CHAPTER XXX.

Negroes: Their introduction into the New World--Bartholomew Las

Casas--His intercessions in favour of the Indians--Cardinal

Ximenes--Origin of the slave trade--Its adoption by the English

government--Character of slavery--Mental degeneracy--Instances

of superior faculties among the Negro race--Juan Parega--

Phillis Wheatley--Ignatius Sancho--His letter to the Rev. L.

Sterne--Slavery in its early days--Punishment of the negroes in

1736.

In furtherance of my plan, of commencing from the earliest period

the history of this small but important colony, it also devolves

upon me to give some account of the first introduction of negroes

into this quarter of the globe, particularly as they form so

large a bulk of the population of Antigua.

The negroes, as perhaps many of my readers may be aware, were

first introduced generally into the West Indies, as labourers, in

1515, although some few had been sent there a short time before.

Bartholomew Las Casas, an eminent Spanish divine, was one of

those who proposed this measure, and spent both time and money in

its completion. Las Casas was born at Seville, in the year 1474;

and at the age of nineteen, accompanied his father to the West

Indies.

At this period, Rodrigo Albuquerque, the confidential minister of

Ferdinand V. of Spain, had succeeded Don Diego, the son of

Christopher Columbus, in the government of Hispaniola, which the

Spaniards still considered as their principal colony. Albuquerque

was a man of violent passions, and rapacious in the acquisition

of wealth; and under his government the poor Indians led but a

miserable life; and with hard labour and ill-treatment they were

almost exterminated. The cruel and arbitrary proceedings adopted

towards them excited compassion in the minds of all who had the

least particle of commiseration in their natures. The

missionaries had early expressed their abhorrence of the system

of parting the Indians among the settlers, by which means they

became the slaves of their conquerors. The Dominicans, in

particular, had strongly protested against the "_repartimientos_"

(or sharing) as it was termed; and not content with remonstrating

in private, made the pulpit the theatre of action, and denounced

curses upon the heads of those who followed that plan.

Bartholomew Las Casas early became a convert to their opinions

upon this head. He not only gave up all the Indians which had

fallen to his share, but tried all means in his power to persuade

his countrymen to do so likewise. He remonstrated with

Albuquerque upon the unlawfulness of his conduct; but he found

that tyrant too much engrossed with the sordid love of acquiring

gold for his remonstrances to be of any effect. When Las Casas

found this to be the case, he determined to depart for Spain, and

lay his complaint at the feet of Ferdinand.

After a protracted voyage of many weeks, Las Casas arrived safe

at Cadiz, and quickly obtained an interview with his sovereign,

whom he found to be in a very languishing state of health.

Ferdinand listened with deep attention to Las Casas'

representation of the sufferings endured by the unfortunate

natives of the West Indies; and expressed deep compunction for

his guilt in having authorized this measure of sharing, which had

brought destruction upon so many innocent people; and finally, he

promised to take into consideration the means of redressing the

grievances he had occasioned. Death, however, put an end to all

his resolves; and Charles V. of Germany, who succeeded him, being

then in Austria, appointed the celebrated Cardinal Ximenes his

regent.

Las Casas was not wearied with his undertaking, or disheartened

with his disappointment; he obtained an interview with the

regent, and argued his cause with so much feeling and eloquence,

that Ximenes appointed a commission of monks from St. Jerome to

go to the West Indies and make every inquiry into the situation

of the wretched inhabitants, directing Las Casas to accompany

them, with the title of "Protector of the Indians." Upon their

arrival, the monks proceeded with caution to investigate the

matter; and after some time spent in this way, gave it as their

opinion, that the Spaniards must either give up their American

conquests, or be satisfied with very little gain, unless the

system of slavery was tolerated; at the same time, expressing

their determination to try all endeavours in their power to

secure to the Indians a milder and a better treatment.

All but Las Casas were satisfied with these proceedings, but he

argued for total exemption; and so strenuously did he urge his

plea, that the planters' anger was aroused, and he was obliged to

retire into a convent to preserve his life. But Las Casas was not

the man to give up a favourite project for a trifle. Finding how

ill he succeeded in the New World, he determined once more to

sail for Spain, and employ every means and exert every energy to

accomplish his plans, and never to give up his labours until

death or the accomplishment of his wishes ended them.

By the time he arrived at home, the Cardinal Ximenes had resigned

the regency, and Charles had assumed the reins of government, and

to this monarch Las Casas carried his complaints. The emperor

listened to him, and appointed another commission of monks to

inquire into the business; but Las Casas knew the opposition this

measure would meet with, and the little good it would effect; he

therefore set his wits to work to find out some other expedient,

and at last thought of introducing other labourers into the West

Indies in lieu of the Indians.

The use the Portuguese made of their African discoveries was to

ensnare the inhabitants and sell them as slaves; and Las Casas

thought that if these wretched people could be transported in

numbers to America, they would, from their stronger constitutions

and hardy frames, answer better than the natives themselves. This

plan was laid before the council in Spain, and although strongly

resisted by Cardinal Ximenes, who saw the impropriety of

condemning an innocent nation to perpetual slavery to save

another, the measure was carried by a majority of voices, and

Charles granted to a favourite courtier a patent, empowering him

to purchase slaves in Africa, and ship them to the West Indies.

This patent was purchased by some Genoese merchants, who

immediately put it into execution, and thus that detestable

traffic, the "slave trade," was introduced by men calling

themselves _Christians_, and professing to follow the doctrines

of their divine Master, while they deliberately set at nought his

great precept--"Do unto others as you would have others do unto

you." It is not within the plan of the present work to inquire

how much the situation of the Indians was improved by this

arrangement, but will merely observe, that while Las Casas spent

his time, his money, and his health, in trying to benefit his

favourite people, he forgot all other classes, and completely

shut the door of mercy upon the unoffending Africans; and for no

other cause than it had pleased their Creator to bestow upon them

greater strength than upon the natives of the West, they were

torn from their country, their friends, and home, and, to

"increase a stranger's treasures," consigned to hopeless misery.

To the Portuguese and Genoese the slave-trade exclusively

belonged for many years; at length, the Dutch, seeing the

gainfulness of it, engaged in it; and in 1564, during the reign

of Queen Elizabeth, Sir John, then Mr. Hawkins, introduced this

bloodstained commerce (for so it may justly be termed) into the

English trade, and thus tarnished the bright name he had acquired

by his many naval victories.

Oh, that England, so famous for her spirit of liberty, should

have ever imbrued her hands in this inhuman traffic!--that she,

the "empress of the waves," should have lent her power to crush

these unfortunate beings!--that that nation by whom the sweets of

domestic ties are so peculiarly felt and appreciated, should have

been among the first to rend husband from wife, the babe from its

mother, the daughter from her old parent, and condemn them to

"Plough the winter's wave, and reap despair!"

that Britons, free-born Britons, such advocates for liberty!

should have acted thus for so many years, even when the dark

clouds of ignorance had been dispersed, and "knowledge to their

eyes" had unfolded "her ample page," is almost beyond credence.

But, alas! it proves how much "the clink of Mammon's box" charms

the ear and deadens the nobler feelings of the soul. In 1592, two

years before he died, Sir John Hawkins was so impressed with

horror at what he had done in introducing the slave-trade to the

notice of his countrymen, who had eagerly pursued it, that he

built a hospital at Rochester, to atone, in some measure, for his

violation of the laws of humanity.

Draco's laws were said to be written with a pen of iron, in

letters of blood; and surely, so also have the annals of slavery

been described. "Disguise thyself as thou wilt," says Sterne,

"still, slavery--still thou art a bitter draught!" And, bitter as

it is, our poor West Indian slaves have, in former years, drained

the cup to the very dregs. But, thank God, the cry--"Am I not a

man and a brother!" has been heard and acknowledged. The names of

Sharpe, Wilberforce, and Fox, with many others, are engraved deep

in the hearts of all true lovers of humanity, for their strenuous

endeavours, year after year, in procuring the abolition of this

infernal traffic; and universal gratitude is due to Buxton,

Lushington, and their right worthy fellow-labourers of the

present day, for their share in effecting the final measure of

emancipation. And in this place, I must beg to proffer my thanks

to the many kind hearts which beat in Antigua, _slave-owners_ as

they were, for their joint exertions with our English

philanthropists in bringing this glorious freedom about; and for

their cheerful acquiescence, when accomplished, in giving their

slaves immediate freedom. They asked for no apprenticeship--they

would not even accept it; but they trusted to their negroes, and

set them free at once. Yet England did not behave to the

Antiguans as she ought to have done. Instead of rewarding them

for their disinterested conduct, by allotting to them a larger

share of the compensation-money, their portion was _smaller_ than

that of any of the other islands. The excuse for this was, that

slaves were _less_ valued in Antigua. But what caused them to be

less valuable? Did our English government ask that question? Do

our friends "at home" know the answer? The Antiguans had become

sensible of the inhumanity of dealing in human flesh; and

although they were obliged to employ their slaves to till their

fields, it was very few persons who thought of purchasing

negroes. This was the reason, and not because her slaves were

worse than those of other islands, or less competent for

labour.[3]

Slavery is not only revolting for the cruelties it has

occasioned, but it is debasing to the mind. How few, _very few

slaves_, have we heard of, who have shewn any intellectual

qualifications, or made any improvements in machinery or

agriculture! Nor need we be surprised at this; for had a slave

proposed anything of the kind, his master would have probably

considered it as a suggestion of indolence, or a desire to save

himself from toil at the expense of others.

Some authors have asserted, that negroes are an unimprovable

race, incapable of receiving instruction, or having sufficient

reason to discern right from wrong. But I am not at all inclined

to assent to such a doctrine, but attribute the fact, that

greater talents have not been shewn by them, as before remarked,

to the degradation of slavery. Indeed, we have had some few

instances of _considerable_ display of abilities among this sable

people; one or two instances of which it may not be amiss to

introduce.

One of these _clever negroes_ was a slave, named Juan de Parega,

who was sent from the West Indies as a present to Diego

Valasquez, the celebrated Spanish painter, about the year 1600.

Juan was very fond of painting, and his own natural talents

enabled him to study it with great effect. This he did, however,

secretly, for fear of giving offence to his master, who, he

thought, might be angry with a slave for disgracing the art.

Philip the Fourth of Spain was a great admirer of the fine arts,

and a frequent visitor at Valasquez's study, where, if he met any

pictures with their faces to the wall,[4] he was sure to request

they might be turned. One day, when the monarch came to the

house, during the absence of Valasquez, and before he proceeded

to the study, Juan took one of his own pictures, hung it up in a

prominent situation, with the painted side turned to the wall,

and with trembling heart awaited the result. Philip's step was

heard upon the stair--his finger was upon the lock--poor Juan's

emotion almost stifled him!--the door opened, and his majesty

entered. His quick eye immediately alighted upon the new picture,

which he ordered Juan to turn. This was done; and after examining

it for some time, Philip pronounced it beautiful! The gratified

slave, his eyes beaming with delight, while he trembled at the

thoughts of his audacity, fell upon his knees before his

sovereign, acknowledged it to be his work, and prayed him to

intercede with his master for him, that his presumption might be

pardoned. Philip raised him from his knees, commended his

talents, and; upon seeing Valasquez, told him he ought to free

such a man. This was done; but Juan would never quit his kind

master: he remained with him, studying and improving under his

tuition, until eventually he became one of the first

portrait-painters of his day.

Another instance we have in Phillis Wheatley; she was purchased

by Mrs. F. Wheatley in Boston slave-market, (America,) when she

was about seven or eight years old. Shewing great natural

talents, her mistress had her taught reading, writing, &c. As she

grew up to womanhood, she attracted the notice of many literary

characters, who supplied her with books and directed her studies.

When about fourteen years of age, she attempted compositions both

in prose and verse; and between that and nineteen, all her works

were published.[5]

While upon this subject, we must not forget Ignatius Sancho.

Ignatius was born on board a slave-ship a few days after it had

left Guinea, in 1729. The severities his mother met with put an

end to her existence a short time after her arrival in the West

Indies; and his father took it so much to heart that he committed

suicide. This plainly proves that negroes are not so utterly

devoid of natural affections as some would have us believe--

"Skins may differ, but affection

Dwells in black and white the same."

But to return to our hero. After some years, he was brought to

England, through the kindness of the Duke of Montague, and

obtained means of instruction. He wrote a great many letters,

which were deemed worthy of being published; and a large

subscription was raised. They were reckoned very well written;

one of them, upon slavery, may not prove uninteresting to many of

my readers. It was addressed to the Rev. L. Sterne, 1776.

"Rev. Sir,--It would be an insult to your humanity (or perhaps

look like it) to apologize for the liberty I am taking. The first

part of my life was rather unlucky, as I was placed in a family

who judged ignorance to be the best and only security for

obedience; a little reading and writing I got by unwearied

application. The latter part of my life has been, through God's

blessing, truly fortunate, having spent it in the service of one

of the best and greatest families in the kingdom: My chief

pleasure has been books--philanthropy I adore. How much, very

much, good sir, am I (among millions) indebted to you for the

character of your amiable Uncle Toby. I declare I would walk ten

miles in the dog-days to shake hands with the honest Corporal.

Your sermons have touched me to the heart, and, I hope, have

amended it, which brings me to the point.

"In your tenth discourse is this very affecting passage:--

'Consider how great a part of our species, in all ages down to

this, have been trod under the feet of cruel and capricious

tyrants, who would neither hear their cries nor pity their

distress. Consider slavery, what it is--how bitter a draught, and

how many millions are made to drink of it!'

"Of all my favourite authors, not one has drawn a tear in favour

of my miserable black brethren excepting yourself and the humane

author of 'Sir George Ellison.' I think you will forgive me--I am

sure you will applaud me--for beseeching you to give one

half-hour to slavery as at this day practised in our West Indian

colonies. That subject handled in your striking manner, would

ease the yoke perhaps of many; but if only one--gracious God!

what a feast to a benevolent heart. And I am sure you are an

Epicurean in acts of charity; you, who are universally read, and

as universally admired, you cannot fail.

"Dear Sir, think in me you behold the uplifted hands of thousands

of my brethren Moors. Grief, you pathetically observe, is

eloquent. Figure to yourself their attitudes; hear their

supplicating addresses; alas! you cannot refuse--humanity must

comply. In which hope I beg permission to subscribe myself,

"Rev. Sir, &c. &c."

This is the letter; all must know Sterne's beautiful piece on

"Slavery," which it produced. At one time, Ignatius Sancho had an

idea of going upon the stage, and actually offered himself to Mr.

Garrick, to perform the character of Othello and Oronooko; but an

irreparable defect in his articulation prevented him from putting

his designs into execution. Ignatius died from a complication of

disorders in the year 1780, aged fifty-one; he was much esteemed

by his friends in England.

These examples before us, and others which might be added, prove

that the negroes are not always the unintelligent beings they

have been supposed; and I do hope, that now so much has been done

for them, they will alter their character, and strive to suppress

those vices which their life of servitude has produced among

them. They are no longer treated as beasts of burden, but taught

to consider themselves as men; they make it a constant boast, "Me

free, me no b'longs to you!" I hope they may shew they deserve

their freedom by their good conduct; then we may hope for better

days; we may see virtues springing up among them; emanations of

genius may arise and surprise the whole world.

I wish them well--I feel interested about them--I desire their

good--and I am sorry, _very sorry_, that in the course of these

remarks I may have so much to say about them. But when I have to

touch upon the dark part of their character, for "lights and

shadows" _must_ be depicted, I beseech you, my kind readers, to

remember how short has been their life of freedom; how few have

been their advantages, comparatively speaking; and above all,

remember evil is not to be returned for evil, but rather good.

There are many worthy industrious characters among this class of

persons in Antigua; not famous, it is true, for any great display

of abilities, or of superior talents, like Juan Parega, or our

friend Sancho, but men of sound mind, well-behaved, and clever in

producing little articles of native manufacture. A fancy sale was

held in this island in January, 1837, and among the contributions

was a miniature sugar-mill, with all its vanes &c. complete,

capable of grinding the canes when peeled. This pretty little

article was the work and gift of one who, in 1834, was a slave

belonging to the Hon. Bertie E. Jarvis. It was purchased by two

American gentlemen, friends of liberty, who were residing for a

short time in Antigua, to see how the free system worked, and who

carried it with them to America, to shew what a free negro could

do. Had slavery still existed, that man would never have exerted

his talents with such success, for either he would not have had

the time allowed, or he would not have had the spirit.

In this remark, I mean no disrespect to his late owner; far from

it, for I have ever heard that the Hon. B. E. Jarvis ranked among

those worthy characters, many, very many of whom I glory to say

were to be found in Antigua, who, while they knew their slaves

were their goods, their _chattels_, scorned to use unnecessary

punishments, but treated them kindly, listened to their wants,

and protected them when in need.

Truly grateful ought we to be that, in British colonies at least,

slavery is no more; for it was a dark spot in the fair character

of Britain, which no reasoning, however subtle, could hide.

Interested persons might boast of the legal regulations for the

protection of slaves; but in truth, those laws were either

insufficient or not rigidly enforced; some way or the other, the

laws which were made for the protection of the slave, generally

turned out to the benefit of the master.

At the trial of a planter for the murder of his slave, one of the

persons summoned as a juror begged to be excused from acting,

giving as his reason "that he thought such a trial would be

hurtful to the West Indian Islands, as it would make the slaves

saucy!" What! then a man was to lacerate, to _kill_ his poor

slave, under circumstances of the most barbarous cruelty, and yet

not to be brought to justice, not to be punished as he justly

deserved--and for why? Oh! blush to hear it, my readers--_because

it would make the slaves saucy!_ Happy am I to state, that this

_conscientious_ juryman lived not in Antigua--that this horrible

murder was not committed there.

I mean not to insinuate that this was the general opinion of

residents in the West Indies; far from it; this was a solitary

case. Murder is a crime generally detested; man must become an

incarnate demon, or one from whom all reason has fled, before he

can perpetrate such an act: and whoever may be the victim, all

classes are anxious to bring the murderer to justice. But, and I

feel confident I am not going beyond the truth, in many

instances, crimes of less magnitude, where loss of life and limb

has not ensued, have been passed over, or if noticed, and the

form of trial complied with, Astræa has not equally balanced her

scales, and the negro has not been righted _because he was only a

negro_.

Oh! I have heard and read of deeds of blood which would chill the

very soul--deeds which in other days have been practised in

Antigua, noted as she was for the mildness of her slave laws.

Those infernal instruments of torture have been used, even

invented, by man in his most debased state--"the detestable,

ever-to-be-detested cart-whip," the heavy chain, the dark

loathsome dungeon, the thumb-screw, and the barbarous

"mouth-piece," as it was termed, which was a plate of iron

pressing upon the tongue, while bars of iron enclosed the head,

and a padlock, fastened behind the victim's neck, prevented their

agonizing cries from reaching mortal ears. But the Infinite from

his bright throne saw and pitied these poor wretched sons of Ham,

and sent men of milder mood--men whose hearts were touched with

their miseries, whose ears were open to their cries--to labour

and exert themselves in their behalf, and at last obtain their

liberty.

Sometimes iron rings were fastened round their legs, which their

kind and humane masters jocularly termed, "negro-boots;" at other

times massy iron collars were fixed round their necks, to which

was attached galling chains; and fearful these might give _too

little pain_, or occasion _too little inconvenience_,

half-hundred weights were hung to them. It used to be a method of

punishment, it is said, in former times, when owners did not mind

losing the value of a negro or two, to take an empty hogshead,

and after driving plenty of nails into it, making the points to

protrude in the inside, to put a slave or two into it, and

heading it up, roll them down a steep hill; and thus leave them

to expire. Some masters, when their slaves were _very ill_, or

_very old_, and could be of no further service, used to bury them

alive; and it is said, that upon being put into their graves,

they have been heard to say, "Pray, massa, no bury me, me no dead

yet; do, massa, let dem take me out;" and the master, with a

curse upon his lips, has replied that he had plenty of money to

buy more; he did not want an old, half-dead negro.

Gibbeting alive was another mode of punishment formerly in use;

and when adopted, the sufferers have been known to live more than

a week. That any one could deliberately condemn a fellow-creature

to such intolerable anguish seems almost impossible; yet that

such has been the case in Antigua, is remembered by some alive; I

have heard of one instance in which a white man was the sufferer.

I should not have noticed it in this place, was it not that it

proves how much cruelty was practised even in those days. All

will allow, or at least ought to do, that when a criminal suffers

the extreme penalty of the law, it is done for the sake of

example, not revenge; and consequently, the mildest and quickest

kind of death should be practised. The circumstance alluded to,

was as follows. A white man, known as Captain White, the owner of

a small vessel, had for some length of time committed piracy upon

the high seas; but at last was taken, and brought into Antigua.

He was condemned to die, and that death to be by gibbeting. A

gibbet was accordingly prepared; the wretched man was carried to

a bay, near where St. James's Fort is now erected, and there, in

the face of heaven, _he was hung up in chains, alive!_ with a

loaf of bread and a calabash of water almost within his reach;

but which, like the waters of Tartarus to him of old, only mocked

him with their approach, as the wind blew them backwards and

forwards. The man lived nine days in this situation; and in the

extremity of his hunger, actually ate the flesh from off his

shoulders. The place where he was executed is well known to many

in Antigua as White's Bay, and a few years ago, the remains of

the gibbet was to be met with. How ought we to bless God, that we

lived not in those days; that our feelings are now not outraged

by any of those dreadful exhibitions: certainly, his crime

(piracy) was a dreadful one, but who cannot but feel for his

after-sufferings?

The following letter from a white inhabitant throws a further

light upon the insurrection of the negroes, in 1736, which we

have noticed in the "Legend of the Ravine;" and points out the

particular punishment awarded to many of the actors in that

tragedy:--

Antigua, Jan. 15th, 1736.

"Dear Friend,

"We are in a great deal of trouble in this island; the burning of

negroes, hanging them up on gibbets alive, racking them upon the

wheel, &c., takes up all our time; that from the 20th of October

to this day, there have been destroyed _sixty-one_ intelligent

negroes, most of them tradesmen, as carpenters, coopers, and

masons.

"I am almost dead with watching and working, as are many more.

They were going to destroy all the white inhabitants of the

island. 'Count,' the king of the negroes, 'Tomboy,' his general,

and 'Hercules,' his lieutenant-general, who were all racked upon

the wheel, died with obstinacy. Mr. Archibald Hamilton's 'Harry,'

after he was condemned, stuck himself with a knife, in eighteen

different places, four of which were mortal. Colonel Martin's

'Jemmy,' who was hung up alive from noon to eleven o'clock at

night, was then taken down to give information. Colonel Morgan's

'Ned,' after he had been hung up seven days and seven nights,

that his hands grew too small for his hand-cuffs, he got them out

and raised himself, and fell down from a gibbet fifteen feet

high; he was revived with cordials and broths, in hopes to bring

him to confess, but he would not, and was hung up again, and in a

day and a night expired. Mr. Yeaman's 'Quashy Coonah' jumped out

of the fire half burnt, but was thrown in again; and Mr. Lyon's

'Fine,' jumped out of the fire, and promised to confess all, but

it took no effect. In short, our island is in a poor, miserable

condition, and I wish I could get any employment in England to

do."

I mean not to sicken my readers by too minute details of what

slavery was in its dark and fearful days; but it is proper that a

few instances should be given, that the young in particular may

rejoice they live in a day when "liberty, that thrice-sweet and

gracious goddess," has so ample a domain; and while they delight

in the freedom of British negroes, drop a tear of pity to the

fate of those unfortunates who are torn every year from all the

endearing ties of country, friends, and home, that they may

obtain for their unfeeling masters a little more of the "honey of

Hybla," which is so sweet, that even peace of mind is too often

sacrificed for it.

The examples which I have already given may be said to have

happened many years ago; but still, for long after that, the life

of a slave was looked upon as of very little value, provided the

master was reimbursed for the cash they cost. If brought before a

magistrate one day, they were, perhaps, condemned and executed

the day after; and should a condemned criminal accost a passer-by

in these words--"Ah! buddy you no no me now; but p'raps you

will," and such salutation be heard by the sentinel, that person,

if even a stranger, and guiltless, perhaps, of all offence, was

taken up on suspicion of having some dealing with the captive,

and in some instances suffered death with him. The intrigues

which were carried on between negroes in those days, rendered it,

it is said, expedient to adopt these harsh measures.

I have heard it asserted, that the reason slaves first came to be

tried by jury, in 1785, was this:--A black man was brought up

before two magistrates, on suspicion of having committed some

heinous crime; and after hearing the case, the culprit was

condemned and executed. A week or two elapsed, and something

transpired to lead to a suspicion that he was not the guilty

party. Through the exertion of a Mr. Gunthorpe, the case was

tried again; and the result was, that the man was pronounced

innocent. After that it was ordained, that no slave should be

condemned to _death_, without being first brought before a jury,

consisting of six persons.

For the particulars of this case, I am indebted to an old man

well known in Antigua. He bears the burthen of eighty-six years,

and is still as active and strong as many a one only half that

age. I heard him speak very highly of our late gracious majesty

William IV., who, when he was in the navy, visited Antigua for

some time. "Prince Henry was a good young gentleman, God bless

his memory!" cried the old man. "I used to wait upon him, and

have often heard him speak of what good he would do, should he

ever come to the throne. He has spared many a black person a good

flogging. And when we all heard he was king, every one said--God

bless him!" Old Mascall, for that is his name, can tell many a

tale of other days, and no doubt has seen many shocking sights in

the course of his long life. I heard him tell of another

gentleman, who used to treat his slaves in a most barbarous

manner, giving them commonly fifty lashes at one time, and then

calling for a lighted candle, drop melted sealing-wax upon the

gashes. His cook used to be chained to a "fifty -six," (a weight

of fifty-six pounds,) with a chain long enough to enable him to

walk from the kitchen to the house; and his washer used also to

be chained in like manner to her wash-tub, in which situation, my

informant told me, one woman dropped down dead, with her chains

around her.[6] With regard to this piece of cruelty, all that I

can say, but which on no account do I offer as an excuse, is,

that the negroes are very stubborn, and given to prevarication.

They have so often represented themselves ill, when such has not

been the case, that they might avoid their day's labour, that

when really suffering from sickness, they have seldom met with

any sympathy.

------

[3] Although the slave-trade had been abolished, yet it was still

customary for the island slaves to change owners as a horse

would; but the Antiguans becoming sensible of such inhuman

practice, few purchasers could be found, consequently negroes

were of less value in the way of traffic. As regards their

labour, however, they were of equal value to their masters in

Antigua, as the slaves of other colonies.

[4] A sign that they were new subjects.

[5] See Chambers' Edinburgh Journal.

[6] Old Mascall's information may be doubted by some, but it

certainly agrees with the authenticated cruelties which were

practised in former years, the details of which have been omitted

from want of space.

Antigua and the Antiguans, Volume 2 (of 2) A full account of the colony and its inhabitants from the time of the Caribs to the present day · 第 2 / 26 章