CHAPTER II

THE PLANTATION TRADITION: PRO-SLAVERY FICTION

_The Plantation Tradition._ The growth and accuracy of the plantation

tradition have been excellently studied in _The Southern Plantation_

(1925) by Francis Pendleton Gaines. Gaines attributes the tradition’s

hold on America to a love of feudalism,(in spite of our profession of

democracy), the charm of the Negro characters as “native” literary

material, and a romantic wish for an Arcadian past. He proves that

“the tradition omits much plantation truth and exaggerates freely

certain attractive features of the old life.” But the tradition goes on

unabashed; over a century old, it still guarantees best selling fame.

The setting is familiar:

The old plantation; a great mansion; exquisitely gowned ladies and

courtly gentlemen moving with easy grace upon the broad veranda behind

stalwart columns; surrounding the yard an almost illimitable stretch

of white cotton; darkies singingly at work in the fields, Negro

quarters, off on one side, around which little pickaninnies tumbled in

gay frolic.

It is used in advertisements for coffee, pancake flour, phonograph

records, and whiskey. It is a favorite American dream. The characters

are as constant as the cotton bolls: the courtly planter, the one

hundred per-cent southern belle, the duelling cavalier, the mammy or

cook, “broadbosomed ... with vari-colored turban, spotless apron, and

beaming face,” the plantation uncle, black counterpart “of the master

so loyally served and imitated,” and the banjo-plunking minstrel of the

quarters.

Since the plantation tradition tells of a glory that must have no

blemish, slavery is explained away as a benevolent guardianship,

necessary for a childish people’s transition from heathendom

to Christianity. By stressing festivities such as harvesting,

corn-shucking, hunting, fishing, balls, weddings and holiday seasons,

slavery was presented as “an unbroken Mardi Gras.” Since southerners,

merely because they are born in the South, are a kindlier, gentler

breed than other mortals, the possible abuses of slavery existed only

in the minds of fanatical Yankees.

Plantation tradition fiction, reenforcing proslavery thought, was

in turn reenforced by it. Occasionally southern economists admitted

that slavery was the basis of southern commerce and civilization.

But these dismal scientists were too outspoken for the sentimental

romancers. Southern physiologists who proved that “by an unknown law

of nature none but the black race can bear exposure to the tropical

sun,” justified the sippers of juleps on shaded verandahs. Theologians

defended slavery as having Biblical support since Ham was cursed

by God. In the main, however, the plantation tradition advanced

less unfeeling arguments: the grown-up slaves were contented, the

pickaninnies were frolicking, the steamboat was hooting around the

bend, God was in his heaven, and all was right with the world.

_The Tradition Begins._ _Swallow Barn_, the first example of the

plantation tradition, appeared in 1832. J. P. Kennedy, the author, was

skillful, but his picture relies upon Addison, Goldsmith, Walter Scott,

and proslavery thought more than upon observation and understanding.

His mouthpiece in these sketches is Littleton, a northerner (Kennedy

himself was a Marylander, southern in upbringing), who comes South with

an “inky intent” to see the worst of slavery, but remains to worship

it. The southern aristocrats are not in love with the institution of

slavery, but realize that it is necessary for the Negro who is

essentially parasitical, dependent upon guidance for his most

indispensable necessaries, without foresight or thrift of any kind....

I am quite sure they never could become a happier people than I find

them here.... No tribe of people have ever passed from barbarism to

civilization whose progress has been more secure from harm, more

genial to their character, or better supplied with mild and beneficent

guardianship adapted to the actual state of their intellectual

feebleness, than the negroes of Swallow Barn.

In accordance with this ideal coloring, Negro children are shown

“basking on the sunny sides of cabins [like] terrapins luxuriating on

the logs of a mill-pond.” Slaves seem to be kept busiest tending their

own garden patches, of which they sell the produce. “I never meet a

Negro man--unless he is quite old--that he is not whistling; and the

women sing from morning to night.” Negroes are shown as ludicrous:

And when to these are added a few, reverend, wrinkled decrepit old

men, with faces shortened as if with drawing strings, noses that

seemed to have run all to nostril, and with feet of the configuration

of a mattock, my readers will have a tolerably correct idea of the

negro-quarter.

Hardships come chiefly from meddling abolitionists: “We alone are

able to deal properly with the subject.” Kennedy shows how he can add

sweetening to the bitter by explaining the breaking up of families

(Tidewater fortunes were frequently based upon domestic slave-trading)

as follows:

All before Abe had been successively _dismissed_ from Lucy’s cabin,

as they reached the age fit to render them serviceable, with that

satisfied concern that belongs to a negro mother who trusts to the

kindness of her master. [Italics mine.]

Kennedy admits that the recording of dialect was beyond him. A great

deal more was beyond him, but that does not keep _Swallow Barn_ from

being influential upon literature about Negro life and character.

In his plays, especially _The Gladiator_ (1831), Robert Montgomery

Bird took an antislavery stand, but his satirical novel _Sheppard

Lee_ (1836) was proslavery. Part of the book deals with a Quaker

philanthropist, confused and futile, who goes to the South to work

for abolition. The slaves on the plantation are shown living happily

under an indulgent master until an antislavery tract changes them into

burners, ravagers and murderers.

_Proslavery Humorists._ Although, for the sake of the record, Sam

Slick, the comic character of T. H. Haliburton’s _Yankee Stories_

(1836) announces that he dislikes slavery, most of his comments

justify it. He objects to enslaving white men for debt, but “those

thick-skulled, crooked-shanked, flat-footed, long heeled, woolly headed

gentlemen don’t seem fit for much else but slavery ... they ain’t fit

to contrive for themselves.” He ridicules the talk of

broken hearted slaves killin’ themselves in despair--task-master’s

whip acuttin’ into their flesh--burnin’ suns,--day o’ toil--nights

o’ grief--pestilential rice grounds--chains--starvation--misery and

death,--grand figurs them for oratory.

He is unwilling that abolitionists should be lynched, but they should

learn how the cowskin feels. To prove slavery no hardship, he reasons

that a married woman is a slave, and if she happens to get the upper

hand, the husband is a slave, and leads a worse life than any Negro.

Sam’s brother, a lawyer in Charleston, S. C., forces an old white

swindler to buy a Negro back into slavery, for the good of the Negro.

These stories do not belong to the plantation tradition, for some

mention “nigger-jockies,” i.e., “gentlemen who trade in nigger flesh,”

and a planter who has “one white wife and fourteen black concubines.”

But they are proslavery in sympathy. Sam Slick is significant in that

he represents a large number of northerners who were never too fond of

Negroes and strongly opposed abolition. Some of these became catchers

of runaway slaves, and many expressed their hatred of the Civil War in

the Draft Riots.

When William H. Thompson, Georgia humorist, sent Major Jones on his

travels in the forties, he was able to get in many proslavery thrusts.

Mary Jones wants to take along her slave Prissy, since she is unwilling

to have white servants:

I could never bear to see a white gall toatin’ my child about, waiting

on me like a nigger. It would hurt my conscience to keep anybody

’bout me in that condition, who was as white and as good as me.... A

servant, to be any account as a servant, is got to have a different

kind of spirit from other people; and anybody that would make a

nigger of a white child, because it was pore, hain’t got no Christian

principle in ’em.

Uncle Ned believes that abolitionists have horns like billy-goats, eyes

like balls of fire, and great forked tails like sea serpents. “Ugh,

chile, dey wusser’n collery-morbus.” When these fierce creatures get

hold of Negroes, ruin is come; here is Major Jones describing the free

Negroes of the North:

Pore, miserable, sickly-lookin’ creaters! it was enuff to make a

abolitionist’s hart ake to see ’em crawlin’ out of the damp straw

of the cellars, to sun themselves on the cellar-dores till they got

able to start out to by or to steal sumthing to eat ... many of ’em

was diseased and bloated up like frogs, and lay sprawlin’ about like

so many cooters in a mud-hole ... like lizards in a pile of rotten

logs.... This, thinks I, is nigger freedom: this is the condition to

which the philanthropists of the North wants to bring the happy black

people of the South!

_First Answers to Mrs. Stowe._ In the three years following the

appearance of _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_ (1852), there were at least fourteen

proslavery novels published, besides numerous pamphlets, articles, and

a long poem. W. L. G. Smith’s _Life At The South_, or _Uncle Tom’s

Cabin As It Is_ (1852) was struck off while the iron was hot, borrowing

illustrations from _Swallow Barn_ and passages from _The Yemassee_.

Uncle Tom, irked at being outdone in the fields by the younger,

stronger Hector, and jealous of his master’s favoritism, moodily

listens to an abolitionist, and runs away. In Canada he finds real

slavery; in Buffalo he sees the freedmen in wretchedness, discovering

one frozen to death in a snow storm. Finally he begs his master to

return him to the South, which that gentleman does out of Christian

consideration and forgivingness. The following passage shows Dinah

refusing to join Tom in seeking freedom:

Dinah: “... An’ den wha’ would be de feelin’s of your own Dinah. She

would curse de hour when she was born. No, no! I cannot consent to be

a party to sich an arrangement.”

Tom: “How silly you talk. You will do noffin yourself, an’ you will

let no one help. I begin to think, you hab revoked your decision....

Dere you hab it; you now know’d my feelin’s.”

Dinah did not know what to say in reply ... “there is something in

this idea of being free that I cannot comprehend,” she thought to

herself.

This passed for Negro speech and psychology in proslavery novels.

Hector likewise refuses to be free in a speech stolen from the Hector

of Simms’ _Yemassee_. Allgood, a hypocritical philanthropist, and

Bates, an abolitionist busybody, are types that later novels were to

repeat.

In the same year, Caroline E. Rush sent forth her little book, _North

and South_, or _Slavery and Its Contrasts_, to teach the Northern

reader “boundless, illimitable love,” that would make him “regret the

necessary evils of the Slavery of the South, without bitter feelings

towards those who are born amid the peculiar rights and duties of the

slaveholders.” The thousands of free Negroes in Philadelphia pain Mrs.

Rush because of their lack of an “elegant degree of refinement and

cultivation”; their poverty is racial debauchery, while the poverty of

the whites is victimization. What are the abuses suffered by slaves

to the real, bitter, oppression that in our own midst sweeps its

thousands out of a life of penury into premature graves?

Tears should not be shed for Uncle Tom--“a hardy, strong and

powerful Negro”--but should be reserved for helpless, defenseless,

children--“of the same color as yourself.” Writing of plantation

Negroes she wishes that she too had “taken lessons of a colored

professor, and was conversant enough with Negro dialect, to launch

out boldly into their sea of beauties,” but she is forced to leave

the speech to her readers’ imagination. Little is left to their

imagination, however, when she describes the cabins of the field-hands,

embowered in Cherokee roses. At this point, the book’s illustration

resembles a suburban paradise adjoining the White House. When the

slave-mistress gently patted a quadroon’s head, she “intimated a

freedom which is not often shown to the servants in the North.” Mrs.

Rush is correct here; there was a great deal of such freedom.

Mrs. Eastman’s _Aunt Phyllis’ Cabin_ likewise appeared in 1852.

This popular novel glorified slavery and denounced abolitionists,

particularly Mrs. Stowe, but it did attempt to describe slave life.

Bacchus prays hard and drinks harder; many of his antics--his love

for cast-off finery, the banjo, and big words--could grace a minstrel

show. Aunt Phyllis is one of the first to appear of the mighty race of

“mammies.” The title character of John W. Page’s _Uncle Robin in His

Cabin_ (1853) puts the author’s beliefs into dialect: he does not want

freedom for himself, and the Negro who is dissatisfied should go back

where he came from:

“Dis, sir, is no country for free black men: Africa de only place

[for] he, sir....”

_Sentimentality of The Old South._ Mrs. Caroline Lee Hentz, a

northerner married to a southern gentleman, turned out a number of

blood-and-tears romances. In _Marcus Warland_ (1852) and in _Linda_

(1857) she celebrates the mammy:

Aunt Judy’s African blood had not been corrupted by the base mingling

of a paler strain. Black as ebony was her smooth and shining skin, on

which the dazzling ivory of her teeth threw gleams bright as the moon

at midnight. Judy had loved--adored, reverenced her, as being of a

superior, holier race than her own.

_The Planter’s Northern Bride_ (1854) by Mrs. Hentz shows the typically

converted northern girl. After her appearance on the plantation has

elicited rapturous cries of adoration from the slaves, she is won

over to the peculiar institution. “Oh! my husband! I never dreamed

that slavery could present an aspect so tender and affectionate!” The

husband, though a perfect master, modestly says that he is “not as

good as the majority of masters.” His slaves are fat, sleek and good

natured; on Sunday, at church, they are “fashionably attired” and there

is “the rustle of tissues, the fluttering of muslin and laces, the

waving of feathery fans, the glitter of jewelry.” The planter proves

that the Negro was divinely ordained for slavery since

his skull has a hardness and thickness greater than our own, which

defy the arrowy sunbeams ... and his skin secretes a far greater

quantity of moisture and throws back the heat absorbed by us.

Crissy, misled by an abolitionist, crosses the Ohio and finds freedom

too much for her--“the only slavery she had ever known.” An incipient

revolt is nipped by Moreland, who, appalled by “the intolerable burden

of the slaves’ treachery and ingratitude” says:

I would rather, ten thousand times, cultivate these broad fields

myself, than be served by faithless hand and false, hollow hearts.

I have hands that can work. I would do it cheerfully; if labor was

the portion God had assigned to me in the world. Better, far better,

the toiling limbs than the aching heart! He paused a moment in

indescribable emotion.

The slaves, naturally, break down and weep. All are forgiven, except

Vulcan, who had lifted his “rebel arm” against Moreland: “You must

never more wield the hammer or strike the anvil for me.... Go--you are

free!” Poor Vulcan....

Mrs. M. J. McIntosh in _The Lofty and The Lowly, or Good in All and

None All-good_ (1854), hopes for the solution of the most difficult

problem: “how the slave may be elevated to the condition of an

intelligent, accountable being, without detriment to the master’s

interest.” Mrs. McIntosh is sure that the solution cannot come from

the fanatical North; she hopes that the South “with its greater

sympathy, love and understanding will awaken to its responsibilities.”

Daddy Cato, who has grown gray in faithful service at Montrose Hall,

Savannah, is set free and given a little homeplace. He is not proud of

his freedom; he will be proud only when he can read the Bible and is

free of sin. Following his beloved family to the North, he is highly

insulted when he is approached by Boston abolitionists.

Make me free! how can I free any more? Dem da nonsense people, and

what dem want take me from Miss Alice for?... I wonder if I been sick

and couldn’t do any ting, ef dem would nuss me and take care o’ me

liken Miss Alice.... I tink dem crazy ’bout free. Free bery good ting,

but free ent all; when you sick, free won’t make you well, free won’t

gib you clo’s, no hom’ny, let ’lone meat.

Needless to say, the other slaves at Montrose, away from these crazy

people talking about “free,” live their childish lives in happiness.

_The Lofty and The Lowly_ is full of piety toward southern divinity.

_The Defense Sums Up Its Case._ Mrs. Henry R. Schoolcraft’s _The Black

Gauntlet_ (1860) is likewise a compendium of proslavery arguments. The

comfortable, well-ventilated slave homes “with sitting and sleeping

room” and a loft for storing provisions are compared with the dens,

holes, cellars and tenements of poor whites in northern cities. Food is

good and abundant, with game and fish caught in the slave’s plentiful

off time. Slaves were given an acre of ground for their own use and

allowed to raise hogs and poultry, of which the produce was sold at

full market price. That slaves were ever knocked senseless is “purest

fiction,” since “their skulls are so thick that it is doubtful whether

any white man’s strength could consummate such a feat.”

I am so satisfied that slavery is the school God has established for

the conversion of barbarous nations, that were I an absolute Queen

of these United States, my first missionary enterprise would be to

send to Africa, to bring the heathen as slaves to this Christian

land, and keep them in bondage until compulsory labor had tamed their

beastliness....

Mrs. Schoolcraft was a bit late, however; for over two centuries

countless ships had been sent, and millions of Africans had been

brought “to school” in Christian lands.

Since “not a living man can swear that he has ever heard antislavery

sentiment from a slave in the South,” the suffering of the Negro, to

Mrs. Schoolcraft, is a lie whipped up by northern politicians. Runaway

slaves are always the good-for-nothing rowdies, who flee to escape

work and discipline. The separation of slave husbands and wives is no

tragedy, since all are polygamists as in Africa.

It is not believed by the author that such a monstrosity (babies sold

from mothers) has ever occurred in South Carolina, as a mistress there

usually takes more care of her little Negro property than a black

mother ever does of her children.

Poetic justice is in the book: the poor dupe of abolitionists is

betrayed into crimes that “destroyed and grieved her conscience,” but

the faithful mammy is well rewarded. _The Black Gauntlet_ is an extreme

case of special pleading, where vilification of the accursed Negro

alternates with praise of his blessedness in slavery. It is noteworthy,

however, that Mrs. Schoolcraft’s use of Negro dialect, in this case the

Gullah of the low country, is as good as that of any preceding writer.

Suggested by “a popular work of fiction, abusive of southern slavery,”

_The Yankee Slave Dealer_ by a Texan (1860) has for its subtitle _An

Abolitionist Down South_. The theme is hackneyed: a northerner attempts

in vain to aid slaves to freedom, is won over to the proslavery cause,

and winds up by becoming a confirmed slave dealer, inhumane because

he was born on the wrong side of the Ohio River. Justus, the Yankee,

tries to lure three Negroes to freedom. Moses, the first, is a walking

edition of _The Bible Defense of Slavery_:

Well, heah’s sump’n else, mastuh: we read in the book of Leviticus dat

de childin of Isr’l was told dey should buy slaves. I marked de place,

and I’ll jes read it to you; doe I s’pose you’s seed it many a time.

It’s in de twenty-fif’ chapter, de forty-fif’ and sixt’ verse.

Truly religious, Moses says that he submits because the Bible tells

him that such is his duty. Justus approaches the second Negro with

ludicrous pomp: “Let an ardent desire to alleviate the woes of the

suffering plead my excuse for the breach of decorum.” To this the Negro

responds: “What for massah make fun of puoh nigger dis way!” The third

specimen, farthest down in the physical and mental scale, runs away

with Justus, only to steal his horse and saddle-bags and return to his

master. Justus soon learns the proslavery creed that freeing the Negro

will merely “people the penitentiary or feed the gibbet.”

Nature, by their inferior capacity and cheerful submission to their

lot, has so well fitted them for this position.... The lot of the

serving classes in all countries imposes a burden.

Grief is expressed for the white working class of the North; the female

slave finds no parallel to the degradation of northern prostitutes.

Abounding in such arguments, _The Yankee Slave Dealer_, though poor in

characterization and plot, was the type of novel that the South wanted.

_Summary._ Less novels than fictional arguments, the first books of the

plantation tradition are strikingly similar. Frightened by the success

of _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_, southern authors rushed counter-propaganda

to the presses. To testify to their culture, they produced crude,

ungainly works. They called Mrs. Stowe “a moral scavenger” and worse

names; since she was a Yankee woman, the rules of chivalry could be

suspended. The pattern seldom varied: scenes of bliss on the plantation

alternated with scenes of squalor in the free North. The contented

slave, the clown and the wretched freedman are the Negro stereotypes,

who put into dialect the creeds of Chancellor Harper and Professor

Dew in the _Pro-Slavery Argument_, and of the Reverend Priest in _The

Bible Defense of Slavery_. A plantation with a kindly master was basis

for generalizing about all plantations, of whatever type, in whatever

sections. A pampered house-servant, who refuses uncertain freedom for a

comparatively easy place, becomes _the_ Negro slave; a poor unemployed

wretch becomes _the_ freedman.

The intractable, the ironic, the abused Negro is nowhere on these

plantations. Congressmen might deplore in legislative halls the

injuries done the South by the Underground Railroad, and southern

newspapers might be filled with descriptions of runaways, some second

offenders with branded scars on their faces. But runaways in these

books are generally flighty creatures and half-wits, and even they

finally steal back to the South. Judicial records might be full of

instances of brutality, but the occasional whippings are shown to be

for due cause such as stealing a ham from a poor woman who could not

spare it. Miscegenation is missing in spite of the proofs walking about

in the great houses or in the fields or the slave-pens. Slavery is

shown as a beneficent guardianship, never as a system of cheap and

abundant labor that furnished the basis of a few large fortunes (and

assured an impoverished, disfranchised class of poor whites).

In spite of the exaggerations and omissions, however, certain damning

evidence creeps in. Though too kind to maltreat Negroes, the cavaliers

are adept at tarring-and-feathering, riding on rails, and lynching

abolitionist villains, probably out of consideration for the Negro’s

welfare. Slavery is sometimes considered as not the Negro’s final

state; at some indefinite time (probably after the planters had all

become wealthy) he would be returned to Africa to bear witness to the

civilization and Christianity he had seen in America. And lastly, the

arguers are betrayed by their argumentative tactics: It isn’t true;

but since it is, you are worse. Thus: it isn’t true that slavery is a

bad system, it is really a fine thing--no worse than the northern and

English system of wage-slavery, which is terrible. Proslavery authors

were justified in protesting the exploitation of northern factory

workers, but to argue that therefore slavery was blessed, is to prove

that a man’s broken leg is not painful since another man has a broken

arm.

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

1. Describe examples of the plantation tradition found in modern

advertising.

2. List examples of the plantation tradition in popular songs.

3. Granting that _Swallow Barn_ was the truthful picture of a Virginia

plantation, why is its influence on literature dangerous?

4. What is damaging in Kennedy’s admission that he could not record

Negro speech?

5. List examples of what you consider the greatest exaggerations in the

pictures of slavery given by these books, and state your reasons for so

considering them.

6. List the similar situations and arguments of these books.

7. Which novelists defend slavery because of the physical traits of

Negroes?

The Negro in American fiction · 第 2 / 12 章