bene interpreter. Certaine mariners taken in his steede, which came with
him from Estotiland.] One great preparation for the voyage of Estotiland
was begun in an vnlucky houre: for three dayes before our departure the
fisherman died that should haue bene our guide: notwithstanding this Lord
would not giue ouer the enterprize, but instead of the fisherman tooke
certaine mariners that returned out of the Island with him: and so making
our Nauigation to the Westwards, we discouered certaine Islands subiect to
Frisland, and hauing passed certaine shelues we stayed at Leduo for the
space of 7 daies to refresh our selues, and to furnish the fleet with
necessarie prouision. [Sidenote: Isle Ilof.] Departing from thence we
arriued the first of Iuly at the Isle of Ilofe: and for that the wind made
for vs, we stayed not there, but passed forth, and being vpon the maine
sea, there arose immediately a cruel tempest, wherewith for eight dayes
space we were miserably vexed, not knowing where we were: and a great part
of the barks were cast away, afterward the weather waxing faire, we
gathered vp the broken peices of the barkes that were lost, and sayling
with a prosperous winde we discovered land at West. [Sidenote: Zichmni his
discouerie of the Island Iscaria.] Wherefore keeping our course directly
vpon it, we arriued in a good and safe harborough, where we saw an infinit
companie of people ready in armes, come running very furiously to the water
side, as it were for defence of the Iland. [Sidenote: An Island man in
Icaria.] Wherefore Zichmni causing his men to make signes of peace vnto
them, they sent 10 men vnto vs that coulde speake ten languages, but we
could vnderstand none of them, except one that was of Island. [Sidenote:
The kings of Icaria called Icaria after the name of the first king of that
place, who as they report, was sonne to Dedalus the king of the Scots.] He
being brought before our prince and asked, what was the name of the Island,
and what people inhabited it, and who gouerned it, answered that the Island
was called Icaria, and that all the kings that reigned there, were called
Icari, after the name of the first king of that place, which as they say
was the sonne of Dedalus king of Scotland, who conquered that Island, left
his sonne there for king, and left them those lawes that they retaine to
this present, and after this, he desiring to sayle further, in a great
tempest that arose, was drowned, wherefore for a memoriall of his death,
they call those seas yet, the Icarian Sea, and the kings of the Island
Icari, and for that they were contented with that state, which God had
giuen them, neither would they alter one iote of their lawes and customes,
they would not receiue any stranger: wherefore they requested our prince,
that hee would not seeke to violate their lawes, which they had receiued
from that king of worthy memory and obserued very duly to that present:
which if he did attempt, it would redound to his manifest destruction, they
being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life, then to loose in any
respect the vse of their lawes. [Sidenote: The people of Icaria desirous of
the Italian tongue.] Notwithstanding, that we should not thinke they did
altogether refuse conuersation and traffick with other men, they tolde vs
for conclusion that they would willingly receiue one of our men, and
preferre him to be one of the chiefe amongst them, onely to learne my
language the Italian tongue, and to be informed of our manners and
customes, as they had already receiued those other ten oftensundry
nations, that came into their Island. [Sidenote: Infinite multitudes of
armed men in Icaria.] To these things our Prince answered nothing at all,
but causing his men to seke some good harborough, he made signes as though
he would depart, and sayling round about the Island, he espied at length a
harborough on the East side of the Island, where hee put in with all his
Fleet: the mariners went on land to take in wood and water, which they did
with as great speede as they could, doubting least they should be assaulted
by the inhabitants, as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt
thereabouts, making signes vnto the other with fire and smoke, put
themselues presently in armes and the other comming to them, they came all
running downe to the sea side vpon our men, with bowes and arrowes, and
other weapons, so that many were slaine and diuers sore wounded. And we
made signes of peace vnto them, but it was to no purpose, for their rage
increased more and more, as though they had fought for land and liuing.
[Sidenote: Zichmni departed from Icaria Westwards.] Wherefore we were
forced to depart, and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Islande,
being alwayes accompanyed vpon the hil tops and the sea coastes with an
infinite number of armed men: and so doubling the Cape of the Island
towards the North, we found many great sholdes, amongst the which for the
space of ten dayes we were in continuall danger of loosing our whole fleet,
but that it pleased God all that while to send vs faire weather. Wherefore
proceeding on till we came to the East cape, we saw the inhabitants still
on the hill tops and by the sea coast keepe with vs, and in making great
outcryes and shooting at vs a farre off, they vttered their old spitefull
affection towards vs. Wherefore wee determined to stay in some safe
harborough, and see if wee might speake once againe with the Islander, but
our determination was frustrate: for the people more like vnto beasts then
men, stood continually in armes with intent to beat vs back, if we should
come on land. Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not preuaile, and thinking
if he should haue perseuered and followed obstinately his purpose, their
victuals would haue failed them, he departed with a fayre wind and sailed
sixe daies to the Westwards, but the winde changing to the Southwest, and
the sea waxing rough, wee sayling 4 dayes with the wind the powp, and at
length discouering land, were afraid to approch nere vnto it, the sea being
growen, and we not knowing what land it was: but God so prouided for vs,
that the wind ceasing there came a great calme. Wherefore some of our
company rowing to land with oares, returned and brought vs newes to our
great comfort, that they had found a very good countrey and a better
harborough: [Sidenote: 100 men sent to discrie the countrey.] vpon which
newes we towed our ships and smal barks to land, and being entred into the
harborough, we saw a farre off a great mountain, that cast forth smoke,
which gaue vs good hope that we should finde some inhabitants in the
Island, neither would Zichmni rest, although it were a great way off, but
sent 100 souldiers to search the countrey and bring report what people they
were that inhabited it, and in the meane time they tooke in wood and water
for the prouision of the fleete, and catcht great store of fish and sea
foule and found such abundance of birds egges that our men that were halfe
famished, were filled therewithall. Whiles we were riding here, began the
moneth of Iune, at which time the aire in the Island was so temperate and
pleasant, as is impossible to express; but when we could see no people at
al, we suspected greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and
dishabited; We gaue name to the hauen calling it Trin, and the point that
stretched out into the sea, we called Capo de Trin. [Sidenote: The 100
souldiers returned which had bene through the Island, report what they saw
and found.] The 100 souldiers that were sent forth, 8 dayes after returned,
and brought word that they had bene through the Island and at the
mountaine, and that the smoke was a naturall thing proceeding from a great
fire that was in the bottome of the hill, and that there was a spring from
which issued a certaine water like pitch which ran into the sea, and that
thereabouts dwelt great multitudes of people halfe wilde, hiding themselues
in caues of the ground, of small stature, and very fearefull: for as soone
as they saw them they fled into their holes, and that there was a great
riuer and a very good and safe harborough. Zichmni being thus informed, and
seeing that it had a holesome and pure aire, and a very fruitfull soyle and
faire riuers, with sundry commodities, fell into such liking of the place,
that he determined to inhabite it, and built there a citie. But his people
being weary and faint with long and tedious trauell began to murmure,
saying that they would returne into their countrey, for that the winter was
at hand, and if they entred into the harborough, they should not be able to
come out againe before the next Summer. Wherefore he retaining onely the
barks with Oares and such as were willing to stay with him, sent all the
rest with the shippes backe againe, [Sidenote: M. Antonio Zeno, made chiefe
captaine of those ships which went back to Frisland.] and willed that I
(though vnwilling) should be their captaine. I therefore departing, because
I could not otherwise chuse, sayled for the space of twenty dayes to the
Eastwards without sight of any land: then turning my course towards the
Souteast, in 5. dayes I discouered land, and found my selfe vpon the Isle
of Neome, and knowing the countrey, I perceiued I was past Island:
wherefore taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants being subiect to
Zichmni, I sayled with a faire winde in three dayes to Frisland, where the
people, who thought they had lost their prince, because of his long
absence, in this our voyage receiued vs very ioyfully.
What followed after this letter I know not but by coniecture, which I
gather out of a peice of another letter, which I will set down here
vnderneath: That Zichmni built a towne in the port of the Iland that he
discouered, and that he searched the countrey very diligently and
discouered it all, and also the riuers on both sides of Engroneland, for
that I see it particularly described in the sea card, but the discourse or
narration is lost. The beginning of the letter is thus.
[Sidenote: The 5 letter.] Concerning those things that you desire to know
of me, as of the men and their maners and customes, of the beasts, and of
the countries adioyning, I haue made therof a particuler booke, which by
Gods help I will bring with me: wherein I haue decribed the countrey, the
monstrous fishes, the customes and lawes of Frisland, Island, Estland, the
kingdome of Norway, Estotiland, Drogio, and in the end the life of M.
Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the discouery which he made, and the
state of Groneland. I haue also written the life and acts of Zichmni, a
prince as worthy of immortall memory, as euer liued, for his great
valiancie and singular humanitie, wherein I haue described the discouery of
Engroneland on both sides, and the citie that he builded. Therefore I will
speake no further hereof in this letter, hoping to be with you very
shortly, and to satisfie you in sundry other things by word of mouth.
All these letters were written by M. Antonio to Messer Carlo his brother:
and it grieueth me, that the booke and diuers other writings concerning
these purposes, are miserably lost: for being but a child when they came to
my hands, and not knowing what they were, (as the maner of children is) I
tore them, and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot cal to remembrance
but to my exceeding great griefe. Notwithstanding, that the memory of so
many good things should not bee lost: whatsoeuer I could get of this
matter, I haue disposed and put in order in the former discourse, to the
ende that this age might be partly satisfied, to the which we are more
beholding for the great discoueries made in those partes, then to any other
of the time past, being most studious of the newe relations and discoueries
of strange countries, made by the great mindes, and industrie of our
ancestours.
For the more credite and confirmation of the former Historie of Messer
Nicolas and Messer Antonio Zeni (which for some fewe respects may perhaps
bee called in question) I haue heere annexed the iudgement of that famous
Cosmographer Abraham Ortelius, or rather the yealding and submitting of his
iudgement thereunto: who in his Theatrum Orbis, fol. 6. next before the map
of Mar del Zur, boroweth proofe and authoritie out of this relation, to
shew that the Northeast parte of America called Estotiland, and in the
original alwayes affirmed to bee an Islande, was about the yeere 1390
discouered by the aforesayd Venetian Gentleman Messer Antonio Zeno, aboue
100 yeeres before euer Christopher Columbus set saile for those Westerne
Regions; and that the Northren Seas were euen then sayled by our Europæan
Pilots through the helpe of the loadstone: with diuers other particulars
concerning the customes, religion and wealth of the Southern Americans,
which are most euidently confirmed by all the late and moderne Spanish
Histories of Nueua Espanna and Peru.
And here I shall not (as I suppose) commit any great inconuenience, or
absurditie, in adding vnto this History of the new world, certaine
particulars as touching the first discouery thereof, not commonly known.
Which discouerie al the writers of our time ascribe (and that not
vnworthily) vnto Christopher Columbus. For by him it was in a maner first
discouered, made knowen, and profitably communicated vnto the Christian
world, in the yeere of our Lord 1492. [Sidenote: Estotiland first
discouered.] [Sidenote: The second discouerie thereof.] Howbeit I finde
that the North part thereof called Estotiland, (which most of all extendeth
toward our Europe and the Ilands of the same, namely, Groneland, Island,
and Frisland) was long ago found out by certaine fishers of the Isle of
Frisland, driuen by tempest vpon the shore thereof: and was afterward about
the yeere 1390 discouered a new by one Antonio Zeno a gentleman of Venice;
which sayled thither vnder the conduct of Zichmni king of the saide Isle of
Frisland, a prince in those parts of great valour, and renowned for his
martiall exploits and victories. Of which expedition of Zichmni there are
extant in Italian certaine collections or abridgements gathered by
Francisco Marcolino out of the letters of M. Nicolo and Antonio Zeni two
gentlemen of Venice which liued in those partes. Out of which collections I
doe adde concerning the description of Estotiland aforesaid these
particulars following.
Estotiland (saith he) aboundeth with all things necessary for mankinde. In
the mids thereof standeth an exceeding high mountaine, from which issue
foure riuers that moisten all the countrie. The inhabitants are wittie and
most expert in Mechanicall arts. They haue a kinde of peculiar language and
letters. Howbeit in this Kings Librarie are preserued certaine Latine
bookes which they vnderstand not, being perhaps left there many yeeres
before by some Europeans, which traffiqued thither. They haue all kinde of
mettals; but especially golde, wherewith they mightily abound. They
trafficke with the people of Groneland: from whence they fetch skinnes,
pitch and brimstone. The inhabitants report that towardes the South, there
are regions abounding with gold, and very populous: they haue many and huge
woods, from whence they take timber for the building of ships and cities,
whereof and of castles there are great store. The vse of the loadstone for
Navigation is vnknowen vnto them. [Sidenote: Drogio.] They make relation
also of a certaine region toward the South, called Drogio, which is
inhabited by Canibals, vnto whom mans flesh is delicate meat: wherof being
destitute they liue by fishing, which they vse very much. Beyond this are
large regions, and as it were a newe world: but the people are barbarous
and goe naked: howbeit against the colde they cloth themselues in beastes
skinnes. These haue no kinde of metall: and they liue by hunting. Their
weapons are certaine long staues with sharpe points, and bowes. They wage
warres one against another. They haue gouernours, and obey certaine lawes.
But from hence more towardes the South the climate is much more temperate:
and there are cities, and temples of idoles, vnto whom they sacrifice
liuing men, whose flesh they afterwards deuoure. These nations haue the vse
of siluer and gold.
This much of this tract of landes out of the aforesaide collections and
abridgements. Wherein this also is worthy the obseruation, that euen then
our Europæan Pilots sayled those seas by the helpe of the loadstone. For
concerning the vse thereof in Nauigation, I suppose there is not to be
found a more ancient testimonie. And these things I haue annexed the rather
vnto this table of Mar del Zur; considering that none of those Authours
which haue written the Histories of the Newe world, haue in any part of
their writings, mentioned one word thereof. Hitherto Ortelius.
THE NAUIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOUERIES,
OF THE
ENGLISH NATION,
TO NEWFOVNDLAND, TO THE ISLES OF RAMEA AND THE ISLES OF ASSUMPTION
OTHERWISE CALLED NATISCOTEC.
SITUATE AT THE MOUTH OF THE RIVER OF CANADA, AND TO THE COASTES OF CAPE
BRITON, AND ARAMBEC, CORRUPTLY CALLED NORUMBEGA,
WITH THE PATENTS, LETTERS, AND ADUERTISEMENTS THEREUNTO BELONGING.
The voyage of the two ships, whereof the one was called the Dominus
vobiscum, set out the 20 day of May in the 19 yere of king Henry the
eight, and in the yere of our Lord God 1527. for the the discouerie of
the North partes.
Master Robert Thorne of Bristoll, a notable member and ornament of his
country, as wel for his learning, as great charity to the poore, in a
letter of his to king Henry the 8 and a large discourse to doctor Leigh,
his Ambassadour to Charles the Emperour, (which both are to be seene almost
in the beginning of the first volume of this my work) exhorted the
aforesayd king with very waighty and substantial reasons, to set forth a
discouery euen to the North Pole. And that it may be knowne that this his
motion tooke present effect, I thought it good herewithall to put downe the
testimonies of two of our Chroniclers, M. Hall, and M. Grafton, who both
write in this sort. This same moneth (say they) king Henry the 8 sent 2
faire ships wel manned and victualled, hauing in them diuers cunning men to
seeke strange regions, and so they set forth out of the Thames the 20 day
of May in the 19 yeere of his raigne, which was the yere of our Lord. 1527.
And whereas master Hal, and master Grafton say, that in those ships there
were diuers cunning men, I haue made great enquirie of such as by their
yeeres and delight in Nauigation, might giue me any light to know who those
cunning men should be, which were the directors in the aforesaid voyage.
And it hath bene tolde me by sir Martine Frobisher, and M. Richard Allen, a
knight of the Sepulchre, that a Canon of Saint Paul in London, which was a
great Mathematician, and a man indued with wealth, did much aduance the
action, and went therein himselfe in person, but what his name was I cannot
learne of any. And further they told me that one of the ships was called
the Dominus vobiscum, which is a name likely to be giuen by a religious man
of those dayes: and that sayling very farre Northwestward, one of the ships
was cast away as it entred into a dangerous gulph, about the great opening,
betweene the North parts of Newfoundland, and the countrey lately called by
her Maiestie, Meta Incognita. Whereupon the other ship shaping her course
towards Cape Briton, and the coastes of Arambec, and oftentimes putting
their men on land to search the state of these vnknowen regions, returned
home about the beginning of October, of the yere aforesayd. And this much
(by reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times, who
should haue vsed more care in preseruing of the memories of the worthy
actes of our nation,) is all that hitherto I can learne, or finde out of
this voyage.
* * * * *
The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen, to Newfoundland, and Cape
Briton, in the year 1536 and in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8.
One master Hore of London, a man of goodly stature and of great courage,
and giuen to the studie of Cosmographie, in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8
and in the yere of our Lord 1536 encouraged diuers Gentlemen and others,
being assisted by the kings fauor and good countenance, to accompany him in
a voyage of discouerie vpon the Northwest parts of America: wherein his
perswaions tooke such effect, that within short space many gentlemen of the
Innes of court, and of the Chancerie, and diuers others of good worship,
desirous to see the strange things of the world, very willingly entered
into the action with him, some of whose names were as followeth: M. Weekes
a gentleman of the West countrey of fiue hundred markes by the yeere
liuing. M. Tucke a gentleman of Kent. M. Tuckfield. M Thomas Buts the sonne
of Sir William Buts knight, of Norfolke, which was lately liuing, and from
whose mouth I wrote most of this relation. M. Hardie, M. Biron, M. Carter,
M. Wright, M. Rastall Serieant Rastals brother, M. Ridley, and diuers
other, which all were in the Admyrall called the Trinitie, a ship of seuen
score tunnes, wherein M. Hore himselfe was imbarked. [Sidenote: M. Armigil
Wade.] In the other ship whose name was the Minion, went a very learned and
vertuous gentleman one M. Armigil Wade, Afterwards Clerke of the Counsailes
of king Henry the 8 and king Edward the sixth, father to the worshipfull M.
William Wade now Clerke of the priuie Counsell, M. Oliuer Dawbeney marchant
of London, M. Ioy afterward gentleman of the Kings Chappell, with diuers
other of good account. The whole number that went in the two tall ships
aforesaid to wit, the Trinitie and the Minion, were about six score
persons, whereof thirty were gentlemen, which all were mustered in warlike
maner at Grauesend, and after the receiuing of the Sacrament, they embarked
themselues in the ende of Aprill. 1526.
[Sidenote: Cape Briton. The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude
of 30 degrees.] From the time of their setting out from Grauesend, they
were very long at sea, to witte, aboue two moneths, and neuer touched any
land vntill they came to part of the West Indies about Cape Briton, shaping
their course thence Northeastwardes, vntill they came to the Island of
Penguin, which is very full of rockes and stones, whereon they went and
found it full of great foules white and gray, as big as geese, and they saw
infinite numbers of their egges. They draue a great number of the foules
into their boates vpon their sayles, and tooke vp many of their egges, the
foules they flead and their skinnes were very like hony combes full of
holes being flead off: they dressed and eate them and found them to be very
good and nourishing meat. They saw also store of beares both blacke and
white, of whome they killed some, and tooke them for no bad foode.
[Sidenote: M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple.] M.
Oliuer Dawbeny, which (as it is before mentioned) was in this voyage, and
in the Minion, told M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple these things
following: to wit, [Sidenote: They behold the Sauages of Newfoundland.]
That after their arriuall in Newfoundland, and hauing bene there certaine
dayes at ancre, and not hauing yet seene any of the naturall people of the
countrey, the same Dawbeney walking one day on the hatches, spied a boate
with Sauages of those parts, rowing down the Bay toward them, to gaze vpon
the ship, and our people, and taking viewe of their comming aloofe, hee
called to such as were vnder the hatches, and willed them to come vp if
they would see the natural people of the countrey, that they had so long
and so much desired to see: whereupon they came vp, and tooke viewe of the
Sauages rowing toward them and their ship, and vpon the viewe they manned
out a ship-boat to meet them and to take them. But they spying our
ship-boat making towards them, returned with maine force and fled into an
Island that lay vp in the Bay or riuer there, and our men pursued them into
the Island, and the Sauages fledde and escaped: but our men found a fire,
and the side of a beare on a wooden spit left at the same by the Sauages
that were fled.
There in the same place they found a boote of leather garnished on the
outward side of the calfe with certaine braue trailes, as it were of rawe
silke, and also found a certaine great warme mitten: And these caryed with
them, they returned to their shippe, not finding the Sauages, nor seeing
any thing else besides the soyle, and the things growing in the same, which
chiefely were store of firre and pine trees.
And further, the said M. Dawbeny told him, that lying there they grew into
great want of victuals, and that there they found small reliefe, more then
that they had from the nest of an Osprey, that brought hourely to her yong
great plentie of diuers sorts of fishes. [Sidenote: Extreme famine.] But
such was the famine that increased amongst them from day to day, that they
were forced to seeke to relieue themselues of raw herbes and rootes that
they sought on the maine: but the famine increasing, and the reliefe of
herbes being to little purpose to satisfie their insatiable hunger, in the
fieldes and desertes here and there, the fellowe killed his mate while he
stooped to take vp a roote for his reliefe, and cutting out pieces of his
bodie whom he had murthered, broyled the same on the coles and greedily
deuoured them.
By this meane the company decreased, and the officers knew not what was
become of them; And it fortuned that one of the company driuen with hunger
to seeke abroade for reliefe found [Sidenote: Our men eate one another for
famine.] out in the fieldes the sauour of broyled flesh, and fell out with
one for that he would suffer him and his fellowes to sterue, enioying
plentie as he thought: and this matter growing to cruell speaches, he that
had the broyled meate, burst out into these wordes: If thou wouldest needes
know, the broyled meate that I had was a piece of such a mans buttocke. The
report of this brought to the ship, the Captaine found what became of those
that were missing and was perswaded that some of them were neither deuoured
with wilde beastes, nor yet destroyed by Sauages: [Sidenote: The Captaines
Oration.] And hereupon hee stood vp and made a notable Oration, containing,
Howe much these dealings offended the Almightie, and vouched the Scriptures
from first to last, what God had in cases of distresse done for them that
called vpon them, and told them that the power of the Almighty was then no
lesse, then in al former time it had bene. And added, that if it had not
pleased God to haue holpen them in that distresse, that it had bene better
to haue perished in body, and to haue liued euerlastingly, then to haue
relieued for a poore time their mortal bodyes, and to bee condemned
euerlastingly, both body and soule to the vnquenchable fire of hell. And
thus hauing ended to that effect, be began to exhort to repentance, and
besought all the company to pray, that it might please God to looke vpon
their miserable present state and for his owne mercie to relieue the same.
The famine increasing, and the inconuenience of the men that were missing
being found, they agreed amongst themselues rather then all should perish,
to cast lots who should be killed: [Sidenote: The English surprise a French
ship, wherein they returned home.] And such was the mercie of God, that the
same night there arriued a French ship in that port, well furnished with
vittaile, and such was the policie of the English, that they became masters
of the same, and changing ships and vittailing them, they set sayle to come
into England.
[Sidenote: Haukes and other foules.] In their iourney they were so ferre
Northwards, that they sawe mighty Islands of yce in the sommer season, on
which were haukes and other foules to rest themselues being weary of flying
ouer farre from the maine. [Sidenote: Foules supposed to be Storkes.] They
sawe also certaine great white foules with red bils and red legs, some what
bigger then Herons, which they supposed to be Storkes. They arriued at S.
Iues in Cornewall about the ende of October. From thence they departed vnto
a certairie castle belonging to sir Iohn Luttrel, where M. Thomas Buts, and
M. Rastall and other Gentlemen of the voyaye were very friendly
entertained: after that they came to the Earle of Bathe at Bathe, and
thence to Bristoll, so to London. M. Buts was so changed in the voyage with
hunger and miserie, that sir William his father and my Lady his mother knew
him not to be their sonne, vntill they found a secret marke which was a
wart vpon one of his knees, as hee told me Richard Hakluyt of Oxford
himselfe, to whom I rode 200. miles onely to learne the whole trueth of
this voyage from his own mouth, as being the onely man now aliue that was
in this discouerie.
[Sidenote: The French royally recompenced by king Henry the 8.] Certaine
moneths after, those Frenchmen came into England, and made complaint to
king Henry the 8: the king causing the matter to be examined, and finding
the great distresse of his subiects, and the causes of the dealing so with
the French, was so mooued with pitie, that he punished not his subiects,
but of his owne purse made full and royall recompence vnto the French.
In this distresse of famine, the English did somewhat relieue their vitall
spirits, by drinking at the springs the fresh water out of certaine wooden
cups, out of which they had drunke their Aqua composita before.
* * * * *
An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for
licence to traffique into Iseland and Newfoundland, made in An 2. Edwardi
sexti.
Forasmuch as within these few yeeres now last past, there haue bene leuied,
perceiued and taken by certaine of the officers of the Admiraltie, of such
Marchants, and fishermen as haue vsed and practised the aduentures and
iourneys into Iseland, Newfoundland, Ireland, and other places commodious
for fishing, and the getting of fish, in and vpon the Seas or otherwise, by
way of Marchants in those parties, diuers great exactions, as summes of
money, doles or shares of fish, and such other like things, to the great
discouragement and hinderance of the same Marchants and fishermen, and to
no little dammage of the whole common wealth, and thereof also great
complaints haue bene made, and informations also yeerely to the kings
Maiesties most honourable councell: for reformation whereof, and to the
intent also that the sayd Marchants and fishermen may haue occasion the
rather to practise and vse the same trade of marchandizing, and fishing
freely without any such charges and exactions, as are before limited,
whereby it is to be thought that more plentie of fish shall come into this
Realme, and thereby to haue the same at more reasonable prices: Be it
therefore enacted by the king our soueraigne Lord, and the lords and
commons in this present parliament assembled, and by authoritie of the
same, that neither the Admiral, nor any officer, or minister, officers or
ministers of the Admiraltie for the time being, shall in any wise hereafter
exact, receiue, or take by himselfe, his seruant, deputie, seruants, or
deputies of any such Marchant or fisherman, any summe or summes of money,
doles or shares of fish, or any other reward, benefit or aduantage
whatsoeuer it be, for any licence to passe this Realme to the sayd voyages
or any of them, nor vpon any respect concerning the said voyages, nor any
of them, vpon paine to forfeit for the first offence treble the summe, or
treble the value of the reward, benefite or aduantage, that any such
officer or minister shall hereafter haue or take of any such Marchants or
fishermen. For the which forfeiture the party grieued, and euery other
person or persons whatsoeuer he or they be, shall and may sue for the same
by information, bill, plaint, or action of debt in any of the kings courts
of recorde: The king to haue the one moitie, and the party complaining the
other moitie: in which suite no essoigne, protection, or wager of law shall
be allowed. And for the second offence the party so offending not only to
lose and forfeite his or their office or offices in the Admiraltie, but
also to make fine and ransome at the kings will and pleasure.
By this acte it appeareth, that the trade out of England to Newfound land
was common and frequented about the beginning of the raigne of Edward the
6. namely in the yeere 1548. and it is much to be marueiled, that by
negligence of our men, the countrey in all this time hath bene no better
searched.
* * * * *
A letter to M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple, conteining a report of
the true state and commodities of Newfoundland, by M. Anthonie Parkhurst
Gentleman, 1578.