CHAPTER I.

Produced by Stacy Brown, Simple Simon, Juliet Sutherland

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Library Edition

THE COMPLETE WORKS

OF

JOHN RUSKIN

ARROWS OF THE CHACE

OUR FATHERS HAVE TOLD US

THE STORM-CLOUD OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

HORTUS INCLUSUS

NATIONAL LIBRARY ASSOCIATION

NEW YORK CHICAGO

"Our Fathers Have Told Us"

SKETCHES OF THE HISTORY OF CHRISTENDOM

FOR BOYS AND GIRLS

WHO HAVE BEEN HELD AT ITS FONTS

PART I.

THE BIBLE OF AMIENS

CONTENTS.

PAGE

PREFACE iii

CHAPTER I.--BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS 1

" II.--UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 26

" III.--THE LION TAMER 58

" IV.--INTERPRETATIONS 88

APPENDIX I.--CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF PRINCIPAL EVENTS

REFERRED TO IN THE 'BIBLE OF AMIENS' 143

" II.--REFERENCES EXPLANATORY OF PHOTOGRAPHS TO

CHAPTER IV 144

" III.--GENERAL PLAN OF 'OUR FATHERS HAVE TOLD US' 153

INDEX 155

PLATES.

ST. MARY (_Frontispiece_) _see page_ 131

_To face page_

PLATE I.--THE DYNASTIES OF FRANCE 8

" II.--THE BIBLE OF AMIENS, NORTHERN PORCH BEFORE

RESTORATION 26

" III.--AMIENS, JOUR DES TRÉSPASSÉS, 1880 58

PLAN OF THE WEST PORCHES 140

Transcriber's Notes:

1. Italic characters have been represented by _xxxxx_

2. Superscript characters have been represented by xxx^yy

3. A macron, or bar over a letter, is shown as [=letter]

4. In the paragraph that begins, "Sketch for yourself, first, a map of

France" there are images in the paragraph. I have represented

back-slanting diagonal shading with "\\\" and forward-slanting

diagonal shading with "///" and horizontal shading with "=".

5. In the original text, footnotes in Chapter I are represented with

numbers, and footnotes in all the rest of the text, including the

notes on Chapter I, are represented with symbols. I have converted

all of them to numbers, since there is no overlap, and they seem to

be used in the same way in the text.

PREFACE.

The long abandoned purpose, of which the following pages begin some

attempt at fulfilment, has been resumed at the request of a young

English governess, that I would write some pieces of history which her

pupils could gather some good out of;--the fruit of historical

documents placed by modern educational systems at her disposal, being

to them labour only, and sorrow.

What else may be said for the book, if it ever become one, it must say

for itself: preface, more than this, I do not care to write: and the

less, because some passages of British history, at this hour under

record, call for instant, though brief, comment.

I am told that the Queen's Guards have gone to Ireland; playing "God

save the Queen." And being, (as I have declared myself in the course

of some letters to which public attention has been lately more than

enough directed,) to the best of my knowledge, the staunchest

Conservative in England, I am disposed gravely to question the

propriety of the mission of the Queen's Guards on the employment

commanded them. My own Conservative notion of the function of the

Guards is that they should guard the Queen's throne and life, when

threatened either by domestic or foreign enemy: but not that they

should become a substitute for her inefficient police force, in the

execution of her domiciliary laws.

And still less so, if the domiciliary laws which they are sent to

execute, playing "God save the Queen," be perchance precisely contrary

to that God the Saviour's law; and therefore, such as, in the long run,

no quantity either of Queens, or Queen's men, _could_ execute. Which is

a question I have for these ten years been endeavouring to get the

British public to consider--vainly enough hitherto; and will not at

present add to my own many words on the matter. But a book has just been

published by a British officer, who, if he had not been otherwise and

more actively employed, could not only have written all my books about

landscape and picture, but is very singularly also of one mind with me,

(God knows of how few Englishmen I can now say so,) on matters regarding

the Queen's safety, and the Nation's honour. Of whose book ("Far out:

Rovings retold"), since various passages will be given in my subsequent

terminal notes, I will content myself with quoting for the end of my

Preface, the memorable words which Colonel Butler himself quotes, as

spoken to the British Parliament by its last Conservative leader, a

British officer who had also served with honour and success.

The Duke of Wellington said: "It is already well known to your

Lordships that of the troops which our gracious Sovereign did me the

honour to entrust to my command at various periods during the war--a

war undertaken for the express purpose of securing the happy

institutions and independence of the country--at least one half were

Roman Catholics. My Lords, when I call your recollection to this fact,

I am sure all further eulogy is unnecessary. Your Lordships are well

aware for what length of period and under what difficult circumstances

they maintained the Empire buoyant upon the flood which overwhelmed

the thrones and wrecked the institutions of every other people;--how

they kept alive the only spark of freedom which was left

unextinguished in Europe.... My Lords, it is mainly to the Irish

Catholics that we all owe our proud predominance in our military

career, and that I personally am indebted for the laurels with which

you have been pleased to decorate my brow.... We must confess, my

Lords, that without Catholic blood and Catholic valour no victory

could ever have been obtained, and the first military talents might

have been exerted in vain."

Let these noble words of tender Justice be the first example to my

young readers of what all History ought to be. It has been told them,

in the Laws of Fésole, that all great Art is Praise. So is all

faithful History, and all high Philosophy. For these three, Art,

History, and Philosophy, are each but one part of the Heavenly Wisdom,

which sees not as man seeth, but with Eternal Charity; and because she

rejoices not in Iniquity, _therefore_ rejoices in the Truth.

For true knowledge is of Virtues only; of poisons and vices, it is

Hecate who teaches, not Athena. And of all wisdom, chiefly the

Politician's must consist in this divine Prudence; it is not, indeed,

always necessary for men to know the virtues of their friends, or

their masters; since the friend will still manifest, and the master

use. But woe to the Nation which is too cruel to cherish the virtue of

its subjects, and too cowardly to recognize that of its enemies!

THE BIBLE OF AMIENS.

CHAPTER I.

BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS.

The intelligent English traveller, in this fortunate age for him, is

aware that, half-way between Boulogne and Paris, there is a complex

railway-station, into which his train, in its relaxing speed, rolls

him with many more than the average number of bangs and bumps

prepared, in the access of every important French _gare_, to startle

the drowsy or distrait passenger into a sense of his situation.

He probably also remembers that at this halting-place in mid-journey

there is a well-served buffet, at which he has the privilege of "Dix

minutes d'arrêt."

He is not, however, always so distinctly conscious that these ten

minutes of arrest are granted to him within not so many minutes' walk

of the central square of a city which was once the Venice of France.

Putting the lagoon islands out of question, the French River-Queen was

nearly as large in compass as Venice herself; and divided, not by slow

currents of ebbing and returning tide, but by eleven beautiful trout

streams, of which some four or five are as large, each separately, as

our Surrey Wandle, or as Isaac Walton's Dove; and which, branching out

of one strong current above the city, and uniting again after they have

eddied through its streets, are bordered, as they flow down, (fordless

except where the two Edwards rode them, the day before Crecy,) to the

sands of St. Valery, by groves of aspen, and glades of poplar, whose

grace and gladness seem to spring in every stately avenue instinct with

the image of the just man's life,--"Erit tanquam lignum quod plantatum

est secus decursus aquarum."

But the Venice of Picardy owed her name, not to the beauty of her

streams merely, but to their burden. She was a worker, like the

Adriatic princes, in gold and glass, in stone, wood, and ivory; she

was skilled like an Egyptian in the weaving of fine linen; dainty as

the maids of Judah in divers colours of needlework. And of these, the

fruits of her hands, praising her in her own gates, she sent also

portions to stranger nations, and her fame went out into all lands.

"Un règlement de l'échevinage, du 12^me avril 1566, fait voir qu'on

fabriquait à cette epoque, des velours de toutes couleurs pour

meubles, des colombettes à grands et petits carreaux, des burailles

croises, qu'on expédiait en Allemagne--en Espagne, en Turquie, et en

Barbarie!"[1]

All-coloured velvets, pearl-iridescent colombettes! (I wonder what

they may be?) and sent to vie with the variegated carpet of the Turk,

and glow upon the arabesque towers of Barbary![2] Was not this a phase

of provincial Picard life which an intelligent English traveller might

do well to inquire into? Why should this fountain of rainbows leap up

suddenly here by Somme; and a little Frankish maid write herself the

sister of Venice, and the servant of Carthage and of Tyre?

[Footnote 1: M. H. Dusevel, Histoire de la Ville d'Amiens. Amiens,

Caron et Lambert, 1848; p. 305.]

[Footnote 2: Carpaccio trusts for the chief splendour of any festa in

cities to the patterns of the draperies hung out of windows.]

And if she, why not others also of our northern villages? Has the

intelligent traveller discerned anything, in the country, or in its

shores, on his way from the gate of Calais to the _gare_ of Amiens, of

special advantage for artistic design, or for commercial enterprise? He

has seen league after league of sandy dunes. We also, we, have our sands

by Severn, by Lune, by Solway. He has seen extensive plains of useful

and not unfragrant peat,--an article sufficiently accessible also to

our Scotch and Irish industries. He has seen many a broad down and

jutting cliff of purest chalk; but, opposite, the perfide Albion gleams

no whit less blanche beyond the blue. Pure waters he has seen, issuing

out of the snowy rock; but are ours less bright at Croydon, at

Guildford, or at Winchester? And yet one never heard of treasures sent

from Solway sands to African; nor that the builders at Romsey could give

lessons in colour to the builders at Granada? What can it be, in the air

or the earth--in her stars or in her sunlight--that fires the heart and

quickens the eyes of the little white-capped Amienoise soubrette, till

she can match herself against Penelope?

The intelligent English traveller has of course no time to waste on

any of these questions. But if he has bought his ham-sandwich, and is

ready for the "En voiture, messieurs," he may perhaps condescend for

an instant to hear what a lounger about the place, neither wasteful of

his time, nor sparing of it, can suggest as worth looking at, when his

train glides out of the station.

He will see first, and doubtless with the respectful admiration which an

Englishman is bound to bestow upon such objects, the coal-sheds and

carriage-sheds of the station itself, extending in their ashy and oily

splendours for about a quarter of a mile out of the town; and then, just

as the train gets into speed, under a large chimney tower, which he

cannot see to nearly the top of, but will feel overcast by the shadow of

its smoke, he _may_ see, if he will trust his intelligent head out of

the window, and look back, fifty or fifty-one (I am not sure of my count

to a unit) similar chimneys, all similarly smoking, all with similar

works attached, oblongs of brown brick wall, with portholes numberless

of black square window. But in the midst of these fifty tall things that

smoke, he will see one, a little taller than any, and more delicate,

that does not smoke; and in the midst of these fifty masses of blank

wall enclosing 'works'--and doubtless producing works profitable and

honourable to France and the world--he will see _one_ mass of wall--not

blank, but strangely wrought by the hands of foolish men of long ago,

for the purpose of enclosing or producing no manner of profitable work

whatsoever, but one--

"This is the work of God; that ye should believe on Him whom He hath

sent"!

Leaving the intelligent traveller now to fulfil his vow of pilgrimage

to Paris,--or wherever else God may be sending him,--I will suppose

that an intelligent Eton boy or two, or thoughtful English girl, may

care quietly to walk with me as far as this same spot of commanding

view, and to consider what the workless--shall we say also

worthless?--building, and its unshadowed minaret, may perhaps farther

mean.

Minaret I have called it, for want of better English word.

Flêche--arrow--is its proper name; vanishing into the air you know not

where, by the mere fineness of it. Flameless--motionless--hurtless--the

fine arrow; unplumed, unpoisoned, and unbarbed; aimless--shall we say

also, readers young and old, travelling or abiding? It, and the walls it

rises from--what have they once meant? What meaning have they left in

them yet, for you, or for the people that live round them, and never

look up as they pass by?

Suppose we set ourselves first to learn how they came there.

At the birth of Christ, all this hillside, and the brightly-watered

plain below, with the corn-yellow champaign above, were inhabited by a

Druid-taught race, wild enough in thoughts and ways, but under Roman

government, and gradually becoming accustomed to hear the names, and

partly to confess the power, of Roman gods. For three hundred years

after the birth of Christ they heard the name of no other God.

Three hundred years! and neither apostles nor inheritors of

apostleship had yet gone into all the world and preached the gospel to

every creature. Here, on their peaty ground, the wild people, still

trusting in Pomona for apples, in Silvanus for acorns, in Ceres for

bread, and in Proserpina for rest, hoped but the season's blessing

from the Gods of Harvest, and feared no eternal anger from the Queen

of Death.

But at last, three hundred years being past and gone, in the

year of Christ 301, there came to this hillside of Amiens, on the

sixth day of the Ides of October, the Messenger of a new Life.

His name, Firminius (I suppose) in Latin, Firmin in French,--so to be

remembered here in Picardy. Firmin, not Firminius; as Denis, not

Dionysius; coming out of space--no one tells what part of space. But

received by the pagan Amienois with surprised welcome, and seen of

them--forty days--many days, we may read--preaching acceptably, and

binding with baptismal vows even persons in good society: and that in

such numbers, that at last he is accused to the Roman governor, by the

priests of Jupiter and Mercury, as one turning the world upside-down.

And in the last day of the Forty--or of the indefinite many meant by

Forty--he is beheaded, as martyrs ought to be, and his ministrations

in a mortal body ended.

The old, old story, you say? Be it so; you will the more easily

remember it. The Amienois remembered it so carefully, that, twelve

hundred years afterwards, in the sixteenth century, they thought good

to carve and paint the four stone pictures Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 of our

first choice photographs. (N. B.--This series is not yet arranged, but

is distinct from that referred to in Chapter IV. See Appendix II.).

Scene 1st, St. Firmin arriving; scene 2nd, St. Firmin preaching; scene

3rd, St. Firmin baptizing; and scene 4th, St. Firmin beheaded, by an

executioner with very red legs, and an attendant dog of the character

of the dog in 'Faust,' of whom we may have more to say presently.

Following in the meantime the tale of St. Firmin, as of old time

known, his body was received, and buried, by a Roman senator, his

disciple, (a kind of Joseph of Arimathea to St. Firmin,) in the Roman

senator's own garden. Who also built a little oratory over his grave.

The Roman senator's son built a church to replace the oratory,

dedicated it to Our Lady of Martyrs, and established it as an

episcopal seat--the first of the French nation's. A very notable spot

for the French nation, surely? One deserving, perhaps, some little

memory or monument,--cross, tablet, or the like? Where, therefore,

do you suppose this first cathedral of French Christianity stood, and

with what monument has it been honoured?

It stood where we now stand, companion mine, whoever you may be; and

the monument wherewith it has been honoured is this--chimney, whose

gonfalon of smoke overshadows us--the latest effort of modern art in

Amiens, the chimney of St. Acheul.

The first cathedral, you observe, of the _French_ nation; more

accurately, the first germ of cathedral _for_ the French nation--who

are not yet here; only this grave of a martyr is here, and this church

of Our Lady of Martyrs, abiding on the hillside, till the Roman power

pass away.

Falling together with it, and trampled down by savage tribes, alike

the city and the shrine; the grave forgotten,--when at last the Franks

themselves pour from the north, and the utmost wave of them, lapping

along these downs of Somme, is _here_ stayed, and the Frankish

standard planted, and the French kingdom throned.

Here their first capital, here the first footsteps[3] of the Frank in

his France! Think of it. All over the south are Gauls, Burgundians,

Bretons, heavier-hearted nations of sullen mind: at their outmost brim

and border, here at last are the Franks, the source of all Franchise,

for this our Europe. You have heard the word in England, before now,

but English word for it is none! _Honesty_ we have of our own; but

_Frankness_ we must learn of these: nay, all the western nations of us

are in a few centuries more to be known by this name of Frank. Franks,

of Paris that is to be, in time to come; but French of Paris is in

year of grace 500 an unknown tongue in Paris, as much as in

Stratford-att-ye-Bowe. French of Amiens is the kingly and courtly form

of Christian speech, Paris lying yet in Lutetian clay, to develope

into tile-field, perhaps, in due time. Here, by soft-glittering Somme,

reign Clovis and his Clotilde.

[Footnote 3: The first fixed and set-down footsteps; wandering tribes

called Franks, had overswept the country, and recoiled, again and

again. But _this_ invasion of the so-called Salian Franks, never

retreats again.]

And by St. Firmin's grave speaks now another gentle evangelist, and

the first Frank king's prayer to the King of kings is made to Him,

known only as "the God of Clotilde."

I must ask the reader's patience now with a date or two, and stern

facts--two--three--or more.

Clodion, the leader of the first Franks who reach irrevocably beyond

the Rhine, fights his way through desultory Roman cohorts as far as

Amiens, and takes it, in 445.[4]

[Footnote 4: See note at end of chapter, as also for the allusions in

p. 8, to the battle of Soissons.]

Two years afterwards, at his death, the scarcely asserted throne is

seized--perhaps inevitably--by the tutor of his children, Merovée,

whose dynasty is founded on the defeat of Attila at Chalons.

He died in 457. His son Childeric, giving himself up to the love of

women, and scorned by the Frank soldiery, is driven into exile, the

Franks choosing rather to live under the law of Rome than under a base

chief of their own. He receives asylum at the court of the king of

Thuringia, and abides there. His chief officer in Amiens, at his

departure, breaks a ring in two, and, giving him the half of it, tells

him, when the other half is sent, to return.

And, after many days, the half of the broken ring is sent, and he

returns, and is accepted king by his Franks.

The Thuringian queen follows him, (I cannot find if her husband is

first dead--still less, if dead, how dying,) and offers herself to him

for his wife.

"I have known thy usefulness, and that thou art very strong; and I

have come to live with thee. Had I known, in parts beyond sea, any one

more useful than thou, I should have sought to live with _him_."

He took her for his wife, and their son is Clovis.

A wonderful story; how far in literalness true is of no manner of moment

to us; the myth, and power of it, _do_ manifest the nature of the French

kingdom, and prophesy its future destiny. Personal valour, personal

beauty, loyalty to kings, love of women, disdain of unloving marriage,

note all these things for true, and that in the corruption of these will

be the last death of the Frank, as in their force was his first glory.

Personal valour, worth. _Utilitas_, the keystone of all. Birth

nothing, except as gifting with valour;--Law of primogeniture

unknown;--Propriety of conduct, it appears, for the present, also

nowhere! (but we are all pagans yet, remember).

Let us get our dates and our geography, at any rate, gathered out of

the great 'nowhere' of confused memory, and set well together, thus

far.

457. Merovée dies. The useful Childeric, counting his exile, and reign

in Amiens, together, is King altogether twenty-four years, 457 to 481,

and during his reign Odoacer ends the Roman empire in Italy, 476.

481. Clovis is only fifteen when he succeeds his father, as King of

the Franks in Amiens. At this time a fragment of Roman power remains

isolated in central France, while four strong and partly savage

nations form a cross round this dying centre: the Frank on the north,

the Breton on the west, the Burgundian on the east, the Visigoth

strongest of all and gentlest, in the south, from Loire to the sea.

Sketch for yourself, first, a map of France, as large as you like, as

in Plate I., fig. 1, marking only the courses of the five rivers,

Somme, Seine, Loire, Saone, Rhone; then, rudely, you find it was

divided at the time thus, fig. 2: Fleur-de-lysée part, Frank; \\\,

Breton; ///, Burgundian; =, Visigoth. I am not sure how far these last

reached across Rhone into Provence, but I think best to indicate

Provence as semée with roses.

Now, under Clovis, the Franks fight three great battles. The first,

with the Romans, near Soissons, which they win, and become masters of

France as far as the Loire. Copy the rough map fig. 2, and put the

fleur-de-lys all over the middle of it, extinguishing the Romans (fig.

3). This battle was won by Clovis, I believe, before he married

Clotilde. He wins his princess by it: cannot get his pretty vase,

however, to present to her. Keep that story well in your mind, and the

battle of Soissons, as winning mid-France for the French, and ending the

Romans there, for ever. Secondly, after he marries Clotilde, the wild

Germans attack _him_ from the north, and he has to fight for life and

throne at Tolbiac. This is the battle in which he prays to the God of

Clotilde, and quits himself of the Germans by His help. Whereupon he is

crowned in Rheims by St. Remy.

[Illustration: Plate I. THE DYNASTIES OF FRANCE.]

And now, in the new strength of his Christianity, and his twin victory

over Rome and Germany, and his love for his queen, and his ambition

for his people, he looks south on that vast Visigothic power, between

Loire and the snowy mountains. Shall Christ, and the Franks, not be

stronger than villainous Visigoths 'who are Arians also'? All his

Franks are with him, in that opinion. So he marches against the

Visigoths, meets them and their Alaric at Poitiers, ends their Alaric

and their Arianism, and carries his faithful Franks to the Pic du

Midi.

And so now you must draw the map of France once more, and put the

fleur-de-lys all over its central mass from Calais to the Pyrenees:

only Brittany still on the west, Burgundy in the east, and the white

Provence rose beyond Rhone. And now poor little Amiens has become a

mere border town like our Durham, and Somme a border streamlet like

our Tyne. Loire and Seine have become the great French rivers, and men

will be minded to build cities by these; where the well-watered

plains, not of peat, but richest pasture, may repose under the guard

of saucy castles on the crags, and moated towers on the islands. But

now let us think a little more closely what our changed symbols in the

map may mean--five fleur-de-lys for level bar.

They don't mean, certainly, that all the Goths are gone, and nobody but

Franks in France? The Franks have not massacred Visigothic man, woman,

and child, from Loire to Garonne. Nay, where their own throne is still

set by the Somme, the peat-bred people whom they found there, live there

still, though subdued. Frank, or Goth, or Roman may fluctuate hither and

thither, in chasing or flying troops: but, unchanged through all the

gusts of war, the rural people whose huts they pillage, whose farms they

ravage, and over whose arts they reign, must still be diligently,

silently, and with no time for lamentation, ploughing, sowing,

cattle-breeding!

Else how could Frank or Hun, Visigoth or Roman, live for a month, or

fight for a day?

Whatever the name, or the manners, of their masters, the ground

delvers must be the same; and the goatherd of the Pyrenees, and the

vine-dresser of Garonne, and the milkmaid of Picardy, give them what

lords you may, abide in their land always, blossoming as the trees of

the field, and enduring as the crags of the desert. And these, the

warp and first substance of the nation, are divided, not by dynasties,

but by climates; and are strong here, and helpless there, by

privileges which no invading tyrants can abolish, and through faults

which no preaching hermit can repress. Now, therefore, please let us

leave our history a minute or two, and read the lessons of constant

earth and sky.

In old times, when one posted from Calais to Paris, there was about

half an hour's trot on the level, from the gate of Calais to the long

chalk hill, which had to be climbed before arriving at the first

post-house in the village of Marquise.

That chalk rise, virtually, is the front of France; that last bit of

level north of it, virtually the last of Flanders; south of it,

stretches now a district of chalk and fine building limestone,--(if you

keep your eyes open, you may see a great quarry of it on the west of the

railway, half-way between Calais and Boulogne, where once was a blessed

little craggy dingle opening into velvet lawns;)--this high, but never

mountainous, calcareous tract, sweeping round the chalk basin of Paris

away to Caen on one side, and Nancy on the other, and south as far as

Bourges, and the Limousin. This limestone tract, with its keen fresh

air, everywhere arable surface, and quarriable banks above well-watered

meadow, is the real country of the French. Here only are their arts

clearly developed. Farther south they are Gascons, or Limousins, or

Auvergnats, or the like. Westward, grim-granitic Bretons; eastward,

Alpine-bearish Burgundians: here only, on the chalk and finely-knit

marble, between, say, Amiens and Chartres one way, and between Caen and

Rheims on the other, have you real _France_.

Of which, before we carry on the farther vital history, I must ask the

reader to consider with me, a little, how history, so called, has been

for the most part written, and of what particulars it usually

consists.

Suppose that the tale of King Lear were a true one; and that a modern

historian were giving the abstract of it in a school manual,

purporting to contain all essential facts in British history valuable

to British youth in competitive examination. The story would be

related somewhat after this manner:--

"The reign of the last king of the seventy-ninth dynasty closed in a

series of events with the record of which it is painful to pollute the

pages of history. The weak old man wished to divide his kingdom into

dowries for his three daughters; but on proposing this arrangement to

them, finding it received by the youngest with coldness and reserve,

he drove her from his court, and divided the kingdom between his two

elder children.

"The youngest found refuge at the court of France, where ultimately

the prince royal married her. But the two elder daughters, having

obtained absolute power, treated their father at first with

disrespect, and soon with contumely. Refused at last even the comforts

necessary to his declining years, the old king, in a transport of

rage, left the palace, with, it is said, only the court fool for an

attendant, and wandered, frantic and half naked, during the storms of

winter, in the woods of Britain.

"Hearing of these events, his youngest daughter hastily collected an

army, and invaded the territory of her ungrateful sisters, with the

object of restoring her father to his throne; but, being met by a well

disciplined force, under the command of her eldest sister's paramour,

Edmund, bastard son of the Earl of Gloucester, was herself defeated,

thrown into prison, and soon afterwards strangled by the adulterer's

order. The old king expired on receiving the news of her death; and the

participators in these crimes soon after received their reward; for the

two wicked queens being rivals for the affections of the bastard, the

one of them who was regarded by him with less favour poisoned the other,

and afterwards killed herself. Edmund afterwards met his death at the

hand of his brother, the legitimate son of Gloucester, under whose rule,

with that of the Earl of Kent, the kingdom remained for several

succeeding years."

Imagine this succinctly graceful recital of what the historian

conceived to be the facts, adorned with violently black and white

woodcuts, representing the blinding of Gloucester, the phrenzy of

Lear, the strangling of Cordelia, and the suicide of Goneril, and you

have a type of popular history in the nineteenth century; which is,

you may perceive after a little reflection, about as profitable

reading for young persons (so far as regards the general colour and

purity of their thoughts) as the Newgate Calendar would be; with this

farther condition of incalculably greater evil, that, while the

calendar of prison-crime would teach a thoughtful youth the dangers of

low life and evil company, the calendar of kingly crime overthrows his

respect for any manner of government, and his faith in the ordinances

of Providence itself.

Books of loftier pretence, written by bankers, members of Parliament,

or orthodox clergymen, are of course not wanting; and show that the

progress of civilization consists in the victory of usury over

ecclesiastical prejudice, or in the establishment of the Parliamentary

privileges of the borough of Puddlecombe, or in the extinction of the

benighted superstitions of the Papacy by the glorious light of

Reformation. Finally, you have the broadly philosophical history,

which proves to you that there is no evidence whatever of any

overruling Providence in human affairs; that all virtuous actions have

selfish motives; and that a scientific selfishness, with proper

telegraphic communications, and perfect knowledge of all the species

of Bacteria, will entirely secure the future well-being of the upper

classes of society, and the dutiful resignation of those beneath them.

Meantime, the two ignored powers--the Providence of Heaven, and the

virtue of men--have ruled, and rule, the world, not invisibly; and

they are the only powers of which history has ever to tell any

profitable truth. Under all sorrow, there is the force of virtue; over

all ruin, the restoring charity of God. To these alone we have to

look; in these alone we may understand the past, and predict the

future, destiny of the ages.

I return to the story of Clovis, king now of all central France. Fix

the year 500 in your minds as the approximate date of his baptism at

Rheims, and of St. Remy's sermon to him, telling him of the sufferings

and passion of Christ, till Clovis sprang from his throne, grasping

his spear, and crying, "Had I been there with my brave Franks, I would

have avenged His wrongs."

"There is little doubt," proceeds the cockney historian, "that the

conversion of Clovis was as much a matter of policy as of faith." But

the cockney historian had better limit his remarks on the characters

and faiths of men to those of the curates who have recently taken

orders in his fashionable neighbourhood, or the bishops who have

lately preached to the population of its manufacturing suburbs.

Frankish kings were made of other clay.

The Christianity of Clovis does not indeed produce any fruits of the

kind usually looked for in a modern convert. We do not hear of his

repenting ever so little of any of his sins, nor resolving to lead a new

life in any the smallest particular. He had not been impressed with

convictions of sin at the battle of Tolbiac; nor, in asking for the help

of the God of Clotilde, had he felt or professed the remotest intention

of changing his character, or abandoning his projects. What he was,

before he believed in his queen's God, he only more intensely afterwards

became, in the confidence of that before unknown God's supernatural

help. His natural gratitude to the Delivering Power, and pride in its

protection, added only fierceness to his soldiership, and deepened his

political enmities with the rancour of religions indignation. No more

dangerous snare is set by the fiends for human frailty than the belief

that our own enemies are also the enemies of God; and it is perfectly

conceivable to me that the conduct of Clovis might have been the more

unscrupulous, precisely in the measure that his faith was more sincere.

Had either Clovis or Clotilde fully understood the precepts of their

Master, the following history of France, and of Europe, would have

been other than it is. What they could understand, or in any wise were

taught, you will find that they obeyed, and were blessed in obeying.

But their history is complicated with that of several other persons,

respecting whom we must note now a few too much forgotten particulars.

If from beneath the apse of Amiens Cathedral we take the street

leading due south, leaving the railroad station on the left, it brings

us to the foot of a gradually ascending hill, some half a mile long--a

pleasant and quiet walk enough, terminating on the level of the

highest land near Amiens; whence, looking back, the Cathedral is seen

beneath us, all but the flêche, our gained hill-top being on a level

with its roof-ridge: and, to the south, the plain of France.

Somewhere about this spot, or in the line between it and St. Acheul,

stood the ancient Roman gate of the Twins, whereon were carved Romulus

and Remus being suckled by the wolf; and out of which, one bitter

winter's day, a hundred and seventy years ago when Clovis was

baptized--had ridden a Roman soldier, wrapped in his horseman's

cloak,[5] on the causeway which was part of the great Roman road from

Lyons to Boulogne.

[Footnote 5: More properly, his knight's cloak; in all likelihood the

trabea, with purple and white stripes, dedicate to the kings of Rome,

and chiefly to Romulus.]

And it is well worth your while also, some frosty autumn or winter day

when the east wind is high, to feel the sweep of it at this spot,

remembering what chanced here, memorable to all men, and serviceable,

in that winter of the year 332, when men were dying for cold in Amiens

streets:--namely, that the Roman horseman, scarce gone out of the city

gate, was met by a naked beggar, shivering with cold; and that, seeing

no other way of shelter for him, he drew his sword, divided his own

cloak in two, and gave him half of it.

No ruinous gift, nor even enthusiastically generous: Sydney's cup of

cold water needed more self-denial; and I am well assured that many a

Christian child of our day, himself well warmed and clad, meeting one

naked and cold, would be ready enough to give the _whole_ cloak off

his own shoulders to the necessitous one, if his better-advised nurse,

or mamma, would let him. But this Roman soldier was no Christian, and

did his serene charity in simplicity, yet with prudence.

Nevertheless, that same night, he beheld in a dream the Lord Jesus,

who stood before him in the midst of angels, having on his shoulders

the half of the cloak he had bestowed on the beggar.

And Jesus said to the angels that were around him, "Know ye who hath

thus arrayed me? My servant Martin, though yet unbaptized, has done

this." And Martin after this vision hastened to receive baptism, being

then in his twenty-third year.[6]

[Footnote 6: Mrs. Jameson, Legendary Art, Vol. II., p. 721.]

Whether these things ever were so, or how far so, credulous or

incredulous reader, is no business whatever of yours or mine. What is,

and shall be, everlastingly, _so_,--namely, the infallible truth of

the lesson herein taught, and the actual effect of the life of St.

Martin on the mind of Christendom,--is, very absolutely, the business

of every rational being in any Christian realm.

You are to understand, then, first of all, that the especial character

of St. Martin is a serene and meek charity to all creatures. He is not a

preaching saint--still less a persecuting one: not even an anxious one.

Of his prayers we hear little--of his wishes, nothing. What he does

always, is merely the right thing at the right moment;--rightness and

kindness being in his mind one: an extremely exemplary saint, to my

notion.

Converted and baptized--and conscious of having seen Christ--he

nevertheless gives his officers no trouble whatever--does not try to

make proselytes in his cohort. "It is Christ's business, surely!--if

He wants them, He may appear to them as He has to me," seems the

feeling of his first baptized days. He remains seventeen years in the

army, on those tranquil terms.

At the end of that time, thinking it might be well to take other

service, he asks for his dismissal from the Emperor Julian,--on whose

accusation of faintheartedness, Martin offers, unarmed, to lead his

cohort into battle, bearing only the sign of the cross. Julian takes

him at his word,--keeps him in ward till time of battle comes; but,

the day before he counts on putting him to that war ordeal, the

barbarian enemy sends embassy with irrefusable offers of submission

and peace.

The story is not often dwelt upon: how far literally true, again

observe, does not in the least matter;--here _is_ the lesson for ever

given of the way in which a Christian soldier should meet his enemies.

Which, had John Bunyan's Mr. Great-heart understood, the Celestial

gates had opened by this time to many a pilgrim who has failed to hew

his path up to them with the sword of sharpness.

But true in some practical and effectual way the story _is_; for after

a while, without any oratorizing, anathematizing, or any manner of

disturbance, we find the Roman Knight made Bishop of Tours, and

becoming an influence of unmixed good to all mankind, then, and

afterwards. And virtually the same story is repeated of his bishop's

robe as of his knight's cloak--not to be rejected because so probable

an invention; for it is just as probable an act.

Going, in his full robes, to say prayers in church, with one of his

deacons, he came across some unhappily robeless person by the wayside;

for whom he forthwith orders his deacon to provide some manner of

coat, or gown.

The deacon objecting that no apparel of that profane nature is under

his hand, St. Martin, with his customary serenity, takes off his own

episcopal stole, or whatsoever flowing stateliness it might be, throws

it on the destitute shoulders, and passes on to perform indecorous

public service in his waistcoat, or such mediæval nether attire as

remained to him.

But, as he stood at the altar, a globe of light appeared above his

head; and when he raised his bare arms with the Host--the angels were

seen round him, hanging golden chains upon them, and jewels, not of

the earth.

Incredible to you in the nature of things, wise reader, and too

palpably a gloss of monkish folly on the older story?

Be it so: yet in this fable of monkish folly, understood with the

heart, would have been the chastisement and check of every form of the

church's pride and sensuality, which in our day have literally sunk

the service of God and His poor into the service of the clergyman and

his rich; and changed what was once the garment of praise for the

spirit of heaviness, into the spangling of Pantaloons in an

ecclesiastical Masquerade.

But one more legend,--and we have enough to show us the roots of this

saint's strange and universal power over Christendom.

"What peculiarly distinguished St. Martin was his sweet, serious,

unfailing serenity; no one had ever seen him angry, or sad, or, gay;

there was nothing in his heart but piety to God and pity for men. The

Devil, who was particularly envious of his virtues, detested above all

his exceeding charity, because it was the most inimical to his own

power, and one day reproached him mockingly that he so soon received

into favour the fallen and the repentant. But St. Martin answered him

sorrowfully, saying, 'Oh most miserable that thou art! if _thou_ also

couldst cease to persecute and seduce wretched men, if thou also

couldst repent, thou also shouldst find mercy and forgiveness through

Jesus Christ.'"[7]

[Footnote 7: Mrs. Jameson, Vol. II., p. 722.]

In this gentleness was his strength; and the issue of it is

best to be estimated by comparing its scope with that of the work of

St. Firmin. The impatient missionary riots and rants about Amiens'

streets--insults, exhorts, persuades, baptizes,--turns everything, as

aforesaid, upside down for forty days: then gets his head cut off, and

is never more named, _out_ of Amiens. St. Martin teazes nobody, spends

not a breath in unpleasant exhortation, understands, by Christ's first

lesson to himself, that undipped people may be as good as dipped if

their hearts are clean; helps, forgives, and cheers, (companionable

even to the loving-cup,) as readily the clown as the king; he is the

patron of honest drinking; the stuffing of your Martinmas goose is

fragrant in his nostrils, and sacred to him the last kindly rays of

departing summer. And somehow--the idols totter before him far and

near--the Pagan gods fade, _his_ Christ becomes all men's Christ--his

name is named over new shrines innumerable in all lands; high on the

Roman hills, lowly in English fields;--St. Augustine baptized his

first English converts in St. Martin's church at Canterbury; and the

Charing Cross station itself has not yet effaced wholly from London

minds his memory or his name.

That story of the Episcopal Robe is the last of St. Martin respecting

which I venture to tell you that it is wiser to suppose it literally

true, than a _mere_ myth; myth, however, of the deepest value and

beauty it remains assuredly: and this really last story I have to

tell, which I admit you will be wiser in thinking a fable than exactly

true, nevertheless had assuredly at its root some grain of fact

(sprouting a hundred-fold) cast on good ground by a visible and

unforgettable piece of St. Martin's actual behaviour in high company;

while, as a myth, it is every whit and for ever valuable and

comprehensive.

St. Martin, then, as the tale will have it, was dining one day at the

highest of tables in the terrestrial globe--namely, with the Emperor and

Empress of Germany! You need not inquire what Emperor, or which of the

Emperor's wives! The Emperor of Germany is, in all early myths, the

expression for the highest sacred power of the State, as the Pope is the

highest sacred power of the Church. St. Martin was dining then, as

aforesaid, with the Emperor, of course sitting next him on his

left--Empress opposite on his right: everything orthodox. St. Martin

much enjoying his dinner, and making himself generally agreeable to the

company: not in the least a John Baptist sort of a saint. You are aware

also that in Royal feasts in those days persons of much inferior rank in

society were allowed in the hall: got behind people's chairs, and saw

and heard what was going on, while they unobtrusively picked up crumbs,

and licked trenchers.

When the dinner was a little forward, and time for wine came, the

Emperor fills his own cup--fills the Empress's--fills St.

Martin's,--affectionately hobnobs with St. Martin. The equally loving,

and yet more truly believing, Empress, looks across the table, humbly,

but also royally, expecting St. Martin, of course, next to hobnob with

_her_. St. Martin looks round, first, deliberately; becomes aware of a

tatterdemalion and thirsty-looking soul of a beggar at his chair side,

who has managed to get _his_ cup filled somehow, also--by a charitable

lacquey.

St. Martin turns his back on the Empress, and hobnobs with _him_!

For which charity--mythic if you like, but evermore exemplary--he

remains, as aforesaid, the patron of good-Christian topers to this

hour.

As gathering years told upon him, he seems to have felt that he had

carried weight of crozier long enough--that busy Tours must now find a

busier Bishop--that, for himself, he might innocently henceforward take

his pleasure and his rest where the vine grew and the lark sang. For his

episcopal palace, he takes a little cave in the chalk cliffs of the

up-country river: arranges all matters therein, for bed and board, at

small cost. Night by night the stream murmurs to him, day by day the

vine-leaves give their shade; and, daily by the horizon's breadth so

much nearer Heaven, the fore-running sun goes down for him beyond the

glowing water;--there, where now the peasant woman trots homewards

between her panniers, and the saw rests in the half-cleft wood, and the

village spire rises grey against the farthest light, in Turner's

'Loireside.'[8]

[Footnote 8: Modern Painters, Plate 73.]

All which things, though not themselves without profit, my special

reason for telling you now, has been that you might understand the

significance of what chanced first on Clovis' march south against the

Visigoths.

"Having passed the Loire at Tours, he traversed the lands of the abbey

of St. Martin, which he declared inviolate, and refused permission to

his soldiers to touch anything, save water and grass for their horses.

So rigid were his orders, and the obedience he exacted in this

respect, that a Frankish soldier having taken, without the consent of

the owner, some hay, which belonged to a poor man, saying in raillery

"that it was but grass," he caused the aggressor to be put to death,

exclaiming that "Victory could not be expected, if St. Martin should

be offended."

Now, mark you well, this passage of the Loire at Tours is virtually

the fulfilment of the proper bounds of the French kingdom, and the

sign of its approved and securely set power is "Honour to the poor!"

Even a little grass is not to be stolen from a poor man, on pain of

Death. So wills the Christian knight of Roman armies; throned now high

with God. So wills the first Christian king of far victorious

Franks;--here baptized to God in Jordan of his goodly land, as he goes

over to possess it.

How long?

Until that same Sign should be read backwards from a degenerate

throne;--until, message being brought that the poor of the French

people had no bread to eat, answer should be returned to them "They

may eat grass." Whereupon--by St. Martin's faubourg, and St. Martin's

gate--there go forth commands from the Poor Man's Knight against the

King--which end _his_ Feasting.

And be this much remembered by you, of the power over French souls,

past and to come, of St. Martin of Tours.

NOTES TO CHAPTER I.

The reader will please observe that notes immediately necessary to the

understanding of the text will be given, with _numbered_ references,

under the text itself; while questions of disputing authorities, or

quotations of supporting documents will have _lettered_ references,

and be thrown together at the end of each chapter.[9] One good of this

method will be that, after the numbered notes are all right, if I see

need of farther explanation, as I revise the press, I can insert a

letter referring to a _final_ note without confusion of the standing

types. There will be some use also in the final notes, in summing the

chapters, or saying what is to be more carefully remembered of them.

Thus just now it is of no consequence to remember that the first

taking of Amiens was in 445, because that is not the founding of the

Merovingian dynasty; neither that Merovæus seized the throne in 447

and died ten years later. The real date to be remembered is 481, when

Clovis himself comes to the throne, a boy of fifteen; and the three

battles of Clovis' reign to be remembered are Soissons, Tolbiac, and

Poitiers--remembering also that this was the first of the three great

battles of Poitiers;--how the Poitiers district came to have such

importance as a battle-position, we must afterwards discover if we

can. Of Queen Clotilde and her flight from Burgundy to her Frank lover

we must hear more in next chapter,--the story of the vase at Soissons

is given in "The Pictorial History of France," but must be deferred

also, with such comment as it needs, to next chapter; for I wish the

reader's mind, in the close of this first number, to be left fixed on

two descriptions of the modern 'Frank' (taking that word in its

Saracen sense), as distinguished from the modern Saracen. The first

description is by Colonel Butler, entirely true and admirable, except

in the implied extension of the contrast to olden time: for the Saxon

soul under Alfred, the Teutonic under Charlemagne, and the Frank under

St. Louis, were quite as religious as any Asiatic's, though more

practical; it is only the modern mob of kingless miscreants in the

West, who have sunk themselves by gambling, swindling, machine-making,

and gluttony, into the scurviest louts that have ever fouled the Earth

with the carcases she lent them.

[Footnote 9: The plan for numbered and lettered references is not

followed after the first chapter.]

* * * * *

"Of the features of English character brought to light by the spread

of British dominion in Asia, there is nothing more observable than the

contrast between the religious bias of Eastern thought and the innate

absence of religion in the Anglo-Saxon mind. Turk and Greek, Buddhist

and Armenian, Copt and Parsee, all manifest in a hundred ways of daily

life the great fact of their belief in a God. In their vices as well

as in their virtues the recognition of Deity is dominant.

"With the Western, on the contrary, the outward form of practising

belief in a God is a thing to be half-ashamed of--something to hide. A

procession of priests in the Strada Reale would probably cause an

average Briton to regard it with less tolerant eye than he would cast

upon a Juggernaut festival in Orissa: but to each alike would he

display the same iconoclasm of creed, the same idea, not the less

fixed because it is seldom expressed in words: "You pray; therefore I

do not think much of you." But there is a deeper difference between

East and West lying beneath this incompatibility of temper on the part

of modern Englishmen to accept the religious habit of thought in the

East. All Eastern peoples possess this habit of thought. It is the one

tie which links together their widely differing races. Let us give an

illustration of our meaning. On an Austrian Lloyd's steamboat in the

Levant a traveller from Beyrout will frequently see strange groups of

men crowded together on the quarter-deck. In the morning the missal

books of the Greek Church will be laid along the bulwarks of the ship,

and a couple of Russian priests, coming from Jerusalem, will be busy

muttering mass. A yard to right or left a Turkish pilgrim, returning

from Mecca, sits a respectful observer of the scene. It is prayer, and

therefore it is holy in his sight. So, too, when the evening hour has

come, and the Turk spreads out his bit of carpet for the sunset

prayers and obeisance towards Mecca, the Greek looks on in silence,

without trace of scorn in his face, for it is again the worship of the

Creator by the created. They are both fulfilling the _first_ law of

the East--prayer to God; and whether the shrine be Jerusalem, Mecca,

or Lhassa, the sanctity of worship surrounds the votary, and protects

the pilgrim.

"Into this life comes the Englishman, frequently destitute of one

touch of sympathy with the prayers of any people, or the faith of any

creed; hence our rule in the East has ever rested, and will ever rest,

upon the bayonet. We have never yet got beyond the stage of conquest;

never assimilated a people to our ways, never even civilized a single

tribe around the wide dominion of our empire. It is curious how

frequently a well-meaning Briton will speak of a foreign church or

temple as though it had presented itself to his mind in the same light

in which the City of London appeared to Blucher--as something to loot.

The other idea, that a priest was a person to hang, is one which is

also often observable in the British brain. On one occasion, when we

were endeavouring to enlighten our minds on the Greek question, as it

had presented itself to a naval officer whose vessel had been

stationed in Greek and Adriatic waters during our occupation of Corfu

and the other Ionian Isles, we could only elicit from our informant

the fact that one morning before breakfast he had hanged seventeen

priests."

The second passage which I store in these notes for future use, is the

supremely magnificent one, out of a book full of magnificence,--if truth

be counted as having in it the strength of deed: Alphonse Karr's "Grains

de Bon Sens." I cannot praise either this or his more recent

"Bourdonnements" to my own heart's content, simply because they are by a

man utterly after my own heart, who has been saying in France, this

many a year, what I also, this many a year, have been saying in England,

neither of us knowing of the other, and both of us vainly. (See pages 11

and 12 of "Bourdonnements.") The passage here given is the sixty-third

clause in "Grains de Bon Sens."

"Et tout cela, monsieur, vient de ce qu'il n'y a plus de croyances--de

ce qu'on ne croit plus à rien.

"Ah! saperlipopette, monsieur, vous me la baillez belle! Vous dites

qu'on ne croit plus à rien! Mais jamais, à aucune époque, on n'a cru à

tant de billevesées, de bourdes, de mensonges, de sottises,

d'absurdités qu'aujourd'hui.

"D'abord, on _croit_ a l'incrédulité--l'incrédulité est une croyance,

une religion très exigeante, qui a ses dogmes, sa liturgie, ses

pratiques, ses rites! ...son intolérance, ses superstitions. Nous

avons des incrédules et des impies jésuites, et des incrédules et des

impies jansénistes; des impies molinistes, et des impies quiétistes;

des impies pratiquants, et non pratiquants; des impies indifférents et

des impies fanatiques; des incrédules cagots et des impies hypocrites

et tartuffes.--La religion de l'incrédulité ne se refuse même pas le

luxe des hérésies.

"On ne croit plus à la bible, je le veux bien, mais on _croit_ aux

'écritures' des journaux, on croit au 'sacerdoce' des gazettes et

carrés de papier, et à leurs 'oracles' quotidiens.

"On _croit_ au 'baptême' de la police correctionnelle et de la Cour

d'assises--on appelle 'martyrs' et 'confesseurs' les 'absents' à

Nouméa et les 'frères' de Suisse, d'Angleterre et de Belgique--et,

quand on parle des 'martyrs de la Commune' ça ne s'entend pas des

assassinés, mais des assassins.

"On se fait enterrer 'civilement,' on ne veut plus sur son cercueil

des priéres de l'Eglise, on ne veut ni cierges, ni chants

religieux,--mais on veut un cortége portant derrière la bière des

immortelles rouges;--on veut une 'oraison,' une 'prédication' de

Victor Hugo qui a ajouté cette spécialité à ses autres spécialités, si

bien qu'un de ces jours derniers, comme il suivait un convoi en

amateur, un croque-mort s'approcha de lui, le poussa du coude, et lui

dit en souriant: 'Est-ce que nous n'aurons pas quelque chose de vous,

aujourd'hui?'--Et cette prédication il la lit ou la récite--ou, s'il

ne juge pas à propos 'd'officier' lui-même, s'il s'agit d'un mort de

plus, il envoie pour la psalmodier M. Meurice ou tout autre 'prêtre'

ou 'enfant de coeur' du 'Dieu,'--A défaut de M. Hugo, s'il s'agit

d'un citoyen obscur, on se contente d'une homélie improvisée pour la

dixième fois par n'importe quel député intransigeant--et le _Miserere_

est remplacé par les cris de 'Vive la République!' poussés dans le

cimetière.

"On n'entre plus dans les églises, mais on fréquente les brasseries et

les cabarets; on y officie, on y célèbre les mystères, on y chante les

louanges d'une prétendue république _sacro-sainte_, une, indivisible,

démocratique, sociale, athénienne, intransigeante, despotique, invisible

quoique étant partout. On y communie sous différentes espèces; le matin

(_matines_) on 'tue le ver' avec le vin blanc,--il y a plus tard les

vêpres de l'absinthe, auxquelles on se ferait un crime de manquer

d'assiduité.

"On ne croit plus en Dieu, mais on _croit_ pieusement en M. Gambetta,

en MM. Marcou, Naquet, Barodet, Tartempion, etc., et en toute une

longue litanie de saints et de _dii minores_ tels que Goutte-Noire,

Polosse, Boriasse et Silibat, le héros lyonnais.

"On _croit_ à 'l'immuabilité' de M. Thiers, qui a dit avec aplomb 'Je

ne change jamais,' et qui aujourd'hui est à la fois le protecteur et

le protégé de ceux qu'il a passé une partie de sa vie à fusilier, et

qu'il fusillait encore hier.

'On _croit_ au républicanisme 'immaculé' de l'avocat de Cahors qui a

jeté par-dessus bord tous les principes républicains,--qui est à la

fois de son côté le protecteur et le protégé de M. Thiers, qui hier

l'appelait 'fou furieux,' déportait et fusillait ses amis.

"Tous deux, il est vrai, en même temps protecteurs hypocrites, et

protégés dupés.

"On ne croit plus aux miracles anciens, mais on _croit_ à des miracles

nouveaux.

"On _croit_ à une république sans le respect religieux et presque

fanatique des lois.

"On _croit_ qu'on peut s'enrichir en restant imprévoyants, insouciants

et paresseux, et autrement que par le travail et l'économie.

"On se _croit_ libre en obéissant aveuglément et bêtement à deux ou

trois coteries.

"On se _croit_ indépendant parce qu'on a tué ou chassé un lion et

qu'on l'a remplacé par deux douzaines de caniches teints en jaune.

"On _croit_ avoir conquis le 'suffrage universel' en votant par des

mots d'ordre qui en font le contraire du suffrage universel,--mené au

vote comme on mène un troupeau au pâturage, avec cette différence que

ça ne nourrit pas.--D'ailleurs, par ce suffrage universel qu'on croit

avoir et qu'on n'a pas,--il faudrait _croire_ que les soldats doivent

commander au général, les chevaux mener le cocher;--_croire_ que deux

radis valent mieux qu'une truffe, deux cailloux mieux qu'un diamant,

deux crottins mieux qu'une rose.

"On se _croit_ en République, parce que quelques demi-quarterons de

farceurs occupent les mêmes places, émargent les mêmes appointements,

pratiquent les mêmes abus, que ceux qu'on a renversés a leur bénéfice.

"On se _croit_ un peuple opprimé, heroïque, que brise ses fers, et

n'est qu'un domestique capricieux qui aime à changer de maîtres.

"On _croit_ au génie d'avocats de sixième ordre, qui ne se sont jetés

dans la politique et n'aspirent au gouvernement despotique de la

France que faute d'avoir pu gagner honnêtement, sans grand travail,

dans l'exercice d'un profession correcte, une vie obscure humectée de

chopes.

"On _croit_ que des hommes dévoyés, déclassés, décavés, fruits secs,

etc., qui n'ont étudié que le 'domino à quatre' et le 'bezigue en

quinze cents' se réveillent un matin,--après un sommeil alourdi par le

tabac et la bière--possédant la science de la politique, et l'art de

la guerre; et aptes à être dictateurs, généraux, ministres, préfets,

sous-préfets, etc.

"Et les soi-disant conservateurs eux-mêmes _croient_ que la France

peut se relever et vivre tant qu'on n'aura pas fait justice de ce

prétendu suffrage universel qui est le contraire du suffrage

universel.

"Les croyances out subi le sort de ce serpent de la fable--coupé,

haché par morceaux, dont chaque tronçon devenait un serpent.

"Les croyances se sont changées en monnaie--en billon de crédulités.

"Et pour finir la liste bien incomplète des croyances et des

crédulités--vous _croyez_, vous, qu'on ne croit à rien!"

Our Fathers Have Told Us Part I. The Bible of Amiens · 第 1 / 5 章