalusians; their
claims to beauty are stronger: their features are more regular, their
complexions are clearer, their hair less coarse, and their forms
slighter: still it must be admitted, that there is more witchery hid in
the eye of an Andalusian, than perhaps in all the separate charms of a
woman of Barcellona. No one, however, can walk along the streets,
without perceiving in the female population, sufficient evidence of
being no longer among a people exclusively Spanish. I found another
peculiarity in the aspect of the Barcellona population--a peculiarity
however, that refers only to the time I visited Barcellona. No caps were
to be seen: these, as well as grey hats, were forbidden, immediately
upon the revolution breaking out in France. For my own part, I continued
to wear my grey hat while in Barcellona, without being challenged; but I
have good reason to believe, that this forbearance arose from the
authorities knowing that I had the honour of being acquainted with the
Conde de España, the ruler, and dictator of Catalunia. But the strange,
and gaudy dress of the Catalunian peasantry is the most striking
peculiarity in the appearance of the Barcellona population: all wear
their red caps, which hang at least a foot down their backs; and with
their crimson girdles, and gaudy coloured woollen plaids, they give a
peculiar grotesqueness to the appearance of the Rambla--the principal
street of Barcellona--which is almost always crowded.
Barcellona is particularly fortunate in its promenades; the Rambla is
scarcely inferior to the Boulevards of Paris; and there is a charming
walk round the whole of the ramparts; every moment the view changes,
sometimes looking towards the huerta, and sometimes towards the
mountains, with the villages, and country houses of the merchants lying
under them; sometimes towards the hill and fortress of Monjuich; and
sometimes towards the sea; and that part of the promenade which is above
the sea, is without exception, the finest promenade in any city I have
ever seen. Barcellona would be better without its fortifications; for
owing to them, the city has been confined within too narrow bounds; and
the whole space within the walls, is filled up with houses, in place of
(as in other Spanish cities) gardens mingling with the buildings, and
adding both to the beauty and the healthfulness of the place. The
fortifications of Barcellona are of little real use to it. I was
informed by the commander of the citadel, that the city could not
maintain a siege of one week, against a sufficiently well appointed
army; nor could the occupation of it be maintained for one day, if the
citadel or Monjuich were in possession of an enemy.
The day after my arrival in Barcellona, I was presented to the Conde de
España, a man who has made himself to be respected by some, and feared
by all; owing to the promptness, decision, and tyranny of the measures
by which he has from time to time put down the most formidable
insurrections; and owing also to the influence which he has more than
once shewn he has the power of wielding, over the determinations, and
the actions of the king. No man has more enemies than the Conde de
España, both at court, and in the province which he governs; and
constant attempts are made in the highest quarters, to remove him from
his government, and from the confidence of his royal master. The
Archbishop of Toledo is his bitterest enemy, and has never forgotten the
insult he put upon the dignitaries of the church, in the year 1827; but
the king knows that whatever his faults may be, they are faults that
prove him to be a zealous and faithful servant; and the fittest man to
govern the turbulent Catalunians; and when upon a late occasion, the
Duke del Infantado strongly urged upon the king, the unpopularity of the
Conde de España, and the propriety of removing him, his majesty cut the
matter short by saying, “I wish I had a Conde de España in every
province;” one of the most sensible things the king ever said, if he
wishes to preserve his authority.
The Conde de España is not very easy of access; he is seldom seen,
though his presence is always felt; his system of government is secret;
and in the province of Catalunia, it may be said to have come in place
of the inquisition,--with instruments as numerous and as masked, with
power as unanswerable, with measures as prompt, and sometimes as
unjustifiable, and with a bolder heart and a stronger head to direct the
machine. It was a mere chance whether I should be admitted to an
audience: indeed, no one in Barcellona knows, whether he be in the city
or not. The parade takes place before his residence, and the guards are
mounted at his gate every morning, but this is no proof that he is
within. The Conde was at home however; and the names of his Britannic
Majesty’s Consul, and English gentleman, were passed inward. We walked
into an anti-room where a Spanish general, and several other persons
were waiting. How long they might have preceded us I cannot tell, but in
a few minutes, we were informed that the Conde would see us; and we were
conducted through a long suite of magnificent apartments, and ushered by
an aide-de-camp, into a little mean dirty parlour, without a bit of
matting to cover the brick floor, the walls white washed, a wood fire
almost burnt out, and the furniture consisting of one small table, and
two or three chairs. There sat the Conde de España, writing, or, at
least, signing his name to a number of papers. He immediately rose, and
received us with the utmost curtesy, made us sit down, and asked me some
particulars of my journey, and in what state I had found Spain. I told
him, what I really believed to be true, that Spain was at that time, the
most tranquil country in Europe; and that I had no where found the
slightest indication of commotion. This reply was no doubt gratifying:
the Conde ordered wine and segars, and the conservation took a more
general turn. He spoke of France, and said he considered it hastening
towards republicanism. He then spoke of himself, his conduct, and his
enemies; and said, that as a private individual, he always acted justly,
and morally right; but as a public man, he clothed himself with a
garment of policy,--an ingenious, but not a new apology for the
commission of iniquity. I remained about a quarter of an hour; and when
I took leave, he did me the honour to offer me the freedom of the royal
box at the opera; and also to invite me to his country seat, where he
said he spent much of his time, for that to be respected, (he meant
feared) one must not be seen too often. The Conde appears to be about
fifty, he is rather under the middle size, and somewhat lusty; his head
and face are large, and his eyes expressive of much. One may read in
them, violent passions, penetration, reflection, and cunning.
The character of the Conde de España has been variously represented. All
admit, however, that he is a man of most determined and fearless
character; and that Catalunia, which, to be preserved in tranquillity in
these perilous times, requires to be ruled with a rod of iron, could not
be entrusted to any man better qualified to wield it. When he first took
upon him the government of the province, he committed many oppressive
acts; some of which I have related in the chapter entitled “State of
Parties,” consisting, for the most part, in banishment without trial;
and even in some instances, carried so far as secret execution. This
was soon after the fall of the constitution; and some apologists of the
Conde excuse these proceedings upon the plea of political necessity; an
expression that, in my mind, involves a sophism, because I do not
believe that the moral government of the universe can ever include in it
a necessity for doing evil.
The government of the Conde de España has sanctioned many lesser acts of
inquisitorialness and oppression. Several despotic orders were issued
immediately upon the French revolution breaking out: ever since that
time, no greater number than four persons are permitted to dine together
in a coffee-house; nor are politics allowed to form the subject of
conversation in any house open to the public; and it is believed, that
the Conde is not entirely ignorant of the conversation that passes in
many private houses also. He has even had the boldness to interfere with
the usages of the church, by interdicting the celebration of the
midnight mass in the cathedral, at Christmas; probably, because he
disliked the assemblage of so great a number of persons during the
night: but, of course, mass was permitted to be celebrated in a more
private way. The strictness of the Conde extends also to morals: all
houses of ill-fame are suppressed, and instances occurred, even while I
was in Barcellona, of inquisitorial strictness in more private matters
relating to morals. Dining one day in company, one of the gentlemen at
table received a message while at dinner, which he immediately attended
to, and withdrew; I saw a smile pass round the table, and I afterwards
learnt, that the occurrence was not unusual. The gentleman had a
_liaison_ with a _chére amie_, who lived in lodgings provided by him;
but this the police would not permit; and, to escape their interference,
these lodgings were changed every few days; and every few days he was
questioned as to his secret, and obliged to pay a fine. This was the act
of the police; and, although the police is not within the department of
the Conde, who is captain-general, not civil governor of the province,
yet it is well known that both the military and civil government are in
his hands; and that the civil authorities do not move a step without
his permission. Along with this strict surveillance of morals, the
Conde’s own morals are irreproachable, and he neglects no opportunity of
showing his regard for religion; he is present at all its public
ceremonials; and assumes an air of the deepest devotion. This is
doubtless to please the party of Carlists, who might otherwise prove
dangerous. But with all these inquisitorial and tyrannical acts, even
his enemies admit, that he is the only man who could have kept Catalunia
tranquil: and peaceable-minded persons, however they may condemn the
means by which the quiet of the province has been preserved, are
satisfied with a government under which they feel a security against
civil commotion.
It is a great mistake to suppose that the Conde de España is attached to
the apostolical party; quite the reverse: he is a decided,
thorough-going royalist, who will exert himself to the very uttermost
for the preservation of the king’s government; and come when it may, a
revolution in favour of either Carlists or liberal, the deadliest stand
against it will be made in Catalunia, if the Conde de España be then
captain-general. But, that he is no Carlist, is evident from his conduct
in 1827, when he put that affront upon the bishops, which I have already
said has been one means of securing the enmity of the Archbishop of
Toledo. The circumstances are as follow:--In the latter part of 1827,
when the Catalunian insurrection in favour of the Carlists took place,
and when fifty thousand men in arms threatened the province with
anarchy, and Barcellona with capture, the Conde de España represented to
the king the necessity of his appearing in Catalunia; and after his
majesty had arrived, he, by advice of the Conde, called a convocation of
bishops, ostensibly to consult respecting the state of the province. The
Conde well knew the connexion of the bishops with the plot; and was in
possession of documents that proved their guilt. The Conde, as
representing his majesty in that province, or by express delegation,
presided; and all the bishops being assembled, he addressed them to this
effect, if not almost in these words:--“My Lord Bishop,” said he, taking
a paper from his pocket, and unfolding it, “you know this,”--and
turning to another, and shewing another paper,--“and you, my Lord, know
this,” and so on, producing documents that connected every one present
with the conspiracy; “and now, gentlemen,” said he, addressing the
assembly, “you perceive that I hold in my hands proofs of treason; you
who have fomented this rebellion, can put it down; and I have
instructions from his majesty, if the rebellion be not put down within
forty-eight hours,--I am sorry for the alternative, gentlemen,--but my
instructions are peremptory, to hang every one of you; and it will be a
consolation for you to know, that the interests of the church shall not
suffer, for the king has already named successors to the vacant sees.”
This reasoning was effectual; the bishops knew the man they had to deal
with; and within forty-eight hours, the insurrection was at an end. A
man who threatens to hang a bench of bishops, cannot surely be called an
apostolical.
At the same period, but before the council had been called, when Gerona
was closely pressed by the insurgents, the bishop dispatched a letter
to the Conde de España, saying, that it would be necessary to give up
the city to the besiegers. The Conde, who very well knew how the
inclinations of the bishop lay, and what were the defences of the city,
but who also knew the influence possessed by him over the inhabitants,
who might force the troops to give it up, wrote, in reply to the bishop,
that his lordship being upon the spot, was no doubt best able to judge
of the state of the city; and adding, that along with the letter which
he had sent to the bishop, he had also sent instructions to Gerona, that
when the enemy entered the gate, the first thing they should see, might
be the gibbet of a traitor bishop.
It is generally understood that, but for the Conde de España, the French
army would not have evacuated Spain; and that the king was brought down
to Catalunia with this ultimate object. When the Conde was made
captain-general, he refused to reside in Barcellona, because it was in
possession of the French, and he established himself at Tarragona. He
then advised the king to pay a visit to Barcellona, and obtained
permission to write to the French authorities there to prepare for his
majesty’s reception. To this the French general replied, that he would
receive the king, but not any guards; and the Conde, who knew that such
would be the reply, told the king that he was insulted; the king got
angry, and refused to go to Barcellona, and even left Catalunia. The
French general now suspected he had committed an error, and he sent for
instructions; an ambassador was despatched in consequence to the king,
who was then at Valencia, requesting to know what were his majesty’s
wishes. The Conde de España had been busily employed in the meanwhile,
priming Ferdinand to act with spirit; and when the king was asked what
his wishes were, he replied that he wished the French army to evacuate
Spain. The only pretext for the occupation of Spain, was to defend the
king; and the king declaring that he wanted no defence, this pretext was
at an end.
The Conde de España is of French extraction, but at an early age he
entered into the service of Spain, and by his talents and zeal, he has
raised himself to the highest honour that could have been conferred
upon him,--in having received for his title the name of the country that
conferred it. The count dislikes, or affects to dislike, every thing
French, and likes, or affects to like, every thing English. He speaks
English fluently, and few things are more disagreeable to him than to be
addressed in the French language.
With respect to political feeling in Barcellona, I may say that, among
the upper ranks, there is a secret wish for some change,--for a milder
government, less tyranny, and a free press; but there is no feeling in
favour of what is called a constitution. At the time the French
revolution broke out, there was naturally much excitement in Barcellona;
but I found the universal opinion of the best informed classes to be,
that the state of moral and political feeling among the Catalunians must
prevent the progress of any movement in the province; and that no
attempt in favour of greater liberalism has the smallest probability of
success on that side of Spain, unless by foreign interference. When I
was in Barcellona, there were many Carlists prisoners in the city; and
before I left it thirty prisoners were brought from Zaragosa. It was
generally thought that if the Conde de España had a _carte blanche_ as
to the disposal of them, many ran a risk of visiting Ceuta.
The public buildings of Barcellona are not deserving of much notice,
with the exception of the custom-house and the cathedral. The cathedral
is light and beautiful, in the late Gothic stile, with finely painted
windows, and a choir of wood workmanship of singular delicacy. The
convents, with the exception of the Dominicans, are without any
attraction. In that convent there were formerly some curious records in
the cloisters, of the heretics who had been burnt, from the year 1489 to
the year 1726; but these the monks have thought proper to remove. I saw
nothing in the convent to attract attention, excepting a picture of a
certain saint who came from Majorca to Barcellona in six hours, with no
other boat than his cloak. Great part of this convent was destroyed in
the war of independence; and the monks are now erecting a large and
handsome building for the reception of their library. The only other
religious edifice worth a visit, is the church of the Jesuits, which is
remarkable for the beauty of its marbles.
The opera house is also a respectable building, and the interior is
large and handsome. I several times availed myself of the _entreé_ to
the royal box, presented to me by the Conde de España. The Conde is
never seen in it; but it is always lighted in the interior, by elegant
candelabras, and centinels stand at the door, as if ready for the
reception of royalty, or its representative. The opera of Barcellona
enjoys a considerable reputation among the European operas; and the
inhabitants are passionately attached to it: but last year, it was
considered below its usual strength. The whole of the boxes in the
house, with the exception of five, are private boxes; and cost 50_l._,
55_l._, and 60_l._, according to their situation, for the season. This
impresses one with no mean idea of the inhabitants of a provincial city,
who can afford to rent the whole of the boxes in a large opera house, at
so considerable a price. Single places too, in what is called the
_lunetta_--a row of seats all round the front, and a little beneath the
level of the boxes, are taken by the season; and it is rarely that one
of these remains unlet after its commencement. These places cost fifty
dollars, and many of the best seats in the pit, are also let for the
season, at forty dollars. The first bass is paid the sum of two thousand
five hundred dollars for the season, the first tenor three thousand
dollars, the principal female singer two thousand four hundred dollars,
the second two thousand dollars; and a benefit is worth eight or nine
hundred dollars; for, upon these occasions, besides the free places,
presents are made by proprietors of boxes.
While at Barcellona, I walked one morning to the hill and fortress of
Monjuich, accompanied by Colonel Barry, then commandant of the citadel.
I believe that if sufficiently provisioned, the fortress is considered
to be impregnable. There are about two hundred brass cannon mounted, and
an immense number of unmounted guns, and a large garrison. In descending
the hill, and making a circuit towards the sea, some large stones with
Hebrew characters upon them, were pointed out to me; but the
inscriptions are now illegible. It is believed that this was the
burying place of the Jews, and the name Monjuich seems to favour the
supposition.
From Monjuich, after walking through the citadel, which is even a more
perfect fortification than the other, though by situation, less strong,
I continued my walk to Barcellonetta, the port of the city: the
buildings are modern, and ugly; all built upon the same plan, and all
constructed of red brick. A massive breakwater defends the entrance of
the harbour to the south; it is already four hundred yards in length,
and four hundred yards more are to be added to it. It is forty feet
broad, and thirty feet high. There were few vessels of any size in the
harbour, excepting two Spanish sloops of war, and a few foreign brigs.
The foreign trade of Barcellona is reduced almost to nothing;
particularly the trade with England. About thirty years ago, seven
hundred British vessels entered the port in one year. Since then, the
number has rapidly decreased. In the year 1825, fifty-three British
vessels entered the port, and in the year 1830, only eleven. This
decrease in the trade with England, is owing to several special causes.
One of these, is the non-importation of English hardware, which used
formerly to supply almost exclusively, the Spanish markets. This trade
has changed its direction; and in place of hardware of British
manufacture, it is now the manufacture of Germany that is used: they say
it is much cheaper, and nearly equal in quality. Another cause of the
decline of commerce between England and Barcellona, is a change in the
direction of the fish trade. The Swedish and Norwegian fish are now
preferred by the retail dealers, because, when steeped, they imbibe
water, which the cod of Newfoundland do not; and, as they are sold by
weight, the dealer finds his profit in this preference. Besides this
preference, which has deprived England of an important branch of trade,
the fish trade of Barcellona has suffered a general decline ever since
the year 1826. At that time, a house in Madrid (Shea) obtained a
monopoly of this trade in the Catalunian ports; and immediately, with a
short-sighted policy, additional duties were laid on. From that time,
the general import declined; and, although the duties have since been
lightened, the trade has not revived; because, when fish was scarce and
dear, the convents, where it is chiefly consumed, made use of vegetables
in its stead, and have now become accustomed to this change in diet.
Still another branch of trade which is lost to the commerce of England,
is cotton. The Catalunians have discovered that it is cheaper to import
cotton direct from Pernambuco, than to take it by way of England.
All these are _changes in the direction_ of the commerce of Barcellona,
operating upon the trade with England; but, some of them not affecting
the _extent_ of Barcellona commerce; nor, with the exception of cotton,
connected with its export trade. But the export trade of Barcellona has
almost entirely ceased. This, which consisted in silk and cotton
manufactured goods for the Spanish colonies, is now at an end, with the
exception of the small quantity still sent to the Havannah; and the
export of shoes also, which employed in their manufacture at Barcellona,
before the loss of the colonies, upwards of two thousand hands, has
also entirely ceased.
I had an opportunity, while at Barcellona, of being present at an
execution--the first I had seen in Spain. The man had been condemned to
the galleys for some previous offence, and had murdered one of his
fellow-convicts; and, although this is not an agreeable spectacle, yet,
as in every country, public spectacles, whether agreeable or the
reverse, exhibit some peculiarities either of character or of manners, I
resolved to be present. Three o’clock was the hour appointed; and all
that morning, as well as great part of the day before, there was an
unceasing noise of little bells, carried through the streets by boys in
scarlet cloaks, with the bell in one hand, and a box in the other,
collecting alms to purchase masses in the different convents and
churches, for the soul of the felon. There is another thing worth
relating, connected with the last days of a felon in Spain. A society,
called the Benevolent Society, undertakes to soften the last three days
of his existence, and to diminish the terrors of death, by the singular
device of increasing the pleasure of life. During these three days, he
may have every luxury he desires; he may feast upon the daintiest
viands, drink the choicest wines; and thus learn, in quitting the world,
new reasons for desiring to remain in it.
I obtained a good situation, close to the military who guarded the
ground. Besides the platform, there was erected, at a little distance,
an altar, upon which was placed an image of the Virgin and Child; and
opposite to this, a cross, with an image of Christ extended upon it. I
was much struck with the procession; the unfortunate felon was
accompanied by upwards of two thousand masked penitents, who looked more
like a train of devils than human beings; a black cloak entirely
enveloped the body and the head, holes only being left for the eyes and
mouth; a black pyramidical cap, at least eighteen inches high, crowned
the head; and each carried in his hand a long white wand. This strange
escort was the result of an indulgence published, and addressed to all
persons conscious of secret crimes, and penitent; granting its benefits
to such of them as submitted to the humiliation of accompanying the
felon to the scaffold. Two accomplices of the felon also accompanied
him, that they might benefit by seeing him hanged; and a friar of the
Franciscan order, was his spiritual guide.
After having been led to the altar, and then below the cross, where he
repeated a number of prayers, he ascended the platform attended by the
friar, who carried a large cross in his hand. When the offices of
religion were concluded, the man wished to address the people, and twice
began “Mis Hermanos,” but his voice was instantly drowned by shouts from
a crowd at some distance behind the platform, no doubt so instructed;
and when he found that he could not be heard, he gave the signal, and
the executioner immediately leapt upon his shoulders, and swung off the
platform; while the friar continued to speak, and extend the cross
towards him, long after he was insensible to its consolations. The
spectacle concluded by the friar ascending to the summit of the ladder,
and delivering a sermon, in which he did not omit the exhortation of
contributing largely towards masses for the soul of the deceased. The
exhortation was not without its effect; the little bells immediately
began to ring, and hundreds obeyed the invitation to piety.
Barcellona has always been celebrated for the zeal of its priesthood,
and for the pains taken by them to hoodwink the people; and even in
these days, religious bigotry is far more prevailing than might be
expected in a city so near the frontier; and which has had so much
connexion with foreign nations. In another chapter, I related a
circumstance that occurred eight years ago, when a peasant was condemned
to ten years imprisonment in the citadel, because he said unthinkingly,
that an image of some virgin was made of wood; and so late as the year
1827, another very flagrant example of religious superstition, and of
the use made of it even in these days by the clergy, occurred at
Barcellona. There was in one of the churches, or convents, an image of a
Virgin, called I believe, the Virgin of St. Pilar, and this image was
black. It was at this time, that an outcry had been raised against the
liberals, who were called Negroes; (negro is the Spanish for black) and
the rumour got abroad, that the negroes went to this church, to pay
adoration to the Black Virgin. Such being the case, the priests and
friars ventured upon and concerted a miracle which might have the double
effect of strengthening the faith of the people, and of bringing the
negroes into still greater discredit. One morning it was publicly
announced, that the Virgin of St. Pilar, had changed from black to
white; and the good Catholics of Barcellona were invited to go and see
the miracle with their own eyes; and they went by thousands. Let it not
be forgotten that this happened only three years ago.
I have to add to these notices of Barcellona and its inhabitants, the
price of provisions. Beef sells at thirty-two quartos per pound, of
thirty-six ounces. Mutton, thirty-five quartos; scarcely cheaper than in
England. Pork, twenty quartos per pound of sixteen ounces; a good fowl
costs twelve reals; and a pair of chickens the same--both as dear as in
England. A turkey, thirty-two to forty reals. The best bread, seven
quartos (2_d._) per pound. The wages of artizans are, in general, 2_s._
6_d._ per day; and field labour about 1½_d._, without including
victuals.
Before finally quitting Barcellona, I resolved to pay a visit to
Monserrat,--a place that has derived remarkable notoriety from the
singularity of its situation. I accordingly left Barcellona at the early
hour of four, in a galera, which passed within half a league of the foot
of the mountain. The country between Barcellona and Martorrel is the
same as I have described on my journey from Tarragona; and from
Martorrel to the foot of Monserrat, the land is divided between corn and
wine; it is every where populous, and every where exhibits proofs of
Catalunian industry. The approach to Monserrat from this side, is not
remarkably striking, owing to the elongated form of the mountain; but as
we approach nearer, its height, and singular conformation, become
sufficiently imposing. After quitting the galera, I walked to the small
village that lies at the foot of the mountain; and having got some
chocolate, and a guide, I began the ascent. A zig-zag path, of not less
than a league and a half, leads up the mountain to the convent, which is
not seen until at an abrupt turn it is discovered lying on a platform,
in a recess of the rocks which rise in perpendicular cliffs directly
behind it. The view from this platform is wild and imposing; towards the
north, a long line of snowy summits marks the Pyrennean boundary of the
Peninsula; towards Barcellona, the Mediterranean is seen beyond the rich
and diversified country that lies between the mountains and the sea;
while the mountain itself,--its lower part encircled by a belt of
wood,--its grotesque range of rocky peaks above, and its convent, and
hermitages, are not the least striking features of the landscape. In the
interior of the convent I saw little deserving of notice; the occupation
of it by the French, and other causes, have left it nearly a ruin; but
its ruins shew its former extent. The architecture of the building is
mixed; part of it is Gothic; while later parts were built in the time of
Julius II., and of Philip III. There were formerly seventy monks in the
convent; but now, it is inhabited by thirty only. I saw in the
refectory, a pilgrim who had come all the way from St. Jago in the
Asturias, and who was going to Rome. By the rules of the convent, a
pilgrim is fed three days within it. He was a man past the middle age,
and was rather reserved in his communications; not appearing willing to
tell any more than where he had come from, and whither he was going. His
habit was covered with scallops and little images.
Monserrat is not the interesting spot it was formerly. The numerous
hermitages were then tenanted, and the convent possessed many curious
and valuable things; but the French carried away the latter, and
destroyed the former; and now, Monserrat is worthy of a visit only on
account of its situation, the view enjoyed from it, and the singularity
of its aspect and conformation. The mountain is said to be four thousand
feet high; and the platform of the convent is two thousand five hundred
feet above the Mediterranean; the lower parts are treeless, with the
exception of a few scattered and stunted ilex; but its acclivities are
covered with a thick carpet of box, juniper, rosemary, and a thousand
fragrant shrubs.
I returned to the inn about dusk, and found the accommodation so bad,
that I regretted I had not accepted the letter offered by the Conde de
España, to the abbot; but I did not, at that time, purpose visiting
Monserrat; and perhaps a dormitory in the convent might have been as
comfortless as the quarto in the venta. Next morning, at day-break, I
left the village on muleback, and arrived in Barcellona in sufficient
time to make one at the hospitable board of Mr. Annesley, nephew of Earl
Annesley, and his Britannic Majesty’s consul at Barcellona, whose many
kindnesses, gentlemanly attentions, and unwearied hospitality, I eagerly
and gratefully acknowledge.
My journey in Spain now approached its conclusion,--I had only to travel
from Barcellona to the frontier; and as the general aspect of the
country could be seen as well by rapid as by slow travelling, I resolved
to take advantage of the public conveyance, and left Barcellona by the
Diligence, for Perpignan, some hours before day-break. The year had
already expired, but winter had scarcely made itself felt. The mornings
and evenings, indeed, had been chilly enough to turn one’s thoughts
towards the comforts of a fire; and once or twice at Barcellona, when I
walked round the ramparts before breakfast, I observed a thin covering
of ice upon the pools; but there had been no rains,--the days were clear
and sun-shining; and one might liken the season to a dry month of March
in England,--only with fewer clouds.
It is scarcely possible to conceive a more beautiful drive than between
Barcellona and Gerona. The road keeps near to the sea all the way, and
an enchanting country lies on the left. You pass through a succession of
little plains, each from half a mile to three miles across, and each
containing a village. These plains lie in little recesses of the
mountains, which screen them behind, and separate them from each other,
leaving one side open to the sea. They are covered with the finest
vegetation, which advances within twenty yards of the sea, and are
generally skirted by a hedge of aloes, that runs all along the coast.
Between these plains the hills run forward into the sea, generally
terminating in perpendicular cliffs; and the road, after traversing the
green level, approaches close to the sea, and is carried along the front
of the precipice, till having passed the barrier, it then descends into
another of these little smiling recesses. These plains were covered with
beautiful and promising crops when I passed through them; and round the
villages, beds of every kind of vegetable,--cauliflower, cabbage,
carrot, onion, and pease, shewed excellent crops, all ready for the
kitchen. Every house, the centre of its own little farm, has a draw-well
in its neighbourhood, from which the land is supplied. Some of these
villages were singularly beautiful, particularly Cardetta, hanging upon
some heights above the sea, with its little fertile plain,--all that the
mountains would allow to it,--lying at its feet. These heights were
entirely covered with the prickly pear, the last I saw; and near that
village I also saw the last palm tree; but it was of stunted growth, not
the stately and branchy palm of Elche.
The difference between the villages and cottages of Catalunia, and of
the other provinces of Spain, is seen at a glance; and in the state of
the inhabitants, the difference is equally striking. The houses and
cottages have an air of greater neatness and comfort,--there is glass in
the windows, and the insides display the articles of furniture in common
use. No beggars, and fewer ragged people are seen,--industry is
evidently active,--stones are removed from the ground, and collected in
heaps,--fences are more general, and more neatly constructed,--nobody is
seen basking in the sun,--even the women and girls who are tending the
cattle, are not sitting idly wrapped up in plaids, but every one has her
spindle in her hand. In short there is altogether a new order of things.
We breakfasted at Mataro, a considerable and once a flourishing
sea-port, famous for the excellence of its wine; and, till lately,
famous for its linens and laces, which were exported to the colonies;
and about mid-day we left the sea-coast, and entered the mountains. New
and charming scenes awaited us in passing through these mountains to
Gerona. Covered with stately pine, their sides were also clothed with
the richest underwood of evergreens, flowering shrubs, and fragrant
plants; among which the beautiful arbutus was particularly
distinguished. After emerging from the mountains, we entered the fertile
and sheltered valley of Gerona, where we arrived about sunset. This was
once a place of importance, now chiefly attested in the number of its
religious edifices, for here there are no fewer than thirteen churches,
besides the cathedral and eleven convents. The bishopric is richer than
that of Barcellona. At Gerona we supped, and slept, and set out next
morning about day-break.
Between Gerona and Figueras, I saw nothing that deserves to be recorded,
excepting the change in temperature; a bitter wind blew off the
Pyrennees, and reminded me that I had left the regions of the south
behind; and when we reached Figueras I hailed a blazing fire upon the
hearth, with the satisfaction of a northern traveller. The fuel here,
attracted my notice; it was a thin dark cake, which, upon inquiry, I
found to be the refuse of the olive, after it is pressed, and which, I
have no doubt, might be given with advantage to the cattle. I learned,
however, that it is not put to this purpose, though it is given to pigs
and poultry. The price of this cake is sixteen reals (3_s._ 4_d._) the
100 lb. It is singular, that at this town, so near the frontier, the inn
should still be in all respects, the Spanish posada: it is just as
little French as the posada of Murcia or Andalusia: the fire still
blazes in the middle of the floor; coffee and tea are still
unattainable; and meat is to be found not in the inn, but in the market:
how numerous and expressive must be the shrugs of the Frenchman who
makes Figueras his first halting place. _Caffé au lait_, or
_coutelettes_, are alike out of the question.
From Figueras to Junquera, the last town in Spain, I passed through a
pleasant undulating country, and then entered the valley that lies under
the Pyrenees,--a valley not fertile, but picturesque, traversed by a
small mountain stream, covered with the olive and the cork tree, and
winding into the recesses of the mighty barrier that shuts out the
Peninsula from the rest of the world. Rising above the valley, I found
myself inclosed among the mountains, and leaving Spain behind; I had
left the carriage, to walk up the steep ascent; and soon, Bellegarde,
upon the summit of the pass, and the pillars that mark the boundary of
the kingdoms, appeared in sight. The valley behind was still visible
through the defile; and as I turned round to look upon Spain for the
last time, a thousand recollections and vague fancies crowded upon my
mind. I felt a sensation something like pride, in having traversed
Spain. Much I had seen to interest, much to delight, much to lament,
much to remember; and as I turned away, regret was not unmingled with my
other feelings. As I pursued my way up the mountains, that had now shut
out the view of the valleys below, Spain, as fancy had once pictured
it--and Spain, as I had seen it, rose successively to my memory. But it
pleased me to discover, that romance had outlived reality, or was
mingled with it; for the fragrant, and palmy valleys of Spain, still lay
among the regions of fiction; Seville retained in my mind, its
character of a fabled city; the Sierra Morena was yet traversed by the
knight of La Mancha; and Spain, with all its realities before me, was
still the land of romance.
THE END.
Printed by S. Manning and Co., London house-yard, St. Paul’s.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] Since this was put to press, Sir George Don has been recalled.
[B] Some account of this enterprise seems to be a natural digression;
and as the fullest account of the rash attempt which led to the
abandonment of the enterprise, is to be found in the work of M.
Bourgoing, I make no apology for transferring it to these pages. “The
court of Spain, weary of the fruitless blockade of Gibraltar, which
excited the ridicule of all Europe, and of the besieged themselves,
seriously determined to take this fortress by some extraordinary
expedient or other, against which its steepness, its formidable
artillery, and all the skill of General Elliot should prove unavailing.
Plans poured in from all quarters; some bold to extravagance, others so
whimsical, that it was scarcely possible to look upon them as serious.
Several of this kind I received myself. One of those sent to ministers,
formally proposed to throw up, in front of the lines of St. Roch, a
prodigious mount, higher than Gibraltar, which would consequently
deprive that fortress of its principal means of defence. The author had
calculated the quantity of cubic fathoms of earth, the number of hands,
and the time that would be required by this enormous undertaking, and
proved that it would be less expensive, and less destructive than the
prolongation of the siege upon the plan on which it had been begun.
“Another proposed to fill the bombs with a substance so strongly
mephitic, that on bursting in the fortress, they would either put to
flight, or poison the besieged with their exhalations.
“The plan of D’Arçon was at length presented, and engaged the more
serious attention of the Spanish government.
“This plan, first projected at a distance from Gibraltar, by that
engineer, who, notwithstanding the issue of that famous siege, still
enjoyed the reputation of a man of great talents, was afterwards
matured and modified by him within sight of the fortress. But how many
crosses was he doomed to experience! * * * * * * * * Scarcely any
thing is known respecting it, except what relates to the ten floating
batteries, which, on the 13th of September, 1782, foolishly exposed
themselves to the fire of Gibraltar, and were reduced to ashes by the
red-hot shot from the English batteries. This method of summing up the
result of enterprises, is very convenient for indolence or malignity,
but would furnish history with very erroneous elements. Enlightened
by contemporary historians, her pages will inform posterity, that
if this great undertaking failed, it was from a concurrence of
circumstances which the genius of D’Arçon could not possibly control.
One of the principal was, the hurry with which the plan was put in
execution, before all the necessary preparations had been made for
ensuring its success. It is well known that the ten batteries had
been so constructed as to present to the fire of the fortress, one
side covered with blinds three feet thick, and kept continually wet
by a very ingenious contrivance. The red-hot balls were thus expected
to be extinguished on the spot where they penetrated; but this first
measure proved incomplete. The awkwardness of the caulkers prevented
the working of the pumps, which were designed to keep up the humidity.
It succeeded only on board one of them, the Talla-Piedra, and that
very imperfectly. But this was not all; though the place where they
were to take their stations had been but very slightly sounded, they
had received instructions what course they were to pursue, in order
to avoid striking, and to place themselves at a proper distance. This
precaution likewise proved unavailing. Don Ventura Moreno, a brave
seaman, but incapable of executing a plan, stung to the quick by a
letter sent him in the evening of the 12th of September, by General
Crillon, which contained this expression: ‘If you do not make an
attack, you are a man without honour;’ hastened the departure of the
batteries, and placed them in an order contrary to the plan which
had been adopted. In consequence of this mistake, no more than two
could sustain themselves at the concerted distance of two hundred
fathoms. These were, the Pastora, commanded by Moreno himself, and
the Talla-Piedra, on board of which, were the Prince of Nassau, and
D’Arçon: but they were exposed to the fire of the most formidable
battery; that of the Royal Bastion, instead of all ten being drawn
up around the old mole, and receiving only sidewise the fire of that
battery.
“The only two batteries which occupied this dangerous post made great
havoc, and sustained dreadful loss. The Talla-Piedra received a fatal
shot. In spite of all precautions, a red-hot ball penetrated to the dry
part of the vessel: its effect was slow. The Talla-Piedra had opened
her fire about ten in the morning; the ball struck her three and five.
The mischief did not appear irremediable till midnight. The San Juan,
one of her next neighbours, shared the same fate. It appears certain
that the eight others remained untouched.
“But what was still more distressing, every thing was wanting at once:
cables to tow off the batteries in place of accident, and boats to
receive the wounded. The attack was to have been supported by ten
ships, and upwards of sixty gun-boats. Neither boats, gun-boats, nor
ships, made their appearance.
“Lastly, according to the projected position, the gun-boats were to
have been seconded by the one hundred and eighty pieces of cannon at
the lines of St. Roch. This co-operation was rendered impracticable.
Near four hundred pieces of artillery were to have opened at once upon
North Bastion, Montagu Bastion, and Orange Bastion. With a superiority
of nearly three hundred pieces, D’Arçon flattered himself that he
should be able to silence the artillery of the fortress. What was
his consternation when he found that the besiegers had no more than
sixty or seventy pieces, to oppose to more than two hundred and eighty
belonging to the besieged.
“The combined squadron remained quiet spectators of this tremendous
scene: Guichen, who commanded the French ships, sent to offer
assistance to Moreno; who replied that he had no occasion for any.
“Matters continued to grow worse; and no remedy could be devised.
Eight of the batteries were at too great a distance to do or to
sustain much injury. The two others bore in their bosoms the elements
of destruction. Moreno, despairing of being able to save any of
them, and resolving that they should not fall into the hands of the
English, directed that those which were already in flames should be
suffered to burn, and that all the others should be set on fire. I
have seen the original order to this effect. Such was the result of
that day, on which were annihilated ten vessels--the masterpieces of
human ingenuity--the building of which cost three millions of livres,
and whose artillery, anchors, cables, rigging, &c., amounted to two
millions and a half more.
“D’Arçon, in the first moment of his consternation, acknowledged
that he alone was to blame for the fatal issue of the day. I had for
a considerable time in my possession the original of the short, but
emphatic letter, which he wrote to Montmorin the ambassador, from the
very shore of Algesiras, amid the dying sound of the artillery, and by
the light of the burning batteries. It was as follows: “I have burned
the Temple of Ephesus; every thing is lost, and through my fault. What
comforts me under my misfortune is, that the glory of the two kings
remains untarnished.” But on recovering from the shock, D’Arçon wrote a
learned memoir, in which he took great pains to modify the confession
which had escaped him; and to prove that he had more than one partner;
or rather that circumstances, the most untoward and imperious,
constituted his only fault.
“Scarcely had Gibraltar foiled beneath its walls, this formidable
attempt, when in sight of our armies and our squadron, the place was
re-victualled by Admiral Howe, who afterwards, with his thirty-six
ships, boldly entered the Mediterranean. He was seen from Buena Vista
passing from one sea to the other; every spectator supposed that he
was running into the jaws of destruction. The fifty-two ships which
were in the bay, weighed anchor, and pursued him; but Howe baffled our
endeavours, as fortune had done our plans; and returned through the
Streights in the same security as he had entered them.” Such is the
account given by M. Bourgoing. He had access to know the facts, and
they are probably correct; but there is, evidently, a French polish
over the whole detail.
[C] The existence of this gateway, and the story connected with it,
are perhaps known to few, but were identified in the researches made
to verify this history. The gateway is at the bottom of a great tower,
at some distance from the main body of the Alhambra. The tower had
been rent and ruined by gunpowder, at the time when the fortress was
evacuated by the French. Great masses lie around, half covered by vines
and fig trees.--_Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada._
End of Project Gutenberg's Spain in 1830, vol. 2, by Henry D. Inglis