in the Winter, for then the Sunne leaueth those regions, and is no more
seene for the space of other sixe moneths, in the which time all the Sunnes
course is vnder their horizon for the space of halfe a yere, and then those
regions (say some) must needs be deformed with horrible darknesse, and
continuall night, which may be the cause that beasts can not seeke their
food, and that also the colde should then be intollerable. By which double
euils all liuing creatures should be constrained to die, and were not able
to indure the extremity and iniury of Winter, and famine insuing thereof,
but that all things should perish before the Summer following, when they
should bring foorth their brood and yoong, and that for these causes the
sayd Clime about the pole should be desolate and not habitable. To all
which objections may be answered in this maner: First, that though the
Sunne be absent from them those six moneths, yet it followeth not that
there should be such extreme darknesse; for as the Sunne is departed vnder
their horizon, so is it not farre from them: and not so soone as the Sunne
falleth so suddenly commeth the darke night; but the euening doth
substitute and prolong the day a good while after by twilight. After which
time the residue of the night receiueth light of the Moone and Starres,
vntill the breake of the day, which giueth also a certaine light before the
Sunnes rising; so that by these meanes the nights are seldome darke; which
is verified in all parts of the world, but least in the middle Zone vnder
the Equinoctiall, where the twilights are short, and the nights darker then
in any other place, because the Sunne goeth vnder their horizon so deepe,
even to their antipodes. We see in England in the Summer nights when the
Sunne goeth not farre vnder the horizon, that by the light of the Moone and
Starres we may trauell all night, and if occasion were, do some other
labour also. And there is no man that doubteth whether our cattell can see
to feed in the nights, seeing we are so well certified thereof by our
experience: and by reason of the sphere our nights should be darker then
any time vnder the poles.
The Astronomers consent that the Sunne descending from our vpper hemisphere
at the 18 parallel vnder the horizon maketh an end of twilight, so that at
length the darke night insueth, and that afterward in the morning the Sun
approching againe within as many parallels, doth driue away the night by
accesse of the twilight. Againe, by the position of the sphere vnder the
pole, the horizon, and the equinoctiall are all one. These reuolutions
therefore that are parallel to the equinoctiall are also parallel to the
horizon, so that the Sunne descending vnder that horizon, and there
describing certaine parallels not farre distant, doth not bring darke
nights to those regions vntill it come to the parallels distant 18 degrees
from the equinoctiall, that is, about the 21 degree of Scorpio, which will
be about the 4 day of our Nouember, and after the Winter solstitium, the
Sunne returning backe againe to the 9 degree of Aquarius, which will be
about the 19 of January; [Sidenote: The regions vnder the poles want
twilights but sixe weeks.] during which time onely, that is, from the 4 day
of Nouember vntill the 19 day of Ianuary, which is about six weeks space,
these regions do want the commodity of twilights: therefore, during the
time of these sayd six moneths of darknesse vnder the poles, the night is
destitute of the benefit of the Sunne and the sayd twilights onely for the
space of six weeks or thereabout. And yet neither this time of six weeks is
without remedy from heauen; for the Moone with her increased light hath
accesse at that time, and illuminateth the moneths lacking light euery one
of themselues seuerally halfe the course of that moneth, by whose benefit
it commeth to passe that the night named extreame darke possesseth those
regions no longer then one moneth, neither that continually, or all at one
time, but this also diuided into two sorts of shorter nights, of the which
either of them indureth for the space of 15 dayes, and are illuminate of
the Moone accordingly. [Sidenote: Winter nights vnder the pole tolerable to
liuing creatures.] And this reason is gathered out of the sphere, whereby
we may testifie that the Summers are warme and fruitfull, and the Winters
nights vnder the pole are tolerable to liuing creatures. And if it be so
that the Winter and time of darknesse there be very colde, yet hath not
nature left them vnprouided therefore: for there the beastes are couered
with haire so much the thicker in how much the vehemency of colde is
greater; by reason whereof the best and richest furres are brought out of
the coldest regions. Also the fowles of these colde countreys haue thicker
skinnes, thicker feathers; and more stored of downe then in other hot
places. Our English men that trauell to S. Nicholas, and go a fishing to
Wardhouse, enter farre within the circle Artike, and so are in the frozen
Zone, and yet there, aswell as in Island and all along those Northern Seas,
they finde the greatest store of the greatest fishes that are; as Whales,
&c. and also abundance of meane fishes; as Herrings, Cods, Haddocks, Brets,
&c. which argueth that the sea as well as the land may be and is well
frequented and inhabited in the colde countreys.
[Sidenote: An obiection of Meta incognita.] But some perhaps will maruell
there should be such temperate places in the regions about the poles, when
at vnder 62 degrees in latitude our captaine Frobisher and his company were
troubled with so many and so great mountaines of fleeting ice, with so
great stormes of colde, with such continuall snow on tops of mountaines,
and with such barren soile, there being neither wood nor trees, but low
shrubs, and such like. To all which obiections may be answered thus: First,
those infinite Islands of ice were ingendred and congealed in time of
Winter, and now by the great heat of Summer were thawed, and then by ebs,
flouds, winds, and currents, were driuen to and fro, and troubled the
fleet; so that this is an argument to proue the heat in Summer there to be
great, that was able to thaw so monstrous mountaines of ice. As for
continuall snow on tops of mountaines, it is there no otherwise then is in
the hotest part of the middle Zone, where also lieth great snow all the
Summer long vpon tops of mountaines, because there is no sufficient space
for the Sunnes reflexion, whereby the snow should be molten. Touching the
colde stormy winds and the barrennesse of the country, it is there as it is
in Cornwall and Deuonsbire in England, which parts though we know to be
fruitfull and fertile, yet on the North side thereof all alongst the coast
within seuen or eight miles off the sea there can neither hedge nor tree
grow, although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto: and the
cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds, which comming from the sea
are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong and tender plants,
and suffer scarse any thing to grow; and so it is in the Islands of Meta
incognita, which are subiect most to East and Northeastern winds, which the
last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly
lecouer their port. [Sidenote: Meta Incognita inhabited.] Yet
notwithstanding all the obiections that may be, the countrey is habitable;
for there are men, women, children, and sundry kind of beasts in great
plenty, as beares, deere, hares, foxes and dogs: all kinde of flying
fowles, as ducks, seamewes, wilmots, partridges, larks, crowes, hawks, and
such like, as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large. Then
it appeareth that not onely the middle Zone but also the Zones about the
poles are habitable.
[Sidenote: Captaine Frobishers first voyage.] Which thing being well
considered, and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher,
aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and
all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation, as also for the
confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and
land, and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo
de buona Sperança, which the Portugals yerely vse: he began first with
himselfe to deuise, and then with his friends to conferre, and layed a
plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the
Northwest, but also he could proue easie to be performed. And farther, he
determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof, and
to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth, or els neuer to
returne againe, knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was
left yet vndone, whereby a notable minde might be made famous and
fortunate. But although his will were great to performe this notable
voyage, whereof he had concerned in his minde a great hope by sundry sure
reasons and secret intelligence, which here for sundry causes I leaue
vntouched, yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward, and
performe the same. Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these
secrets; and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect
vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted
the same, as by good witnesse shall well appeare (albeit some euill willers
which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly
iniured him in the reports of the same, saying that they haue bene the
first authours of that action, and that they haue learned him the way,
which themselues as yet haue neuer gone) but perceiuing that hardly he was
hearkened vnto of the merchants, which neuer regard, vertue without sure,
certaine, and present gaines, he repaired to the Court (from whence, as
from the fountaine of our Common wealth, all good causes haue their chiefe
increase and maintenance) and there layed open to many great estates and
learned men the plot and summe of his deuice. And amongst many honourable
minds which fauoured his honest and commendable enterprise, he was
specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle
of Warwicke, whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene
ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and
executors of the same: and so by meanes of my lord his honourable
countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause, and by litle and litle,
with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and
had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might
well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall.
He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece,
wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being
furnished with the foresayd two barks, and one small pinnesse of ten tun
burthen, hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths
prouision, he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune
anno Domini 1576.
One of the barks wherein he went was named the Gabriel, and the other The
Michael; and sailing Northwest from England vpon the II of Iuly he had
sight of an high and ragged land, which he iudged to be Frisland (whereof
some authors haue made mention) but durst not approch the same by reason of
the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast, and the great mists that
troubled them not a litle. Not farre from thence he lost company of his
small pinnesse, which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be
swallowed vp of the Sea, wherein he lost onely foure men.
[Sidenote: The Michael returned home.] Also the other barke named The
Michael mistrusting the matter, conueyed themselues priuily away from him,
and returned home, with great report that he was cast away.
The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts, although his mast
was sprung, and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule
weather, continued his course towards the Northwest, knowing that the sea
at length must needs haue an ending, and that some land should haue a
beginning that way; and determined therefore at the least to bring true
proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards,
beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered. And the twentieth of Iuly
he had sight of an high land, which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland,
after her Maiesties name. And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast, he
descried another forland with a great gut, bay, or passage, diuided as it
were two maine lands or continents asunder. There be met with store of
exceeding great ice all this coast along, and coueting still to continue
his course to the Northwards, was alwayes by contrary winde deteined
ouerthwart these straights, and could not get beyond. [Sidenote: Frobishers
first entrance within the streights.] Within few dayes after he perceived
the ice to be well consumed and gone, either there ingulfed in by some
swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southwards of the same
straights, or els conueyed some other way: wherefore he determined to make
proofe of this place, to see how farre that gut had continuance, and
whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the
backe side, whereof he conceiued no small hope, and so entred the same the
one and twentieth of Iuly, and passed aboue fifty leagues therein, as he
reported, hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent. And that land
vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of
Asia, and there to be diuided from the firme of America, which lieth vpon
the left hand ouer against the same.
[Sidenote: Frobishers streights.] This place he named after his name,
Frobishers streights, like as Magellanus at the Southwest end of the world,
hauing discouered the passage to the South sea (where America is diuided
from the continent of that land, which lieth vnder the South pole) and
called the same straights, Magellanes straits.
After he had passed 60 leagues into this foresayd straight, he went ashore,
and found signes where fire had bene made.
He saw mighty deere that seemed to be mankinde, which ranne at him, and
hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, where he was faine to vse
defence and policy to saue his life.
In this place he saw and perceiued sundry tokens of the peoples resorting
thither. [Sidenote: The first sight of the Sauages.] And being ashore vpon
the top of a hill, he perceiued a number of small things fleeting in the
sea afarre off, which he supposed to be porposes or seales, or some kinde
of strange fish; but comming neerer, he discouered them to be men in small
boats made of leather. And before he could descend downe from the hill,
certaine of those people had almost cut off his boat from him, hauing
stollen secretly behinde the rocks for that purpose, where he speedily
hasted to his boat, and bent himselfe to his halberd, and narrowly escaped
the danger, and saued his boat. Afterwards he had sundry conferences with
them, and they came aboord his ship, and brought him salmon and raw flesh
and fish, and greedily deuoured the same before our mens faces. And to shew
their agility, they tried many masteries vpon the ropes of the ship after
our mariners fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their armes, and
nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of scales, and beares skinnes,
and such like with our men; and receiued belles, looking glasses, and other
toyes, in recompense thereof againe. [Sidenote: Fiue Englishmen intercepted
and taken.] After great curtesie, and many meetings, our mariners, contrary
to their captaines direction, began more easily to trust them; and fiue of
our men going ashore were by them intercepted with their boat, and were
neuer since heard of to this day againe: so that the captaine being
destitute of boat, barke, and all company, had scarsely sufficient number
to conduct backe his barke againe. He could neither conuey himselfe ashore
to rescue his men (if he had bene able) for want of a boat; and againe the
subtile traitours were so wary, as they would after that neuer come within
our mens danger. The captaine notwithstanding desirous to bring some token
from thence of his being there, was greatly discontented that he had not
before apprehended some of them: and therefore to deceiue the deceiuers he
wrought a pretty policy; for knowing wel how they greatly delighted in our
toyes, and specially in belles, he rang a pretty lowbell, making signes
that he would giue him the same that would come and fetch it. [Sidenote:
Taking of the first Sauage.] And because they would not come within his
danger for feare, he flung one bell vnto them, which of purpose he threw
short, that it might fall into the sea and be lost, And to make them more
greedy of the matter he rang a louder bell, so that in the end one of them
came nere the ship side to receiue the bel; which when he thought to take
at the captaines hand, he was thereby taken himselfe: for the captaine
being readily prouided let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and
plucked him with maine force boat and all into his barke out of the sea.
Whereupon when he found himselfe in captiuity, for very choler and disdaine
he bit his tongue in twaine within his mouth: notwithstanding, he died not
thereof, but liued vntill he came in England, and then he died of cold
which he had taken at sea.
[Sidenote: Frobishers returne.] Now with this new pray (which was a
sufficient witnesse of the captaines farre and tedious trauell towards the
vnknowen parts of the world, as did well appeare by this strange infidell,
whose like was neuer seene, read, nor heard of before, and whose language
was neither knowen nor vnderstood of any) the sayd captaine Frobisher
returned homeward, and arriued in England in Harwich the 2 of October
following, and thence came to London 1576, where he was highly commended of
all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for the
great hope he brought of the passage to Cataya.
And it is especially to be remembred that at their first arriuall in those
parts there lay so great store of ice all the coast along so thicke
together, that hardly his boate could passe vnto the shore. [Sidenote: The
taking possession of Meta incognita.] At length, after diuers attempts he
commanded his company, if by any possible meanes they could get ashore, to
bring him whatsoeuer thing they could first finde, whether it were liuing
or dead, stocke or stone, in token of Christian possession, which thereby
he tooke in behalfe of the Queenes most excellent Maiesty, thinking that
thereby he might iustify the hauing and inioying of the same things that
grew in these vnknowen parts.
[Sidenote: How the ore was found by chance.] Some of his company brought
floures, some greene grasse; and one brought a piece of blacke stone much
like to a sea cole in colour, which by the waight seemed to be some kinde
of mettall or minerall. This was a thing of no account in the iudgment of
the captaine at first sight; and yet for nouelty it was kept in respect of
the place from whence it came.
After his arriuall in London, being demanded of sundry his friends what
thing he had brought them home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to
present them withall but a piece of this blacke stone. And it fortuned a
gentlewoman one of the aduenturers wiues to haue a piece thereof, which by
chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long, that at the length being
taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glistened with a bright
marquesset of golde. Whereupon the matter being called in some question, it
was brought to certaine Goldfiners in London to make assay thereof, who
gaue out that it held golde, and that very richly for the quantity.
[Sidenote: Many aduenturers.] Afterwards, the same Goldfiners promised
great matters thereof if there were any store to be found, and offered
themselues to aduenture for the searching of those parts from whence the
same was brought. Some that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to
haue a lease at her Maiesties hands of those places, whereby to inioy the
masse of so great a publike profit vnto their owne priuate gaines.
In conclusion, the hope of more of the same golde ore to be found kindled a
great opinion in the hearts of many to aduance the voyage againe.
[Sidenote: In the second voyage commission was giuen onely for the bringing
of ore.] Whereupon preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere
folowing, and the captaine more specially directed by commission for the
searching more of this golde ore then for the searching any further
discouery of the passage. And being well accompanied with diuers resolute
and forward gentlemen, her Maiesty then lying at the right honourable the
lord of Warwicks house in Essex, he came to take his leaue, and kissing her
hignesse hands, with gracious countenance and comfortable words departed
toward his charge.
A true report of such things as happened in the second voyage of captaine
Frobisher, pretended for the discouery of a new passage to Cataya, China
and the East India, by the Northwest. Ann. Dom. 1577.
Being furnished with one tall ship of her Maiesties, named The Ayde, of two
hundred tunne, and two other small barks, the one named The Gabriel, the
other The Michael, about thirty tun a piece, being fitly appointed with
men, munition, victuals, and all things necessary for the voyage, the sayd
captaine Frobisher, with the rest of his company came aboord his ships
riding at Blackwall, intending (with Gods helpe) to take the first winde
and tide seruing him, the 25 day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1577.
The names of such gentlemen as attempted this discouery, and the number of
souldiers and mariners in ech ship, as followeth.
Aboord the Ayd being Admirall were the number of 100 men of all sorts,
whereof 30 or moe were Gentlemen and Souldiers, the rest sufficient and
tall Sailers.
Aboord the Gabriel being Viceadmirall, were in all 18 persons, whereof sixe
were Souldiers, the rest Mariners.
Aboord the Michael were 16 persons, whereof fiue were Souldiers, the rest
Mariners.
Aboord the Ayde was:
Generall of the whole company for her Maiestie: Martin Frobisher.
His Lieutenant George Best.
His Ensigne Richard Philpot.
Corporall of the shot Francis Forfar.
The rest of the gentlemen: Henry Carew.
Edmund Stafford.
John Lee.
M. Haruie.
Mathew Kinersley.
Abraham Lins.
Robert Kinersley.
Francis Brakenbury.
William Armshow.
The Master Christopher Hall.
The Mate Charles Iackman.
The Pilot Andrew Dier.
The Master gunner Richard Cox.
Aboord the Gabriell was:
Captaine Edward Fenton
One Gentleman William Tamfield.
The Maister William Smyth.
Aboord the Michaell was:
Captaine Gilbert Yorke.
One Gentleman Thomas Chamberlaine.
The Maister Iames Beare.
On Whitsunday being the 26 of May, Anno 1577, early in the morning, we
weighed anker at Blackwall, and fell that tyde downe to Grauesend, where we
remained vntill Monday, at night.
[Sidenote: They receiued the communion.] On Monday morning the 27 of May,
aboord the Ayde we receiued all the Communion by the Minister of Grauesend,
and prepared vs as good Christians towards God, and resolute men for all
fortunes: and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope.
[Sidenote: The number of men in this voyage.] Tuesday the eight and twenty
of May, about nine of the clocke at night, we arriued at Harwitch in Essex
and there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, vntill Friday
being the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lordes
of the Councell, straightly commanding our General, not to exceede his
complement and number appointed him, which was, one hundred and twentie
persons: whereupon he discharged many proper men which with vnwilling
mindes departed.