of the Italian municipalities has been, as we have seen, but the study
of other institutions of which the municipality formed only a part. No
attempt has been made to do more than prove the origin and trace the
earliest development of those principles, which in their maturity were
to gain for the municipal unit that position where the study of its
own structure would become an object of interest, entirely apart and
distinct from any of its surroundings. It has been shown that the city
did not inherit any such position from its immediate predecessor the
Roman _municipium_, which we have learnt to consider as overthrown,
from a constitutional standpoint as annihilated; but that the new
principle introduced into state life by the northern conquerors of
Italy, the principle of administration by county rather than by urban
divisions, relegated the city to an inferior place as part of a rural
holding, instead of leaving it the centre of a circle of rural
dependencies. Having demonstrated the absence of all constitutional
recognition of the municipal unit as such, I have attempted to show
how a condition of such legal insignificance became generally a
condition of actual importance; how from a position of such negative
interest, the advance of the city was commenced along a road which was
ultimately to restore it its old pre-eminence, even adding to this in
time the almost forgotten attribute of sovereignty. The motives for
this advance we have seen to be no higher ones than convenience and
expediency, which made the _urbs_ of every _civitas_ the natural
centre of its local administration, thereby in fact, if in no way by
law, restoring to it some of the elements of individuality, if not of
pre-eminence, which it had lost. The means employed we have seen to be
the functions of the various officers of state: the _dux_, the count
and the gastald, who connected the city with the state, and the
_scabinus_ and the bishop, who represented this connection to the
consciousness of the people. We have noted the marked effects produced
on the development of a more popular feeling, by the changes
introduced by the great emperor of the Franks; which, by diminishing
the power of the local lords, accomplished a double benefit; on the
one hand by saving the people from the arbitrary rule of a feudal
superior; on the other, by causing the city to become more of a
dependence and more of a support to the state as a whole. And finally
we have left the city prepared, on the return of another dynasty of
native kings, to accept, at least in a large number of cases, the
domination of another kind of lord, a spiritual one; who was to serve
as a medium for breaking up the power of the old lords of the
_civitas_, and from whom it would be an easier task for the commune of
the future to wrest the power and the sovereignty which was to make it
a free and independent autonomy.
* * * * *
AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT AND FOOT-NOTES.
_Anastasius Bibliothecarius_: Vitae Romanorum Pontificum. v.
_Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. III., Pars I.
_Baluzii, Stephanus_: Capitular. Regum Francorum additae sunt
_Marculfi_ Monachi et aliorum formulae veteres. Parisiis, 1780. 2
vols. fol.
_Bethmann-Hollweg_: Schrift über den Ursprung der lombardischen
Städtefreiheit.
_Bouquet, Martin_: Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France,
etc. Paris, 1738-1855. 21 vols. fol.
_Brunetti_: Codice Diplomatico Toscano. Firenze, 1806.
_Canciani, Paolo_: Barbarorum Leges Antiquae, etc. Venetiis,
1781-1792. (Formulae Baluzii, Marcolfi & Mabillon.)
_Chronica Farfensis_. v. _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. II.,
Pars II.
_Eichhorn_: Deutsche Staats- und Rechtsgeschichte. Gött., 1803-23.
_Fumagalli, Angelo_: Codice Diplomatico S. Ambrosiano. Milano, 1805.
_Hegel, Carl_: Geschichte der Städteverfassung von Italien. Leipzig,
1847.
_Leo, Heinrich_: Verfassung der lombardischen Städte. 1820.
_Liutprandus Ticinensis_: Opera, v. _Pertz_, Monum.; Script., Tom.
III.
_Lex Salica_. v. _Canciani_: Barbar. Leg. Antiq., Tom. V.
_Lupo, Mario_: Codex Diplomaticus civitatis et ecclesiae Bergomatis,
etc. Bergomi, 1784-1799. Vols. 2.
_Mabillon_: De Re Diplomatica. Parisiis, 1709. (General
Collection.)--Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti. Parisiis, 1703-39.
_Macchiavelli, Nicolo_: Istorie Florentine, _v_. Delle Opere, Tom.
II., ed. Milano, 1804.
_Migne_: Patrologiae Cursus Completus, etc. Series Latina.
_Muratori_: Scriptores Rerum Italicarum. Mediolani,
1723.--Dissertazioni sopra le Antichità Italiane, etc. Roma, 1755.
_Otto (Freising)_: Chron.
_Pertz_: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, etc. (Diplom.; Leges; Script.)
_Paulus Diaconus_: De Gestis Langobard. v. _Muratori_: Script. Rer.
Ital., Tom. I.
_Savigny_: Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter, etc.
_Sismondi_: Histoire des Républiques Italiennes du Moyen Age. Paris,
1840.
_Tacitus_: Germania.
_Tiraboschi, Girol_: Storia della Badia di S. Silvestro di Nonantula,
etc. Modena, 1784-1785.
_Tomasini, Ludov._: Dei Benefizii.
_Tommasio_: Historia sanese.
_Troya_: Delia Condizione dei Romani, etc.
_Ughelli_: Italia Sacra. 10 vols. fol. Venetiis, 1717-1722.
Collections of documents in the _Archivii_ of many cities of Northern
Italy.
N.B.--The above list is restricted to those works to which direct
reference is made in the text and foot-notes.
FOOTNOTES:
[1:] _Paulus Diaconus_: De Gest. Lang., Lib. II., c. 32. v.
_Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., T. I., p. 436. The Gothic system was
to take one-third of the land itself from the conquered people; the
Lombards on the other hand took one-third of the produce, "_frugum_."
[2:] With the growth of society and the increase of population, the
_milites_ gain added power, and become the "_catanei_," the barons of
the period, or as some are pleased to call them, the "rural counts."
[3:] _Tacitus_: Germania, cap. xvi.
[4:] The Sagas say the Lombards came originally from Scandinavia.
Their name is commonly derived from "Long-beard," but more probably
came from words signifying "a long stretch of land." Their first
appearance in history is during the first century of the Christian
era, in the region of Magdeburg. All trace of them is then lost till
they reappear in the fifth century on the banks of the Oder; they then
go south to the river Theiss. They are in a constant state of war with
the Gepidae, a tribe nearly as fierce as themselves, which strife is
supposed to have been fomented by the eastern emperors. In the year
567 the Lombards, under their king Alboin, together with the Avars,
begin to move into Pannonia from Dacia and the region of the Don.
Kunnemund, the king of the Gepidae, is killed, and his conquered
people merged in the race of their conquerors. In the next year, still
victorious, they overrun Northern Italy.
[5:] Some of these cities were enabled to hold out for a considerable
period. Pavia was not taken till 572.
[6:] To these seaports some of the functionaries of the inland towns,
especially among the clergy, were able to effect their escape. For
instance, the Archbishop of Milan fled to Genoa, and the Archbishop of
Aquileja to Venice.
[7:] The Christianity of the Lombards of the invasion was of the Arian
form. Autari, who reigned from 584 to 591, married Theodolinda of
Bavaria, and she first introduced orthodox Christianity. At the death
of Autari she married Agiluf (591-615) duke of Turin, who was an
Arian, but who pursued a mediative policy. During his reign a double
ecclesiastical system, with orthodox and Arian bishops side by side,
was maintained.
[8:] Justinian gave him the right to exercise, in reference to each
city, the functions of the governor of the province, during the
latter's absence; and granted him jurisdiction in all cases not
involving a larger sum than 300 _aurei_. He had a certain amount of
authority in criminal matters, and two apparitors were attached to his
person. The _defensores_ had two guarantees for their power and their
independence. 1. They had the right of passing over the various
degrees in the public administration, and of carrying their complaints
at once before the praetorian prefect; this freed them from the
jurisdiction of the provincial authorities. 2. They were elected by
the general body of the inhabitants of the _municipium_.
[9:] _Paulus Diaconus_: Lib. V., 7, 17, 18.
[10:] His words are: "Erano stati i Longobardi dugento ventidue anni
in Italia, e di già non ritenevano di forastieri altro che il
nome."--_Nicolò Macchiavelli_: Istorie Fiorentine, Lib. I. _vid_.
Opere, Vol. III., p. 219 (ed. Milano, 1804).
[11:] It is difficult to draw any picture of the different ranks of
society at this period, which would at once be perfectly accurate, and
yet definite enough to give entire satisfaction to the student.
[12:] Geschichte des römischen Rechts im Mittelalter, _passim_.
[13:] _Brunetti_: Cod. Diplom. Toscan. Firenze, 1806, Docum. No. 44.
[14:] _Idem_. Docum. No. 8.
[15:] _Brunetti_: Cod. Diplom. Toscan. Docum. Nos. 6-10.
[16:] _Idem_. Docum. No. 43.
[17:] _Liutprandi_: Leg. Long. Prolog. Anni XVI. et XV. et al. Vid.
_Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. I., P. II., p. 15, et seq.
[18:] _Liutprandi_: Leg. Prolog. Anni XIII. Vid. _Muratori_: Script.
Rer. Ital., Tom. I., P. II., p. 15.
[19:] _Crimoaldi_: Leg. Prolog. Vid. _Muratori_ op. cit. Tom. I., P.
II., p. 49.
[20:] _Liutprandi_: Leg. Prolog. ad Lib. III. Vid. _Muratori_: Script.
Rer. Ital., Tom. I., Pars II., p. 15.
[21:] _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., T. II., Pars II.
[22:] _Savigny_: Gesch. des röm. Rechts im Mittelalter, S. 422 et al.
[23:] _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. I., Pars II., p. 15.
[24:] _Paulus Diaconus_: De Gest. Langobard., Lib. III., cap. 16.
[25:] _Brunetti_: Cod. Diplom. Toscan. Docum. No. 6, anni 715.
[26:] _Ibid_.: Cod. Diplom. Toscan. Docum. No. 8, anni 715.
[27:] _Ibid_.: Docum. No. 11, anni 716.
[28:] _Ibid_.: Docum. No. 50, anni 756.
[29:] _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. I., Pars II., p. 192E.
[30:] _Muratori_: Antiq. Ital. Diss. II., p. 186.
[31:] _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. II., Pars II., p. 409.
[32:] In a donation to "Aimo Voltarius, abitator castrii Viterbii."
Vid, _Troya_: Della Condizione, etc., p. 361. Docum. No. 6, anni 775.
[33:] _Ughelli_: Italia Sacra, Tom. III., p. 28.
[34:] _Ibid_.: Tom. II., p. 145.
[35:] The word _palatium_ in the signification of _fiscus_ is perhaps
more frequently used by the Frankish kings than by the Lombard. See a
_privilegium_ granted to the nuns of the Posterla di Pavia by Lothar
I. in the year 839, in which it appears that any one infringing its
privileges must pay seventy pounds of the best gold, to be applied
"medietatem Palatio nostro, et medietatem parti ejusdem monasterii."
Vid. _Muratori_: Antiq. Ital. Diss. XVI., Tom I., P. I., p. 233. Also
several diplomas of Charles the Fat, and others make use of the same
term. The word _camera_ for _fiscus_ as the imperial treasury, was
probably not used before the time of Lewis II.; the first authentic
use of it in that sense being probably a diploma of that monarch of
the year 894, where he says that one hundred pounds of gold are to be
paid "medietatem Imperiali Camere et medietatem suprataxatae
Angilberge." Vid. _Muratori_: loc. cit. p. 234.
[36:] From _Otto of Freising_, De Gest. Freder., Lib I., cap. 31, we
know that the same distribution took place in Hungary, which was
divided into seventy _comitates_; "et de omni justitia ad Fiscum
Regium duas lucri partes cedere, tertiam tantum Comiti remanere."
[37:] _Charlemagne_: Leg. Lomb. Nos. 127 and 128.
[38:] Lex No. 128.
[39:] _Muratori_: Diss. Ant. Ital. Dissert. VIII., Tom. I., P. I., p.
96.
[40:] _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. II., Pars II.
[41:] In illustration of this fact I will cite the names of some of
the various taxes, dues and privileges, mention of which is found in
the old documents. The feudal character of these will be apparent to
the reader. Following the rough division indicated in the text, we
have:
I. Under heading "_Fines and Forfeitures_":
1. Forfaturae:
Forisfacturae,
Multae (Mulcte),
Freda,
_e.g_. Leudis (Leudum) for homicide.
Penalties and compositions for crime.
2. Scadentiae:
Excadentia,
Bona caduca.
_Publicum_ falls heir to various classes of individuals. Cf. Leg.
_Rhotari_, No. 158 et al.
3. Lagan (Laganum).
Seizure of shipwrecked goods by the state. Examples more
common after year 1000 A. D.
II. Under the head of "_Taxes and Privileges_":
1. _Onera Publica_, or Angariae (Perangariae), Factiones publicae.
_a_. Heribannum: Penalty for avoidance of military service.
Cf. _Charlemagne_, Leges, No. 23 et al.
_b_. Heribergum: Hospitality to _Missi_ of emperor or king. Cf.
_Charlemagne_, Leges, No. 128 et al.
_c_. Mansionaticum (Mansiones, Evectio): Lodging for king and
his ministers.
Conjectum was a pro rata tax on a district so as to meet the
expense. Cf. _Lud. Pius_, Leg. Nos. 54, 24, et al. loc.
Tractoria gave specification of what should be provided in each
case. For Formula, v. _Marcolfo_, Lib. I.
_d_. Veredi (Paraveredi): Horses and beasts of burden for king
and ministers. Cf. in Capitular. Reg. Franc. saepe. Capit.
_Lud_. II., Ad Missos, etc.
Census vehicularius, fiscalis or publicus was post to carry, free
of expense, king's letters, etc.
_e_. Foderum (Fodrum): Support of a king and his army in
passing through a district. Cf. many privileges and exemptions
to different churches and monasteries. Articles of the Peace of
Constance. Some privileges to private persons.
2. _Teloneum_.
_a_. Pedagium: General word for _tolls_ on streets, roads,
bridges, etc.
[Greek: alpha]. Pontaticum, for bridges.
[Greek: beta]. Portaticum, for gates.
[Greek: gamma]. Platiaticum, for license to sell in market.
[Greek: delta]. Casaticum, for houses.
Cf. _Otho_ II., Diploma to Monast. Volturno a. 983, et al. loc.
_b_. Ripaticum: General word for tolls and taxes for transport by
water. Cf. Diploma of Berenger II. v. _Ughelli_, Italia Sacra,
Tom. V. Also a Privilegium of Charlemagne, anno 787. v.
_Ughelli_, Italia Sacra, Tom. V., a. 787. This privilegium
confirms the laws of Liutprand, and shows how much the
inhabitants of Como had to pay in various places in moving salt
down the rivers of Lombardy.
[Greek: alpha]. Paliscitura,
[Greek: beta]. Trasitura,
[Greek: gamma]. Navium ligatura.
Wharfage dues.
[Greek: delta]. Portonaticum, harbor dues.
[Greek: epsilon]. Curatura, probably a tax on certain
merchandise.
[Greek: zeta]. Passagio, probably same as preceding, but
possibly a tax in favor of those going to the Holy Land.
8. _Auxilia_ (Occasiones) (dues from vassals):
_a_. Praestitiones.
_b_. Dona.
_c_. Gratuita.
_d_. Mutua.
More common after the year 1000 A.D.; but, for an example in the
year 878, see a Diploma of Lewis II., published by _Puricelli_
in his Monumenti della Basilica Arnbrosiana.
III. Under head of "_lands owned by Crown or Publicum_":
1. _Terra Censualis_. Holder of t.c. owed these duties:
_a_. Glaudaticum,
_b_. Escaticum,
_c_. Herbaticum,
_d_. Datio,
_e_. Alpaticum,
_f_. Agrarium.
Payments for right to pasture cattle and swine on public lands.
Cf. Chron. da Volturno, a. 972. Chron. Farfensis. Privileg. Lud.
Pii, et al. loc.
_g_. Terraticum, amount of produce given for right to cultivate.
_h_. Pascuarium, payment for sheep pastured on the public land.
_i_. Boazia, tax levied on every pair of oxen; probably not
developed before XII. century.
The taxes and so forth mentioned in this list are by no means all that
were levied, but are a fair representation of them. After the year
1000 their feudal character is even more strongly marked.
[42:] This statement, while true of all integral parts of the Lombard
kingdom, must, however, be modified in regard to the great duchies of
Spoleto and Beneventum, which were under a different system of
internal government from the kingdom of Lombardy proper--were, in
fact, small tributary kingdoms under great dukes enjoying practically
royal powers. The Duchy of Beneventum seems to have been divided into
_gastaldata_, divisions of territory similar to the _civitates_ of
Lombardy, but presided over by a gastald instead of by a _dux_ or
_comes_. In the charter of division made between the dukes of
Beneventum and of Salerno in the year 851--v. _Muratori_, Ant. Ital.
Diss. X.--are mentioned "integra gastaldata, seu ministeria Tarentum,
Latinianum, Cusentia, etc." And, at an earlier date, _Paulus
Diaconus_--De Gest. Long., Lib. V., cap. 29--tells of a certain
"Alzeconis Dux de Bulgaris," to whom Grimoald, Duke of Beneventum,
gives "ad habitandum ... Lepianum, Bovianum et Inferniam, et aliis cum
suis territoriis civitates; ipsumque Alzeconem mutato dignitatis
nomine, de duce gastaldium vocari praecepit."
[43:] v. _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. III., Pars II., p. 162D.
[44:] _Liutprandi_: Leg. Lib. VI., Leg. 29. v. _Muratori_: Script.
Rer. Ital., Tom. I., Pars II.
[45:] _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss. X., Vol. I., P. I., p. 121.
[46:] _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. III., p. 155A.
[47:] Ed. _Rhotari_: Leg. 23 and 24. v. _Muratori_: op. cit., Tom. I.,
Pars II.
[48:] _Liutprandi_: Leg. Lib. IV., 7.
[49:] _Liutprandi_, Leg. Lib. IV., 8, says: "Si homines de sub uno
Judice, de duobus tamen Sculdahis causam habuerint, etc."
[50:] _Paulus Diaconus_: De Gest. Lang., Lib. VI., 24.
[51:] _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss. X., Vol. I., Parte II., p. 116.
[52:] _Ughelli_: Italia Sacra, Tom. V.
[53:] _Caroli Magni_, Leg. Lomb. 36: "Ut nullus homo in Placito
Centenarii neque ad mortem, neque ad libertatem suam amittendam, aut
res reddendas vel mancipia judicetur. Sed ea omnium in praesentia
Comitum, vel Missorum nostrorum, judicentur."
[54:] _Liutprandi_: Leg. Lib. V., 15.
[55:] Chronicon Fontanellense, Cap. I. v. _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss.
X., Vol. I., Parte I., p. 117.
[56:] _Rachis_, a decree of--existing in the Monast. of Bobbio. v.
_Muratori_: Aut. tal. Diss., Vol. I., Part I., p. 118 (Diss. X.).
[57:] _Liutprandi Ticinensis_: Historia, Lib. I., cap. 10. v.
_Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital. II., p. 431. _Pertz_, Monum.; Script.,
Tom. III.
[58:] The opposite sides of the question are ably presented by
_Savigny_: Geschichte des Röm. Rechts, etc., Vol. I., p. 230 et seq.
(trans.), and _Hegel_; Städteverfassung v. Italien, etc., I., page
470, note.
[59:] It is difficult to find an English word which intelligently
renders the various names for these freemen in their judicial
capacity, used by the different nations, such as _arimanni,
rachinburgi, boni homines_, etc. Most English writers make use of the
German word _schöppen_. I have taken the rendering "judicators" from
Edward Cathcart, the translator of the first volume of Savigny's
Geschichte des Römischen Rechts im Mittelalter.
[60:] _Liutprandi_: Leg. 25, Lib. IV., 7.
[61:] _Rachis_: Leg. No. 11.
[62:] _Savigny_: Geschichte, etc., Vol. I., p. 233, trans.
[63:] Preserved in the Archives of Farfa. Published by: _Mabillon_:
Annales Ord. S. Benedicti, Tom. II., p. 154. _Muratori_: Script. Rer.
Ital., Tom. II., Pars II., p. 341.
[64:] We have confirmation of this from a document of the early part
of the ninth century, which says: "De Vicariis et Centenariis qui
magis propter cupiditatem quam propter justitiam faciendam saepissime
placita tenent, et exinde populum minus affligunt, ita teneatur ... ut
videlicet in anno tria solummodo generalia placita observent et nullos
eos amplius placita observare compellat." From Worms Capitulary of
_Lewis the Debonnair_, a. 829, c. 5. Also compare: Capit. V., anni
819, Art. 14. Capit., Lib. IV., c. 57. (_Baluzii_, 616 infr., 788
supr.) _Caroli Magni_, Leg. Long. 69. (_Canciani_ I., 157.)
[65:] _Brunetti_: Cod. Diplom. Toscan. Doc. No. 18.
[66:] _Bouquet_: Rerum Ghillicarum et Francicarum Scriptores.
[67:] _Baluzii_: Capit. Reg. Franc. a. 789, Tom. V., p.
746.
[68:] Capit. I., Art. 13, anni 813. v. _Baluzii_: Capit. Reg. Franc.,
Tom. I., p. 509.
[69:] _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss. X., Vol. I., Pars I., p. 115.
[70:] _Caroli Magni_: Leg. Long. No. 92.
[71:] _Sismondi_: Rep. Ital. du Moyen Age, Vol. I., p. 268.
[72:] Capit. II., anni 819, Art. 2. v. _Baluzii_: Capit. Reg. Franc.,
Tom. I., p. 605.
[73:] Loc. cit. sup.
[74:] _Caroli Magni_: Leg. Long. No. 116.
[75:] _Caroli Magni_: Cap. Minora, anni 803, c. 20.
[76:] "Adjutores Comitum, qui meliores, et veraciores inveniri
possunt." _Lothar I_.: Leg. No. 49. v. _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss.
X., Vol. I., Parte I., p. 112.
[77:] _Caroli Magni_: Capit. I., anni 809, Art. 22. v. _Baluzii_:
Capit. Reg. Franc. I., 466 infr.
[78:] _Lothar I_.: Capit. anni 873, Art. 9. v. _Baluzii_: Capit. Reg.
Franc. Tom. II., p. 232. Leg. No. 48. v. _Muratori_: Diss. X., Vol.
I., P. I., p. 112.
[79:] _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss. LXXVII., Tom. III., Parte II., p.
189.
[80:] Vid. _Tommasio_: Historia sanese, Lib. IV.; _Ughelli_: Italia
Sacra, Tom. III., for this privilege.
[81:] _Brunetti_: Cod. Diplom. Toscan. No. 8, a. 715. A priest named
Gunthram says: "Nec cumquam ab episcopum Senensem coridicionem
habuimus, nisi, si de seculares causas nobis oppressio fiebat,
veniebamus ad judicem Senensem, eo quod in ejus territorio sedebamus."
[82:] _Brunetti_: Cod. Diplom. Toscan. No, 8, a. 715. Germanus, a
deacon, says: "Quoniam prelectus a plebe, cum epistola Warnefried [the
Gastald of Siena] rogaturus ambulavi ad Luperceanum Aretine Ecclesie
Episcopum et per eum consecratus sum."
[83:] For example see a judgment of the year 771, in the Archivio of
Lucca. For which vid. _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss. LXX., Tom. III., P.
II., p. 184.
[84:] Good illustrations of all these statements are to be found in
two documents in the Archivio Archivescovile of Lucca, of about the
year 813. Vid. _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss. LXX., Tom. III., Parte
II., p. 184.
[85:] Codex Carolinus--_Adriani I_., Epist. Nos. LV., LXXIX., LXXII.,
L.
[86:] _Ermoldi Nigelli_: Poema. V. _Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital.,
Tom. II., Pars II.
[87:] _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss, LXX., Vol. III., Parte II., p. 188.
[88:] _Pertz_: Monum. German., Tom. IV., p. 176.
[89:] It is true that _Muratori_ (Script. Rer. Ital., Tom. I., Pars
II., p. 192) publishes a diploma to the monastery of Novantulanum,
near Modena, purporting to be by Aistulf and of the year 753; and (in
Ant. Ital. Diss. LXXI., Vol. III., P. II., p. 256) another by
Desiderius to the monastery of Santa Giulia di Brescia, which seems to
grant exemption and protection if not privilege. But in the first the
formula employed is so exactly similar to that of the later Frankish
documents issued for the same purpose, as immediately to excite
suspicion; and in the second, Muratori himself finds something
radically wrong with the chronology.
[90:] An even better example can be found among Charlemagne's
diplomas, by referring to one granted by him to the church of Reggio,
and published by _Ughelli_: Italia Sacra, Tom. V., Appendice.
[91:] See a charter given by Lothaire to Pietro, bishop of Arezzo in
843, the year of the Treaty of Verdun, v. _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss.
LXX., Vol. III., Parte II., p. 196.
[92:] See a law of Lewis II. of 855, made in the Diet of Pavia. v.
_Muratori_: Script. Rer. Ital., Tom I., P. II. (added to Leg. Lomb.).
[93:] Certain "dona," however, supposed to be voluntary, were always
excepted. See a diploma of Louis of the year 854 to the monastery of
St. Gall in Germany, where it describes the usual "dona" for _all_
monasteries as "Caballi duo cum scuteis et lanceis." v. _Muratori_:
Ant. Ital. Diss. LXX., Vol. II., Part II., p. 204.
[94:] See a _privilegium_ given by him in the year 877 to the nuns of
the Posterla, Sta. Teodata at Pavia. v. _Ughelli_: Italia Sacra, Tom.
V.
[95:] _Muratori_: Ant. Ital. Diss. LXX., Vol. III., Parte II., pp.
196, 197.
[96:] Probably the earliest of such privileges was one granted to the
bishop of Modena by Guido in the year 892, and published by _Ughelli_:
Italia Sacra, Tom. II., p. 98.