borne, whom being yet but in maner an infant, his parents carried with them
into England, hauing occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandise,
as in the maner of the Venetians to leaue no part of the world vnsearched
to obtaine riches. Hee therefore furnished two ships in England at his owne
charges, and first with 300 men directed his course so farre towards the
North pole, that euen in the moneth of Iuly he found monstrous heapes of
ice swimming on the sea, and in maner continuall day light, yet saw he the
land in that tract free from ice, which had bene molten by the heat of the
Sunne. Thus seeing such heapes of yce before him, hee was enforced to turne
his sailes and follow the West, so coasting still by the shore, that hee
was thereby brought so farre into the South, by reason of the land bending
so much Southwards, that it was there almost equal in latitude, with the
sea Fretum Hercoleum, hauing the Northpole eleuate in maner in the same
degree. He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the West, that
hee had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in maner in the same degree of
longitude. [Sidenote: A current toward the West.] As hee traueiled by the
coastes of this great land, (which he named Baccalaos) he saith that hee
found the like course of the waters toward the West, but the same to runne
more softly and gently then the swift waters which the Spaniards found in
their Nauigations Southwards. Wherefore it is not onely more like to be
true, but ought also of necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the
lands hitherto vnknown, there should be certaine great open places whereby
the waters should thus continually passe from the East vnto the West:
[Sidenote: The people of Island say the Sea and yce setteth also West.
(Ionas Arngrimus.)[16]] which waters I suppose to be driuen about the globe
of the earth by the uncessant mouing and impulsion of the heauens, and not
to bee swallowed vp and cast vp againe by the breathing of Demogorgon, as
some haue imagined, because they see the seas by increase and decrease to
ebbe and flowe. Sebastian Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos,
because that in the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of
certaine bigge fishes much like vnto Tunies, (which the inhabitants called
Baccalaos) that they sometimes stayed his shippes. He found also the people
of those regions couered with beastes skinnes, yet not without the vse of
reason. He also saieth there is great plentie of Beares in those regions
which vse to eate fish: for plunging themselues into the water, where they
perceiue a multitude of these fishes to lie, they fasten their clawes in
their scales, and so draw them to land and eate them, so (as he saith) the
Beares being thus satisfied with fish, are not noisome to men. [Sidenote:
Copper found in many places by Cabote.] Hee declareth further, that in many
places of these Regions he saw great plentie of Copper among the
inhabitants. Cabot is my very friend, whom I vse familiarly, and delight to
haue sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house. For being called out
of England by the commandement of the Catholique King of Castile, after the
death of King Henry the seuenth of that name king of England, he was made
one of our council and Assistants, as touching the affaires of the new
Indies, looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to discouer this
hid secret of Nature.
* * * * *
The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard, in the fourth Chapter
of the second Booke of his generall history of the West Indies concerning
the first discouerie of a great part of the West Indies, to wit, from 58.
to 38. degrees of latitude, by Sebastian Cabota out of England.
He which brought most certaine newes of the countrey and people of
Baccalaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a Venetian, which rigged vp
two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England, hauing great desire to
traffique for the spices as the Portingalls did. He carried with him 300.
men, and tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador,
vntill he found himselfe in 58. degrees and better. He made relation that
in the moneth of Iuly it was so cold, and the ice so great, that hee durst
not passe any further: that the dayes were long, in a maner without any
night, and for that short night that they had, it was very cleare. Cabot
feeling the cold, turned towards the West, refreshing himselfe at
Baccalaos: and afterwards he sayled along the coast vnto 38. degrees, and
from thence he shaped his course to returne into England.
* * * * *
A note of Sebastian Cabots[17] first discouerie of part of the Indies taken
out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle[18] not hitherto
printed, which is in the custodie of M. Iohn Stow[19] a diligent
preseruer of Antiquities.
[Sidenote: Cabots voyage (from Bristol) wherein he discouered Newfound land
and the Northerne parts of that land, and from thence almost as farre as
Florida.[20]] In the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. (by meanes of one Iohn
Cabot a Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge
of the circuit of the world and Ilands of the same, as by a Sea card and
other demonstrations reasonable he shewed) the King caused to man and
victuall a ship at Bristow, to search for an Island, which he said hee knew
well was rich, and replenished with great commodities: Which shippe thus
manned and victualled at the kings cost, diuers Merchants of London
ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chiefe patron the said
Venetian. And in the company of the said ship, sailed also out of Bristow
three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse marchandizes, as
course cloth, caps, laces, points and other trifles. And so departed from
Bristow in the beginning of May, of whom in this Maiors time returned no
tidings.
Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented vnto the King in
the foureteenth yere of his raigne, mentioned by the foresaid Robert
Fabian.
This yeere also were brought vnto the king three men taken in the Newfound
Island that before I spake of, in William Purchas time being Maior: These
were clothed in beasts skins, and did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach
that no man could vnderstand them, and in their demeanour like to bruite
beastes, whom the King kept a time after. Of the which vpon two yeeres
after, I saw two apparelled after the maner of Englishmen in Westminster
pallace, which that time I could not discerne from Englishmen, til I was
learned what they were, but as for speach, I heard none of them vtter one
word.
* * * * *
A briefe extract concerning the discouene of Newfound-land, taken out of
the booke of M. Robert Thorne, to Doctor Leigh, &c.
I Reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditarie, so this inclination or
desire of this discouerie I inherited from my father, which with another
marchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discouerours of the
Newfound-lands; of the which there is no doubt (as nowe plainely appeareth)
if the mariners would then haue bene ruled, and followed their Pilots
minde, but the lands of the West Indies, from whence all the golde cometh,
had bene ours; for all is one coast as by the Card appeareth, and is
aforesaid.
* * * * *
The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabot,
constituting him grand Pilot of England.
Edwardus sextus Dei gratia Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ rex, omnibus
Christi fidelibus ad quos præsentes hæ literæ nostræ peruenerint, salutem.
Sciatis quod nos in consideratione boni et acceptabilis seruitij, nobis per
dilectum seruientem nostrum Sebastianum Cabotam impensi atque impendendi,
de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia, et mero motu nostro, nec
non de aduisamento, et consensu præclarissimi auunculi nostri Edwardi Ducis
Somerseti personæ nostræ Gubernatoris, ac Regnorum, dominiorum,
subditorumque nostrorum protectoris, et cæterorum consiliariorum nostrorum,
dedimus et concessimus, ac per præsentes damus, et concedimus eidem
Sebastiano Cabotæ, quandam annuitatem siue annualem reditum, centum
sexaginta et sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, et quatuor denariorum
sterlingorum, habendam, gandendam, et annuatìm percipiendam prædictam
annuitatem, siue annalem reditum eidem Sebastiano Cabotæ, durante vita sua
naturali, de thesauro nostro ad receptum scacarij nostri Westmonasterij per
manus thesaurariorum, et Camerariorum nostrorum, ibidem pro tempore
existentium, ad festa annuntiationis beatæ Mariæ Virginis, natiuitatis
sancti Ioannis Baptistæ, Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, et Natalis Domini per
æquales portiones soluendam. Et vlteriùs de vberiori gratia nostra, ac de
aduisamento, et consensu prædictis damus, et per præsentes concedimus
præfato Sebastiano Cabotæ, tot et tantas Denariorum summas, ad quot et
quantas dicta annuitas siue annalis reditus centum sexaginta sex librarum,
tresdecim solidorum, et quatuor denariorum, à festo sancti Michaelis
Archangeli vltimô præterito hue vsque se extendit, et attingit, habendas et
recipiendas præfato Sebastiano Cabotæ et assignatis suis de thesauro nostro
prædicto per manus prædictoram Thesaurariorum, et Camerarioram nostrorum de
dono nostro absque computo, seu aliquo alio nobis, hæredibus, vel
successoribus nostris proinde reddendo, soluendo, vel faciendo: eo quòd
expressa mentio, &c. In cuius rei testimonium, &c. [Sidenote: Anno D. 1549]
Teste Rege, apud Westmonasterium 6. die Ianuarij, Anno 2. Regis Edwardi
sexti.
The same in English.
Edward the sixt by the grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith, to all Christian people to whom these presents shall
come, sendeth greeting. Know yee that we, in consideration of the good and
acceptable seruice done, and to be done, vnto vs by our beloued seruant
Sebastian Cabota, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, meere motion,
and by the aduice and counsel of our most honourable vncle Edward duke of
Somerset gouernour of our person, and Protector of our kingdomes,
dominions, and subiects, and of the rest of our Counsaile, haue giuen and
granted, and by these presents do giue and graunt to the said Sebastian
Cabota, a certaine annuitie, or yerely reuenue of one hundreth, three-score
and sixe pounds, thirteene shillings foure pence sterling, to haue, enioy,
and yerely receiue the foresaid annuitie, or yerely reuenue, to the
foresaid Sebastian Cabota during his natural life, out of our Treasurie at
the receit of our Exchequer at Westminster, at the hands of our Treasurers
and paymasters, there remayning for the time being, at the feasts of the
Annuntiation of the blessed Virgin Mary, the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist,
S. Michael the Archangel, and the Natiuitie of our Lord, to be paid by
equal portions.
And further, of our more speciall grace, and by the aduise and consent
aforesaide wee doe giue, and by these presents do graunt vnto the
aforesaide Sebastian Cabota, so many, and so great summes of money as the
saide annuitie or yeerely reuenue of an hundreth, three-score and sixe
pounds, thirteene shillings 4. pence, doeth amount and rise vnto from the
feast of S. Michael the Archangel last past vnto this present time, to be
had and receiued by the aforesaid Sebastian Cabota, and his assignes out of
our aforesaid Treasurie, at the handes of our aforesaide Treasurers, and
officers of our Exchequer of our free gift without accompt, or any thing
else therefore to be yeelded, payed, or made, to vs, our heires or
successours, forasmuch as herein expresse mention is made to the contrary.
In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made patents:
Witnesse the King at Westminster the sixt day of Ianuarie, in the second
yeere of his raigne. The yeere of our Lord 1548.
* * * * *
A discourse written by Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight,[21] to proue a passage
by the Northwest to Cathaia, and the East Indies.
¶ The Table of the matters in euery Chapter of this discourse.
Capitulo 1.
To prone by anthoritie a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe
to Cataia, China, and to the East India.
Capitulo 2.
To prone by reason a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe to
Cataia, Moluccæ, &c.
Capitulo 3.
To proue by experience of sundry mens trauailes the opening of this
Northwest passage, whereby good hope remaineth of the rest.
Capitulo 4.
To proue by circumstance, that the Northwest passage hath bene sailed
throughout.
Capitulo 5.
To proue that such Indians as haue bene driuen vpon the coastes of Germanie
came not thither by the Southeast, and Southwest, nor from any part of
Afrike or America.
Capitulo 6.
To prooue that the Indians aforenamed came not by the Northeast, and that
there is no thorow passage nauigable that way.
Capitulo 7.
To proue that these Indians came by the Northwest, which induceth a
certaintie of this passage by experience.
Capitulo 8.
What seuerall reasons were alleaged before the Queenes Maiestie, and
certaine Lords of her Highnesse priuie Council, by M. Anth. Ienkinson a
Gentleman of great trauaile and experience, to proue this passage by the
Northeast, with my seuerall answers then alleaged to the same.
Capitulo 9.
How that this passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffike,
then the other by the Northeast, if there were any such.
Capitulo 10.
What commodities would ensue, this passage being once discouered.
To proue by authoritie a passage to be on the Northside of America, to goe
to Cathaia, and the East India.
Chapter 1.
When I gaue my selfe to the studie of Geographie, after I had perused and
diligently scanned the descriptions of Europe, Asia, and Afrike, and
conferred them with the Mappes and Globes both Antique and Moderne: I came
in fine to the fourth part of the world, commonly called America, which by
all descriptions I found to bee an Iland enuironed round about with Sea,
hauing on the Southside of it the frete or straight of Magellan, on the
West side Mar del Sur, which Sea runneth towards the North, separating it
from the East parts of Asia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are: On
the East part our West Ocean, and on the North side the sea that seuereth
it from Groneland, thorow which Northern Seas the Passage lyeth, which I
take now in hand to discouer.
Plato in Timæo, and in the Dialogue called Critias, discourseth of an
incomparable great Iland then called Atlantis, being greater then all
Afrike and Asia, which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar,
nauigable round about: affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did as
well enioy the gouernance of all Affrike, and the most part of Europe, as
of Atlantis it selfe.
Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland, and the inhabiting of it in
ancient time by them of Europe, to be of the more credite; Marinæus
Siculus[22] in his Chronicle of Spaine, reporteth that there haue bene
found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America, certaine pieces of
Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Cæsar: which pieces were sent to
the Pope for a testimonie of the matter, by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of
Consentinum.
[Sidenote: Prodns pag. 24.] Moreouer, this was not only thought of Plato,
but by Marsilius Ficinus,[23] an excellent Florentine Philosopher, Crantor
the Græcian,[24] and Proclus,[25] and Philo[26] the famous Iew (as
appeareth in his booke De Mundo, and in the Commentaries vpon Plato,) to be
ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water, by reason of a mightie earthquake,
and streaming downe of the heauenly Fludgates. [Sidenote: Iustine Lib. 4.]
The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy, when by the forciblenes
of the Sea, called Superum, it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of
Calabria, as appeareth in Iustine, in the beginning of his fourth booke.
Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders.
[Sidenote: Plinie.] And also the Cities of Pyrrha and Antissa, about Meotis
palus: and also the Citie Burys, in the Corynthian bosome, commonly called
Sinus Corinthiacus, haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea, and are not at
this day to be discerned: By which accident America grew to be ['be be' in
original--KTH] vnknowen of long time, vnto vs of the later ages, and was
lately discouered againe by Americus Vespucius,[27] in the yeere of our
Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus
Columbus a Genuois, Anno 1492.
The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres
before Plato his time, which some of the people of the Southeast parts of
the world accompted as 9000. yeeres: for the maner then was to reckon the
Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere, which is our vsual moneth,
depending à Luminari minori.
So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or
iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis, then those Westerne Islands, which
beare now the name of America: counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis,
in the knowledge of our age.[28]
[Sidenote: A minore ad maius.] Then, if when no part of the sayd Atlantis,
was oppressed by water, and earthquake, the coast round about the same were
nauigable: a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest,
seeing the most part of it was (since that time) swallowed vp with water,
which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels, but rather be
an occasion of the inlarging of the olde, and also an inforcing of a great
many new: why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and
nauigation from England to India? &c. seeing that Atlantis now called
America, was euer knowen to be an Island, and in those dayes nauigable
round about, which by accesse of more water could not be diminished.
Also Aristotle in his booke De Mundo, and the learned Germaine Simon
Gryneus[29] in his annotations vpon the same, saith that the whole earth
(meaning thereby, as manifestly doth appeare, Asia, Africk and Europe,
being all the countreys then knowen) is but one Island, compassed about
with the reach of the sea Atlantine: which likewise prooueth America to be
an Island, and in no part adioyning to Asia, or the rest.
[Sidenote: Strabo lib. 15] Also many ancient writers, as Strabo and others,
called both the Ocean Sea, (which lieth East of India) Atlanticum pelagus,
and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and Africk, Mare Atlanticum:
the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the
earth.
[Sidenote: Valerius Anselmus[30] in Catalogo annorum et principum. fol. 6.
Gen. 9. 10.] So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth manifestly,
that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine
Atlas in Africk, or yet the sea adioining to Africk, had the name Oceanus
Atlanticus of the same mountaine: but that those seas and the mountaine
Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis, and that the one and
the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas,
sometimes king thereof, who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah, in whose time
the whole earth was diuided between the three brethren, Sem, Cam, and
Iaphet.
Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found
fauourable to this our enterprise, and am the rather imboldened to beleeue
the same, for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato, Aristotle, and
other ancient Phylosophers: but also by all the best moderne Geographers,
as Gemma Frisius, Munsterus, Appianus, Hunterus, Gastaldus,
Guyccardinus,[31] Michael Tramasinus, Franciscus Demongenitus, Bernardus
Puteanus, Andreas Vauasor, Tramontanus, Petrus Martyr, and also
Ortelius,[32] who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569,
all the countreys and Capes, on the Northwest side of America, from
Hochalega to Cape de Paramantia: describing likewise the sea coastes of
Cataia and Gronland, towards any part of America, making both Gronland and
America, Islands disioyned by a great Sea, from any part of Asia.
All which learned men and paineful trauellers haue affirmed with one
consent and voice, that America was an Island: and that there lyeth a great
Sea betweene it, Cataia, and Grondland, by which any man of our countrey,
that will giue the attempt, may with small danger passe to Cataia, the
Molluccæ, India, and all other places in the East, in much shorter time,
than either the Spaniard, or Portugal doeth, or may doe, from the neerest
parte, of any of their countreys within Europe.
What moued these learned men to affirme thus much, I know not, or to what
ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same:
[Marginal note: We ought by reasons right to haue a reuerent opinion of
worthy men.] But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly
affirmed, or notified their opinions therein to the world, if they had not
had great good cause, and many probable reasons, to haue lead them
therevnto.
[Sidenote: A Nauigation of one Ochther made in king Alfreds time.] Now
least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their
experiences which trauelled long before our times, reckoning their
authority amongst fables of no importance: I haue for the better assurance
of those proofes, set downe some part of a discourse, written in the Saxon
tongue and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William
Cecil, lord Burleigh, and lord high treasurer of England, wherein there is
described a Nauigation which one Ochther made, in the time of king Alfred,
king of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these:
[Sidenote: A perfect description of our Moscouie voyage.] Hee sailed right
North, hauing alwaies the desert land on the Starborde, and on the Larbord
the maine sea, continuing his course, vntill hee perceiued that the coast
bowed directly towards the East, or else the Sea opened into the land he
could not tell how farre, where he was compelled to stay vntil he had a
westerne winde, or somewhat upon the North, and sayled thence directly East
alongst the coast, so farre as hee was able in foure dayes, where he was
againe inforced to tary vntill hee had a North winde, because the coast
there bowed directly towards the South, or at least opened he knew not howe
farre into the land, so that he sayled thence along the coast continually
full South, so farre as he could trauell in the space of fiue dayes, where
hee discouered a mighty riuer, which opened farre into the land, and in the
entrie of this riuer he turned backe againe.[33]
[Sidenote: By Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, Chancellor and Borough.[34]]
Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way, that we now doe yerely
trade by S. Nicholas into Moscouia, which no man in our age knew for
certaintie to be by sea, vntil it was since discouered by our English men,
in the time of King Edward the sixt; but thought before that time that
Groneland had ioyned to Normoria, Byarmia, &c. and therefore was accompted
a new discouery, being nothing so indeede, as by this discourse of Ochther
it appeareth.
Neuerthelesse if any man should haue taken this voyage in hand by the
encouragement of this onely author, he should haue bene thought but simple:
considering that this Nauigation was written so many yeres past, in so
barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure author, and yet we in these our
dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be true.
How much more then ought we to beleeue this passage to Cataia to bee, being
verified by the opinions of all the best, both Antique, and Moderne
Geographers, and plainely set out in the best and most allowed Mappes,
Charts, Globes, Cosmographical tables and discourses of this our age, and
by the rest not denied but left as a matter doubtfull.
To prooue by reason, a passage to be on the Northside of America, to goe to
Cataia, &c.
Chap. 2. [3 in original--KTH]
[Sidenote: Experimented by our English fishers.] First, all seas are
maintained by the abundance of water, so that the neerer the end any Riuer,
Bay, or Hauen is, the shallower it waxeth, (although by some accidentall
barre, it is sometime found otherwise) But the farther you sayle West from
Island towards the place, where this fret is thought to be, the more deepe
are the seas: which giueth vs good hope of continuance of the same Sea with
Mar del Sur, by some fret that lyeth betweene America, Groneland and
Cataia.
2 Also if that America were not an Island, but a part of the continent
adioyning to Asia, either the people which inhabite Mangia, Anian, and
Quinsay, &c. being borderers vpon it, would before this time haue made some
road into it hoping to haue found some like commodities to their owne.