Ireton, and Martin.
CROMWELL. So be it, then! At Windsor, in the vaults
Of his long line, let Charles's ashes sleep.
To Hubert and to Mildmay we consign
The funeral cares; be they with reverence paid.
Whoever of the mourners of the dead,
The friends and whilom followers would assist
In the grave rite, to them be licence given
To grace the funeral with their faithful wo.
We spurn not the dead lion.
MARTIN. Nobly said.
Wouldst thou I have these orders straight conveyed
To the king's friends?
CROMWELL. Forthwith good Martin.
(_exit Martin_)
So
With those sad ashes rest our country's griefs.
Henry, no phœnix from them must spring forth;
No second Charles! Within the self-same vault
That shrouds that harmless dust we must inter
Kingly ambition; and upon that day
Proclaim it treason to declare a king
In the King's son! The crown hath passed away
From Saul, and from the godless house of Saul.
IRETON. The Parliament is fearful, and contains
In its scant remnant many who would halt
Betwixt the deed and that for which 'twas done.
CROMWELL. They must be seen to, Henry! Seek me out
This eve at eight; we must confer alone.
Strong meat is not for babes! But of this youth,
This haughty Cecil! Thou hast seen him then?
Is he, in truth, so hot?
IRETON. By my sword, yea!
That which I told thee of his speech fell short
Of its rash madness.
CROMWELL. 'Tis a goodly youth;
Brave and sound hearted, but of little faith,
Nor suited to the hunger of these times,
Which feeds on no half acts! And for that cause,
And in that knowledge, when we had designed
To bring the King to London, I dismissed him {609}
With letters into Spain. We must not lose him!
He is of noble birth; his house hath wealth;
His name is spotless:—he must not be lost!
IRETON. And will not be retained!
CROMWELL. Methinks not so.
He hath the folly of the eyes of flesh,
And loves my niece; by that lure shall we cage him.
IRETON. Yet he is of a race that, in these times,
Have fallen from the righteous.
CROMWELL. Ay, and so
The more his honest courage. In the day
When the king's power o'erflowed, and all true men
Joined in a dyke against the lawless flood,
His sire and I were co-mates—sate with Pym;
On the same benches—gave the self-same votes;
But when we drew God's sword against the king,
And threw away the sheath, his fearful heart
Recoiled before the act it had provoked;
And, halting neuter in the wide extremes,
Forbade his son to join us.
IRETON. But the youth—
CROMWELL. More bravely bent, forsook the inglorious sire,
And made a sire of Cromwell. In my host
There was not one that loved me more than Cecil!
Better in field than prayer, and more at home
Upon his charger than his knee, 'tis true;
But to all men their way to please the Lord!
To heaven are many paths!
IRETON. So near to thee,
And knew not of the end for which we fought?
Dreamt he it was against the man called king,
And not against the thing called kingly?
CROMWELL. So
The young man dreamed; and oft-times he hath said
When after battle he hath wiped his sword,
Oft hath he sighing said, ‘These sinful wars—
Brother with brother, father against son,
Strife with her country, victory o'er her children—
How shall they end? If to the hollow word
Of this unhappy king no truth is bound,
Shall the day come when he, worn out with blood,
Will yield his crown to his yet guiltless son,
And we made sure of freedom by firm laws,
Chain the calm'd lion to a peaceful throne?’
IRETON. The father's leaven still! most foolish hope
To plaster with cool prudence jarring atoms,
And reconcile the irreconcileable—
The rushing present with the mouldering past!
CROMWELL. Thou say'st it, Ireton! But the boy was young
And fond of heart; the times that harden us,
Make soft less thoughtful natures.
(_enter a Puritan Soldier_)
SOLDIER. Lo! your worship,
The youth hight Hubert Cecil waits thy pleasure!
CROMWELL. Friend, let him enter. Henry, leave us now!
At eight, remember!
(_exit Ireton_)
It hath lamely chanced
That Cecil should return upon the heat
And newness of these fierce events; a month
Had robbed him of their horror! While we breathe
Passion glides on to Memory:—and dread things,
That scared our thoughts but yesterday, take hues,
That smooth their sternness, from the silent morrow.
(_Enter Cecil—Cromwell leaning on his sword at the farther end of the
stage, regards him with a steadfast look and majestic mien_)
Well, sir, good day! What messages from Spain?
(_Cecil presents him despatches—Cromwell glances over them, looking,
from time to time, at Cecil_)
CECIL. (_aside_) What is there in this man that I should fear him?
Hath he some spell to witch us from ourselves,
And make our natures minion to his own?
CROMWELL. Plead they so warm for Stuart? 'tis too late!
CECIL. It is too late!
CROMWELL. Since last we parted, Hubert,
He, the high author of our civil wars,
Hath been their victim. 'Twas an evil, Hubert;
But so is justice ever when it falls
Upon a human life!
CECIL. God's mercy!—justice!
Why justice is a consequence of law—
Founded on law—begotten but by law!
By what law, Cromwell, fell the King?
CROMWELL. By all
The laws he left us! Prithee silence, Cecil!
Sir, I might threaten, but I will not:—hold!
And let us, with a calm and sober eye,
Look on the spectre of this ghastly deed.
Who spills man's blood, his blood by man be shed!
'Tis Heaven's first law—to that law we had come—
None other left us. Who, then, caused the strife,
That crimsoned Naseby's field, and Marston's moor?
It was the Stuart:—so the Stuart fell!
A victim, in the pit himself had digged!
He died not, Sir, as hated kings have died,
In secret and in shade—no eye to trace
The one step from their prison to their pall;
He died i' the eyes of Europe—in the face
Of the broad Heaven—amidst the sons of England,
Whom he had outraged—by a solemn sentence,
Passed by a solemn court. Does this seem guilt?
(It might be error—mortal men will err!)
But _Guilt_ not thus unrobes it to the day;
Its deeds are secret, as _our_ act was public.
You pity Charles! 'tis well; but pity more
The tens of thousand honest humble men,
Who, by the tyranny of Charles compelled
To draw the sword, fell butchered in the field!
Good Lord—when one man dies who wears a crown,
How the earth trembles—how the nations gape,
Amazed and awed!—but when that one man's victims,
Poor worms uncloth'd in purple, daily die,
In the grim cell, or on the groaning gibbet,
Or on the civil field, ye pitying souls
Drop not one tear from your indifferent eyes:
Ye weep the ravening vulture when he bleeds,
And coldly gaze upon the countless prey
He gorged at one fell meal. Be still young man;
Your time for speech will come. So much for justice;
Now for yet larger duties: to our hands
The peace and weal of England were consigned;
These our first thought and duty. Should we loose
Charles on the world again, 'twere to unleash
Once more the Fiend of Carnage: should we guard {610}
His person in our prison, still his name
Would float, a wizard's standard, in the air,
Rallying fresh war on Freedom; a fit theme
To wake bad pity in the breasts of men;
A focus for all faction here at home,
And in the lewd courts of his brother kings.
So but one choice remained: it was that choice
Which (you are skilled methinks in classic lore,
And prize such precedent,) the elder Brutus
Made when he judged his children: such the choice
Of his descendant—when, within the senate
He sought to crush, the crafty Cæsar fell.
CECIL. Cæsar may find his type amidst the living;
And by that name our sons may christen Cromwell.
CROMWELL. Men's deeds are fair enigmas—let man solve them!
But men's dark motives are i' the Books of God.
(_In a milder tone_)
Cecil! thou wert as my adopted son.
Hast thou not still fought by my proper person—
Eat'n at my board—slept in my tent—conceived
From me thy rudiments and lore of war—
Hath not my soul yearned to thee—have I not
Brought thee, yet beardless, into mark and fame—
Given thee trust and honor—nay, to bind
Still closer to my sheltering heart thine own—
Have I not smiled upon thy love for Edith,
(For I, too, once was young,) and bid thee find
Thy plighted bride in my familiar kin—
And wilt thou, in this crisis of my fate,
When my good name stands trembling in the balance,
And one friend wanting may abase the scale,
Wilt thou thus judge me harshly—take no count
Of the swift eddies of the whirlpool time,
Which urge us on to any port for peace,
And set the brand of thy austere rebuke
Upon the heart that loved thee so? Fie! fie!
CECIL. Arouse thine anger, Cromwell! rate me, vent
Thy threats on this bare front—thy kindness kills me!
CROMWELL. Bear with me, son, as I would bear with thee!
Add not to these grim cares that press upon me.
Eke thou not out the evils of the time;
They are enow to grind my weary soul.
Restrain the harsher thoughts, that would reprove,
Until a calmer season, when 'tis given
To talk of what hath been with tempered minds;
And part we now in charity.
CECIL. O Cromwell,
If now we part, it is forever. Here
I do resign my office in thy hands;
Lay down my trust and charge,—
CROMWELL. [_hastily_] I'll not receive them;
Another time for this.
CECIL. There is no other.
I came to chide thee, Cromwell; ay, to chide,
Girt as thou art with power: but thou hast ta'en
The sternness from my soul, and made the voice
Of duty sound so grating to my ear,
That, for mine honor, I, who fear thee not,
Do fear my frailty, and will trust no more
My conscience to our meeting.
CROMWELL. Wouldst thou say
That thou wilt leave me?
CECIL. Yes.
CROMWELL. And whither bound?
CECIL. The king's no more; and in his ashes sleep
His faults. His son as yet hath wronged us not:
That son is now our king!
CROMWELL. Do I hear right?
Know'st thou, rash boy, those words are deadly? Know'st thou,
It is proclaimed “whoever names a king
In any man, by Parliament unsanctioned,
Is criminal of treason?”
CECIL. So 'tis said;
And those who said it, were themselves the traitors.
CROMWELL. This, and to me!—beware; on that way lies
My limit of forbearance.
CECIL. Call thy guards;
Ordain the prison; bring me to the bar;
Prepare the scaffold. This, great Cromwell, were
A milder doom than that which I adjudge
Unto myself. 'Tis worse than death to leave
The flag which waved above our dreams of freedom—
The Chief our reverence honored as a god—
The bride whose love rose-colored all the world—
But worse than many deaths—than hell itself,
To sin against what we believe the right.
CROMWELL. [_moved and aside_] And this bold soul I am about to lose!
[_Aloud_] If me thou canst forget, and all my love,
Remember Edith! Is she thy betrothed,
And wilt thou leave her too? Thou hid'st thy face.
Stay, Hubert, stay; I, who could order, stoop
And pray thee stay.
CECIL. No—no!
CROMWELL. [_with coldness and dignity_] Then have thy will.
Desert the cause of freedom at her need,—
False to thy chief, and perjured to thy love.
I do repent me that I have abased
Myself thus humbly. Go, Sir, you have leave;
I would not have one man in honest Israel
Whose soul hath hunger for the flesh of Egypt.
CECIL. [_approaching Cromwell slowly_] Canst thou yet make the
doubtful past appear
Done but in sorrowing justice?—canst thou yet
Cement these jarring factions—join in peace
The friends alike of royalty and freedom,
And give the state, secured by such good laws
As now we may demand, once more a king?
CROMWELL. A king! Why name that word? A head—a chief,
Perchance, the Commonwealth may yet decree!
Speak on!
CECIL. I care not, Cromwell, for the name;
But he who bears the orb and sway of power
Must, if for peace we seek, be chosen from
The Stuarts' lineage. Charles the First is dead:
Wilt thou proclaim his son?
CROMWELL. [_laughing bitterly_] An Exile, yes! A Monarch, never!
CECIL. Cromwell, fare thee well!
As friends we meet no more. May God so judge
As I now judge, believing thee as one
Whom a bold heart, and the dim hope of power,
And the blind wrath of faction, and the spur
Of an o'ermastering Fate, impel to what {611}
The Past foretells already to the Future.
Dread man, farewell.
[_exit Cecil_]
CROMWELL. [_after a pause_] So from my side hath gone
An upright heart; and in that single loss,
Methinks more honesty hath said farewell,
Than if a thousand had abjured my banners.
Charles sleeps, and feels no more the grinding cares,
The perils and the doubts that wait on POWER.
For him, no more the uneasy day,—the night
At war with sleep,—for him are hushed, at last,
Loud Hate and hollow Love. Reverse thy Law,
O blind compassion of the human heart!
And let not death which feels not, sins not—weeps not—
Rob Life of all that Suffering asks from Pity.
[_He paces to and fro the scene, and pauses at last opposite the
doors at the back of the stage_]
Lo! what a slender barrier parts in twain
The presence of the breathing and the dead—
The vanquisher and victim—the firm foot
Of lusty strength, and the unmoving mass
Of what all strength must come to. Yet once more,
Ere the grave closes on that solemn dust,
Will I survey what men have feared to look on.
[_He opens the doors—the coffin of the king on the back ground
lighted by tapers—Cromwell approaches it slowly, lifts the
pall, and gazes, as if on the corpse within_]
'Tis a firm frame; the sinews strongly knit;
The chest deep set and broad; save some grey hairs
Saddening those locks of love, no sign of age.
Had nature been his executioner
_He would have outlived me!_ and to this end—
This narrow empire—this unpeopled kingdom—
This six feet realm—the overlust of sway
Hath been the guide! He would have stretched his will
O'er that unlimited world which men's souls are!
Fettered the earth's pure air—for freedom is
That air to honest lips;—and here he lies,
In dust most eloquent—to after time
A never silent oracle for kings!
Was this the hand that strained within its grasp
So haught a sceptre? this the shape that wore
Majesty like a garment? Spurn that clay—
It can resent not; speak of royal crimes,
And it can frown not: schemeless lies the brain
Whose thoughts were sources of such fearful deeds.
What things are we, O Lord, when at thy will
A worm like this could shake the mighty world!
A few years since, and in the port was moored
A bark to far Columbia's forests bound;
And I was one of those indignant hearts
Panting for exile in the thirst for freedom;
Then, that pale clay (poor clay that was a king!)
Forbade my parting, in the wanton pride
Of vain command, and with a fated sceptre
Waved back the shadow of the death to come.
Here stands that baffled and forbidden wanderer,
Loftiest amid the wrecks of ruined empire,
Beside the coffin of a headless king!
He thrall'd my fate—I have prepared his doom:
He made me captive—lo! his narrow cell!
[_Advancing to the front of the stage_]
So hands unseen do fashion forth the earth
Of our frail schemes into our funeral urns;
So, walking dream-led in life's sleep, our steps
Move blindfold to the scaffold or the throne!—
Ay, to the _Throne!_ From that dark thought I strike
The light which cheers me onward to my goal.
Wild though the night, and angry though the winds,
High o'er the billows of the battling sea
My Spirit, like a bark, sweeps on to Fortune!
MEMOIRS OF MRS. HEMANS.[1]
[Footnote 1: From the Memoirs of Mrs. Hemans, by Chorley—now in the
press of Messieurs Saunders and Otley, to whom we are indebted for
some of the sheets.]
It will be yet more clearly seen, from further portions of Mrs.
Hemans' correspondence, with what devotion and gratitude she regarded
German literature; she spoke of its language as “rich and
_affectionate_, in which I take much delight:”—how she gratefully
referred to its study as having expanded her mind and opened to her
new sources of intellectual delight and exercise. For a while, too,
she may have been said to have written under the shadow of its
mysticism; but this secondary influence had passed away some time
before her death. It is not the lot of high minds, though they may
pass through and linger in regions where thought loses itself in
obscurity, to terminate their career there. The “Lays of many Lands,”
most of which appeared in the New Monthly Magazine, then edited by Mr.
Campbell, were, we are told by herself, suggested by Herder's
“_Stimmen der Volker in Liedern_.” Her next volume was formed of a
collection of these, preceded by “The Forest Sanctuary.”
Mrs. Hemans considered this poem as almost, if not altogether, the
best of her works. She would sometimes say, that in proportion to the
praise which had been bestowed upon others of her less carefully
meditated and shorter compositions, she thought it had hardly met with
its fair share of success: for it was the first continuous effort in
which she dared to write from the fulness of her own heart—to listen
to the promptings of her genius freely and fearlessly. The subject was
suggested by a passage in one of the letters of Don Leucadio Doblado,
and was wrought upon by her with that eagerness and fervor which
almost _command_ corresponding results. I have heard Mrs. Hemans say,
that the greater part of this poem was written in no more picturesque
a retreat than a laundry, to which, as being detached from the house,
she resorted for undisturbed quiet and leisure. When she read it,
while in progress, to her mother and sister, they were surprised to
tears at the increased power displayed in it. She was not prone to
speak with self-contentment of her own works; but, perhaps, _the one_
favorite descriptive passage was that picture of a sea burial in the
second canto.
... She lay a thing for earth's embrace,
To cover with spring-wreaths. For earth's?—the wave
That gives the bier no flowers, makes moan above her grave!
On the mid-seas a knell!—for man was there,—
Anguish and love, the mourner with his dead!
A long, low, tolling knell—a voice of prayer—
Dark glassy waters, like a desert spread,—
And the pale shining Southern Cross on high, {612}
Its faint stars fading from a solemn sky,
Where mighty clouds before the dawn grew red:—
Were these things round me? Such o'er memory sweep
Wildly when aught brings back that burial of the deep.
Then the broad lonely sunrise, and the plash
Into the sounding waves!—around her head
They parted, with a glancing moment's flash,
Then shut—and all was still....
The whole poem, whether in its scenes of superstition—the Auto da
Fe—the dungeon—the flight, or in its delineation of the mental
conflicts of its hero—or in its forest pictures of the free west,
which offer such a delicious repose to the mind, is full of happy
thoughts and turns of expression. Four lines of peculiar delicacy and
beauty recur to me as I write, too strongly to be passed by. They are
from a character of one of the martyr sisters.
And if she mingled with the festive train,
It was but as some melancholy star
Beholds the dance of shepherds on the plain,
In its bright stillness present, though afar.
But the entire episode of “Queen-like Teresa—radiant Inez”—is wrought
up with a nerve and an impulse, which men of renown have failed to
reach. The death of the latter, if, perhaps, it be a little too
_romantic_ for the stern realities of the scene, is so beautifully
told, that it cannot be read without strong feeling, nor carelessly
remembered. And most beautiful, too, are the sudden out-bursts of
thankfulness—of the quick, happy consciousness of liberty with which
the narrator of this ghastly sacrifice, interrupts the tale, to
reassure himself—
Sport on, my happy child! for thou art free!
The character of the convert's wife, Leonor,—devotedly clinging to his
fortunes, without a reproach or a murmur, while her heart trembles
before him, as though she were in the presence of a lost spirit,—is
one of those, in which Mrs. Hemans' individual mode of thought and
manner of expression are most happily impersonated. As a whole, she
was hardly wrong in her own estimate of this poem: and on recently
returning to it, I have been surprised to find, how well it bears the
tests and trials with which it is only either fit or rational to
examine works of the highest order of mind. But here, also, would
criticism be impertinent.
The next work of Mrs. Hemans, and the one by which she is most
universally known, was the “Records of Woman,” published in 1828. In
this, to use her own words, “there is more of herself to be found”
than in any preceding composition. But even the slightest analysis of
these beautiful legends would be superfluous; suffice it to say, that
they were not things of meditation, but imagined and uttered in the
same breath; like every line that she wrote, as far as possible from
being a studied exercise. It is true, that in some lyrics more than
others, her individual feelings are eagerly put forth—in those, for
instance, wherein aspirations after another world are expressed, or
which breathe the weary pining language of home sickness, or in which
she utters her abiding sense of the insufficiency of fame to satisfy a
woman's heart, however its possession may gratify her vanity—or
wherein she speaks with a passionate self-distrust of her own art, of
the impossibility of performance to keep pace with desire. The fervor
with which these were poured forth seriously endangered a frame
already undermined by too ardent a spirit, whose consuming work had
been aided by a personal self-neglect, childish to wilfulness. So
perilously, indeed, was she excited by the composition of Mozart's
Requiem, that she was prohibited by her physician from any further
exercise of her art, for some weeks after it was written. Few more
genuine out-bursts of feeling have been ever poured forth than the
three following verses of that poem.
“Yet I have known it long:
Too restless and too strong
Within this clay hath been the o'ermastering flame;
Swift thought that came and went,
Like torrents o'er me sent
Have shaken as a reed, my thrilling frame.
Like perfumes on the wind,
Which none may stay or bind,
The beautiful comes floating through my soul;
I strive with yearning vain,
The spirit to detain
Of the deep harmonies that past me roll!
Therefore disturbing dreams
Trouble the secret streams,
And founts of music that o'erflow my breast;
Something far more divine
Than may on earth be mine,
Haunts my worn heart, and will not let it rest.”
Most of the poems above referred to, were written at Rhyllon; the last
and most favorite of Mrs. Hemans' residence at Wales. Some of them
will be found colored by a shadow which had recently passed over her
lot—the death of her mother. To this, which she always felt as an
irreparable loss, will be found not a few touching allusions in many
following letters.
A small woodland dingle, near Rhyllon, was her favorite retreat: here
she would spend long summer mornings to read, and project, and
compose, while her children played about her. “Whenever one of us
brought her a new flower,” writes one of them, “she was sure to
introduce it into her next poem.” She has unconsciously described this
haunt over and over again with affectionate distinctness; it is the
scene referred to in the “Hour of Romance,” and in the sonnet which is
printed among her “Poetical Remains.”
“Still are the cowslips from thy bosom springing,
O far off grassy dell?—And dost thou see,
When southern winds first wake the vernal singing,
The star-gleam of the wood anemone?
Doth the shy ring-dove haunt thee yet—the bee
Hang on thy flowers, as when I breathed farewell
To their wild blooms? and round the beechen tree
Still in green softness, doth the moss bank swell?”
Many of the imaginations which floated through her brain in this
retirement, were lost in the more interrupted and responsible life,
which followed Mrs. Hemans' departure from Wales; when the breaking up
of her household, on the marriage of one of her family, and the
removal of another into Ireland, threw her exclusively upon her own
resources, and compelled her to make acquaintance with an “eating,
drinking, buying, bargaining” world with which, from her disposition
and habits, she was ill-fitted to cope. One of these unfinished works
was the “Portrait Gallery,” of which one episode, “The lady of the
Castle,” is introduced in the “Records.”
{613}
CONCLUDING LECTURE
Of the Course on the Obstacles and Hindrances to Education, arising
from the peculiar faults of Parents, Teachers and Scholars, and that
portion of the Public immediately concerned in directing and
controlling our Literary Institutions.
BY JAMES M. GARNETT.
Since the first lecture of the course on the obstacles to all correct
education was delivered, so much time has elapsed, and so many of you,
probably, have not heard the whole, that some farther recapitulation
than was given when I last addressed you, seems necessary fully to
understand what I still wish to say in conclusion.
It will be recollected, I hope, that I have endeavored to fix upon
parents themselves much the greater portion of the guilt, as well as
the folly of creating these obstacles; since _they_, and the _nurses_
whom they choose, are unquestionably the first moral and intellectual
instructers of their children. I tried to prove that the deadly
mischief was accomplished by a process commencing almost with their
birth—a process which consists in checking or misdirecting the first
dawnings of intellect and feeling in these helpless little beings; in
teaching their heads, and neglecting their hearts; in cultivating
sensual rather than intellectual appetites; in the irregularity of
their moral discipline, which encourages or silently permits, at one
time, the outbreaking of certain juvenile propensities, which, at
another, they will severely punish; in performing this painful duty
much oftener from caprice and wrath than sound judgment; in
transferring their authority and their duties to others with far too
little consideration; in their frequent changes of schools and
teachers; in their reckless attacks upon the characters of both; in
suffering their children often to choose for themselves—not only
_where_, but _what_ and _how_ they shall be taught; in confounding the
mere going to school and confinement in a school-room, with profitable
study; in frequently disgusting their children with books in general,
and all scholastic learning in particular, by making application to
their lessons a punishment, rather than a pleasurable occupation; in
preparing them for insubordination, by treating and speaking of the
class of teachers as much inferior to themselves, and by taking part
against the former, upon almost every occasion where complaints are
made by either party; in making holidays seasons for feasting,
idleness, and dissipation, rather than of rational recreation and
agreeable diversity in the mode of intellectual and moral improvement;
in educating their offspring for situations which they will probably
never fill, and giving them tastes and desires never likely to be
gratified, thereby disqualifying them at one and the same time, for
attaining any of the real enjoyments of the present life within their
reach, or for gaining the promised blessings of the life to come; but
what is worse than all, in presenting a continual variance between
their own precepts and practice, and substituting worldly motives as
inducements to acquire knowledge, rather than the love and practice of
wisdom and virtue, as absolutely essential to happiness, both in our
present and future state of existence.
In speaking of the obstacles created by teachers as a class, I charged
them with deficiency of moral courage in pursuing the course essential
to the maintenance of that high station in society to which all well
qualified teachers who faithfully discharge their duties are justly
entitled. I accused them of making the business of teaching a mere
stepping-stone to some other pursuit, rather than a regular profession
for life; and, of course, neglecting the necessary means to give it
that respectability and influence in society which it ought to have,
and certainly would possess, if they took the same care to prepare
themselves to become good teachers, that other men take to distinguish
themselves in the particular professions which they have finally
determined to pursue. Another charge against them was, that instead of
always aiding each other as members of the same fraternity, their
insane jealousy often operated in such a way, as to bring their whole
class into disgrace and contempt; that their grand panacea for
stimulating to study, is _emulation_—a nostrum, which may perhaps cure
the disease of idleness, but will leave in its place those diabolical
passions—jealousy, envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitableness;
that their favorite punishments generally are corporeal ones, which
can never do more than effect some temporary amendment of their
pupil's conduct, without producing any in their bad principles; that
the application of these punishments—these skin-deep remedies—is much
oftener a process to work off the teacher's own angry passions, than
to cure the pupil's faults—these last being considered rather as
school annoyances, to be put out of the instructer's way with the
least possible trouble and delay, than as deep-rooted diseases of the
heart, requiring the utmost tenderness and skill in the methods of
cure—diseases too, which must utterly destroy the sufferer's
happiness, unless radically conquered. I also endeavored to show, that
in their modes of teaching as well as in the books taught, they either
obstinately follow the course in which they themselves have been
taught, thereby precluding themselves from adopting any real
improvements which the progress of society may produce; or they run
wild in pursuit of every new project which the reckless spirit of
innovation is so constantly obtruding on the public. It was likewise
alleged against them, that their efforts, even when most zealously
made, were too generally directed, solely to stocking the minds of
their pupils with words, instead of being applied with still greater
assiduity to fortifying their hearts with just principles of thought
and action; that they made education to consist simply in what is
called school learning, instead of rendering it a development as
perfect as possible, of all our faculties, both intellectual and
physical; hence the ascendancy given to mere scholastic and scientific
acquirements, over those great moral and religious principles, without
a thorough knowledge and practice of which, man, although educated, is
little better than a beast of prey, furnished with increased powers of
doing mischief. But the worst perhaps of all the faults ascribed to
teachers, is, that they rarely manifest any particular interest in the
moral and religious improvement of their pupils—any strong anxiety for
their future happiness—any great solicitude for the correctness of
their conduct, farther than the teacher's own ease and reputation are
concerned; in a word, any of those kind, affectionate feelings towards
them, which will almost invariably secure their warmest attachment,
and at the same time establish an influence over them immeasurably
more {614} powerful that can possibly be created by any other means.
In illustrating the obstacles to education created by pupils, I
endeavored to show, that they too generally look upon learning as
physic, rather than food; that they mistake both the nature and extent
of their teacher's authority over them, and consequently, of their own
obligations to obedience; that they view all holidays or hours stolen
from school as positive gains, rather than losses—at least of time, if
nothing else; that to thwart their teachers is a proof of
independence—to cheat them, an evidence of genius; that their own
tastes and judgments are very soon deemed better guides for them, than
their teacher's; that going to school at all, is a business, rather to
please their parents than to benefit themselves—a most irksome
restraint upon their natural liberty—a bondage which they may break as
often as they can; and consequently, that their teachers are jailors,
hired to confine, to teaze, and to punish, rather than good friends,
ever ready to show them the best paths to knowledge, virtue, and
happiness. I charged them generally with mistaking, while at school,
the mere mechanical process, called “going through their books,” for
thoroughly understanding and mastering their contents; hence such
pupils always measure their scholarship, solely by the length of time
they spend at school, and the number of pages which they there read,
instead of estimating it by the amount of really useful acquirement. I
likewise attempted to show that pupilage is viewed by vast multitudes
of youth, as the period for idleness—for reckless enjoyment, rather
than earnest and assiduous preparation for fulfilling faithfully all
the important duties of adult life; that the great moral laws made for
the government of mankind in general, were not, as they believe, made
for boys and girls at school—or that they may break almost any of them
with impunity, provided their teachers do not detect them; that no
thought nor care for forming their future characters need molest them,
until after they leave school, which will be quite soon enough to
undertake so troublesome a business; and, of course, that they may
offend as often as inclination prompts them—not only against good
manners—but truth, justice, and honor, without the least hazard to
their reputations. To crown the obstacles to correct education,
created by the faults and errors of youth, I will state one omitted in
its proper place, which prevails to a most deplorable extent; it is
the belief, that the matters usually taught in schools, such as will
enable the pupils to get a college diploma, comprehend the whole of
what is called _education_; and that these requisites to collegiate
honors are to be obtained, if at all, merely for worldly purposes, not
as auxiliary means only, towards perfecting, as far as practicable,
all those admirable faculties bestowed on us by God himself for the
noblest of all uses—that of promoting human happiness, both in time
and eternity.
Superadded to all these formidable obstructions to education as it
should be, many more arise from other classes of society than parents,
teachers, and scholars. The chief of these are, the want of
persevering zeal in this vital cause, and the general neglect of all
whose business it should be to inquire minutely and thoroughly into
that part of the management of schools, which, very rarely, if ever,
is made the subject of newspaper publication or individual scrutiny.
Yet is this, beyond all comparison, the most important; I mean the
particular methods of instruction, and the conduct of the teachers
towards their pupils both _in_ and _out_ of school.
It is really not enough for the public to be told that at such and
such schools, all arts, sciences, languages and accomplishments are
taught _dirt cheap, and in the shortest imaginable time_—admitting the
possibility of any such incredible promises being fulfilled. The main
points—the great, essential groundwork of all right education, are
_the moral discipline—the punishments and rewards—but above all, the
motives and inducements to study_, which the teachers inculcate; for
_if this part of the process be essentially wrong, no other part can
well work rightly_. Into all these particulars, continual, earnest,
and diligent inquiries should be made by competent judges—not to
expose nor to injure individuals, but to supply what is deficient, and
to correct what is wrong in all schools. Teachers themselves would not
be long in setting about the work with due diligence, when they found
public sentiment opposed to any part of their practice; and the
community in general more disposed minutely and judiciously to
investigate all such particulars relative to the management of
schools, as it is always important, should be thoroughly known and
understood. Most persons judge of schools by what they hear—not by
what they see, or certainly know; and so little concern is usually
felt about them, by any but those who have children there, that none
else scarcely ever ask any questions on the subject. The consequence
is, that although many will occasionally _talk_, as they do about
various other matters which they do not understand, yet they rarely
ever _judge_ correctly. Idle gossip—the spirit of
detraction—ignorance, and malice—will do infinitely more harm to these
establishments, than the partiality of friendship, which is often
equally blind, can ever do good; for the work of _pulling down_ is
always an easier, and frequently, to many, a much more agreeable task,
than _building up_. Another great benefit which would result from so
close and accurate a scrutiny as the one recommended, would be, that
the investigators, and through them the public, would learn to make
somewhat more charitable estimates of the difficulties which all
teachers, especially of large schools, have always to encounter from
the faults and vices of their scholars, aggravated by the interference
of ignorant, injudicious, and immoral parents. All who would open the
eyes of their understanding would certainly discover, that not a few
of these difficulties infest even female schools, wherein the common
opinion seems to be, at least with most parents in regard to their own
daughters, that “nothing can in any wise enter that defileth;” or, in
other words, that “the beau ideal” of woman—all innocence, purity and
loveliness—is the real character of all her female children, and
inseparably attaches to them, wherever found, whether at home or
abroad. Such a discovery, possibly, might also lead such all-confiding
parents to the painful, but salutary suspicion, that _they themselves_
may have been, by early neglect on their part, the real cause of these
sore evils. Notwithstanding these parental hallucinations in regard to
daughters, all experience proves that girls differ from boys in their
faults and vices, only according to the degree of their exposure in
early life, to the contraction of bad principles and bad habits. What,
in reality, are {615} schools, either of boys or girls, but the world
in miniature, annoyed and distracted by nearly all the same faults and
vices—in a mitigated form, it is true, yet still operating to the
extent of their respective spheres, and in proportion to the power of
the peculiar temptations by which the pupils are assailed, as well as
of the good and bad principles which they carry with them from home?
This is true as the Gospel itself—yet where are the parents who could
bear to have any of these follies and vices ascribed by this rule to
their own children, especially if they were daughters, or would
believe the accusation, if made? What would become of the luckless
teachers who would have candor and hardihood enough to venture on such
revolting disclosures? In all probability the loss of employment would
be the consequence, if nothing worse befel them. Yet, that disclosures
of this kind might very frequently and most justly be made in regard
to many individuals in all large schools, none can possibly doubt, who
will deliberately reflect on the composition of very many of these
institutions. What would be the result of such reflection? Why, that
many of the scholars have traits of character nearly as bad as could
well be expected at so early a period of life, and habits such as
inevitably lead to moral degradation and destruction, if not radically
cured during the period of pupilage. Children of all grades of
capacity, from the highest to the lowest—of all degrees of moral and
literary acquirement, from a considerable portion of culture and
improvement, to a very deplorable state of ignorance, idleness, and
vice, and of all imaginable varieties of dispositions and tempers, are
often found huddled together in these institutions. The unavoidable
consequence is, that innumerable obstacles of almost invincible power
to obstruct the progress of education, are continually presenting
themselves—that numerous acts are committed to deplore, and a thousand
things practised for which there can be no cure, unless both parental
authority and public sentiment will steadily and most actively
co-operate with the teachers, both in devising and applying the proper
remedies. But how can this co-operation possibly be made, while the
necessity for it is undiscerned—while the obstacles created by each
party remain uncorrected, and the current coin between parents and
teachers continues to be flattery and deception, instead of full and
confidential disclosures by the last, of the children's faults and
misdeeds, met by efficient support from the first, in every measure of
salutary discipline? A reformation however, in these momentous
particulars, is among the last things thought of, in regard to
schools, where, in countless instances, the limbs and bodies of the
pupils appear to be deemed much better worth training than their
hearts and souls. If the first and last lesson taught a child, before
it quits its home to be placed under other teachers, be, that the
admiration and applause of the world must be the chief objects of
pursuit, what success can the subsequent instructers possibly expect,
who venture to inculcate a different lesson? What hope can they
rationally entertain of substituting the love of wisdom and virtue—the
fear of sin, and the holy desire of pleasing our Maker in all things,
for the passions of pride, vanity, and ambition, sucked in almost with
the mother's milk? Would it do to acquiesce so far in this primary
instruction, as to tell the pupils that they must cherish these
passions, but beware how they direct them? Would not such prescription
be quite on a par in folly with granting a child inclined to
drunkenness, liberty to drink every day to the point of intoxication,
or with exposing ono who had any other vicious propensity, to
opportunities of indulging it? The truth is, that if children are
turned over immediately from the parent's to the teacher's hands, with
passions rarely or never restrained—vicious inclinations and wills
unsubdued—stubbornness, idleness, and insubordination habitually
indulged, the tutor who attempts their correction has scarcely a
possible chance of success. The very first serious effort would
probably soon cause the removal of such pupils, who would be almost
sure to complain, and would as surely be believed; for parents who
spoil their children, are, most unfortunately, often found to confide
in their veracity just in proportion as they should distrust it. But
should the teacher's efforts to reform, fail to produce
misrepresentations to the parents, they would usually be met by some
such remonstrance as the following:—My father and mother never used to
care about such things, and why should _you_? What right have _you_ to
condemn and forbid that which _they_ suffered to pass unnoticed, and
therefore, probably approved? Is the prospect any better, when there
is no chance of appeal from the tutor's authority, nor of improper
interference from such parents or guardians as have neither sense nor
experience to know what is best for the children? It certainly _ought
to be_, provided the instructers were well qualified for their
offices. But alas! _they too_ are often equally unfit, either from
temper, ignorance, or subservience to the prevalent follies,
prejudices, or culpable practices of the time present. If those whom
it seems their interest to please, happen to be wrong-headed—unsettled
in _their_ principles, and vicious in _their_ conduct, these suppliant
teachers permit all _their_ abstract notions of right to vanish into
thin air, and will frequently abandon, not only their modes of
teaching, but the matters to be taught, although confident of their
great importance, that they may keep in favor with such really
worthless patrons. It may be urged, at least, in mitigation of this,
as well as several other faults of teachers, that they have to act
both a difficult and most arduous part; for they have many wills,
opinions, and principles besides their own to consult; many pernicious
whims and wayward caprices to encounter; numerous prejudices to
overcome; and not a few practices to oppose, which have either the
parental sanction openly avowed in their favor, or that silent
acquiescence in them, on which most children rely with equal
confidence. Possessing little more than a mere nominal authority, and
having always much work expected from them—such, for example, as
making models of good conduct and literary acquirement out of all
kinds of children—not only the well trained, but those who have been
immeasurably petted and indulged—not only the talented, but the
stupid—teachers are driven to the expedient of taking what generally
appears to them “the shortest cut.” This is, if possible, to produce
among their pupils, that anxious struggle for pre-eminence and victory
over each other in scholarship, which can neither be excited nor kept
alive without calling into action some of the worst passions of the
human heart. But such struggle being recommended by the imposing
misnomer of “noble, generous {616} emulation,” passes without
examination into its moral tendencies, and is almost every where
resorted to, as the only effectual means to secure diligence, ardor,
and perseverance in the pursuit of scholastic knowledge. To fulfil,
therefore, the unreasonable expectation of such persons as seem to
calculate on a child's education being finished with almost as great
despatch as a dexterous cooper sets up and turns off his flour
barrels—as well as to save themselves trouble, seems to be the chief,
if not the only reason why teachers have so generally cultivated the
principle of emulation in their schools, as a species of
“king-cure-all.” It is a poor excuse however, for instilling into the
youthful mind a poison which rarely fails to baffle all the future
efforts of moralists and divines who attempt its extirpation. That it
is entirely unnecessary, has been again and again demonstrated by some
of the most eminent writers, and most successful teachers who have
ever lived. All who are concerned in the business of education should
make common cause against this fell destroyer of the soundest
principles of instruction; and he or they who could succeed in its
utter extinction, would deserve the united blessings of every parent
and child in the United States.
The following very striking remarks, from “A practical view of
Christian Education in its earliest stages,” by T. Babington, member
of the British Parliament, are so apposite to my present purpose, that
I cannot forbear to quote them. In speaking of the father's duty, this
admirable writer says—“He must hold out examples to his child in such
a way as _not to excite emulation_. To imitate an example is one
thing: to rival any person, and endeavor to obtain a superiority over
him, is another. It is very true, as is maintained by the defenders of
emulation, that it is impossible to make progress towards excellence
without outstripping others. But surely there is a great difference
between the attainment of a superiority over others, being a mere
consequence of exertions arising from other motives, and a zeal to
attain this object, being itself a motive for exertion. Every one must
see that the effects produced on the mind in the two cases will be
extremely dissimilar. Emulation is a desire of surpassing others, for
the sake of superiority, and is a very powerful motive to exertion. As
such, it is employed in most public schools; but in none, I believe,
ancient or modern, has it been so fully and systematically brought
into action, as in the schools of Dr. Bell and Mr. Lancaster. Whatever
may be the merits of the schools of either of these gentlemen in other
respects, (a question which it is unnecessary to enter,) in _this_
they appear to me to commit such an offence against christian morals,
that no merits could atone for it. I cannot but think emulation an
unhallowed principle of action, as scarcely, if at all, to be
disjoined from jealousy and envy, from pride and
contention—incompatible with loving our neighbor as ourselves—and a
principle of such potency, as to be likely to engross the mind, and
turn it habitually and violently from the motives which it should be
the great business of education to cherish and render
predominant—namely, a sense of duty, and gratitude, and love to God.”
Instead of enlarging on this subject, I beg leave to refer to Mr.
Gisborne's remarks upon it, in his “Duties of Women.” “If emulation
(says he) is an unhallowed motive, it cannot innocently be employed,
whatever good effects may be expected from it. _We must not do evil
that good may come._ But if any christian should deem it not
absolutely unhallowed, few will deny, I think, that it is questionable
and dangerous. Even then, in this more favorable view of emulation,
ought it to be used, unless it can be shown to be necessary for the
infusion of vigor into the youthful mind, and for securing a
respectable progress in literature? I can say, from experience, that
it _is not necessary_ for the attainment of those ends. In a numerous
family with which I am well acquainted, emulation has been carefully
and successfully excluded; and yet the acquirements of the different
children have been very satisfactory. I can bear the same testimony
with respect to a large Sunday School with which I have been connected
for many years. I have often heard of _virtuous_ emulation—but can
emulation ever be so characterized in a christian sense? Whether it
may in that loose sense of virtue which those adopt who take the
worldly principle of honor for their rule, I will not stop to inquire.
“_But it is not sufficient not to excite and employ emulation on plan
and system, as a stimulus in education—great care ought to be taken to
exclude it._ And great care will be necessary, for it will be
continually ready to show itself; and if not checked, it will soon
attain strength, strike its roots deep in the heart, and produce
bitter fruits, which, in the eyes of a christian, will be
ill-compensated by the extraordinary vigor and energy it will give to
scholastic studies. When examples are held out for imitation, (a very
different thing, be it remembered, from emulation,) or _as warnings_,
the child must be made sensible that its state in the sight of God is
rendered neither better nor worse by the virtues or the faults of
others, except so far as they may have influenced, or may have failed
to influence, its own conduct—that it ought to love its neighbor as
itself, and to rejoice in every advance made by another in what is
good, and to lament over all his faults and defects, without one
selfish thought being suffered to check the joy or the concern—that it
ought therefore to wish all its companions all success in their common
studies, with the same sincerity with which it wishes its own
success—and to be affected by their faults and failures in the same
manner it would be by its own. It should be made sensible, in
proportion as it may give way to feelings the reverse of these, that
its ‘eye will be evil because others are good’—and it will act in
opposition to the injunction, ‘mind not every one his own things, but
every one also the things of others,’ and to a whole host of
Scriptural precepts and examples. These things must be inculcated, not
by lectures in general terms, but by applying such views to all the
little incidents which call for them as they successively arise. The
child must also be made sensible, how much better it is for himself
that his companions should be eminent for laudable attainments and
good qualities; for that, in proportion to their excellences in these
respects, they will be useful and estimable companions, and ought to
be objects of his affection. All little boasts of having done better
than this or that brother or sister, and every disposition to
disappointment when _they_ succeed best, should be most carefully
checked, and the lesson of ‘rejoicing with them that do rejoice, and
of weeping with them that weep,’ must be very diligently inculcated.”
{617} To these authorities of Babington and Gisborne, I believe might
be added that of every writer of any eminence on the subject of
education, from the first who denounced emulation as an unchristian
and most pernicious principle of action, to the most distinguished of
our own times. Yet, strange to say, it continues to be made the
master-wheel of the whole machinery of instruction in almost all the
schools of the United States. Very few exceptions can any where be
found. The deleterious nostrum is administered far more extensively
than any quack medicine ever yet invented—nay, than all of them put
together; and common sense and christian morality interpose their
warning cries in vain. Parents, teachers, and scholars are all playing
into each others hands, (if I may so express myself,) to perpetuate
this fatal quackery; but the sin lies principally at the doors of the
first. _They_ influence and direct, mediately or immediately, the
whole system of education; and if _they_ will not commence the
Herculean work of reformation, it must remain an utterly hopeless
undertaking, since none else have either the authority or the power to
make it. Self-amendment therefore in _them_, must necessarily precede
amendment in others. But how is _this_ to be brought about, when the
leaders themselves, or rather those who should be so, in this vital
work, are just as blind generally to their own faults, as so many
insane persons; while the few who can see them, have not enough moral
courage even to attempt their extirpation. The great popularity of
emulation is easily explained: it saves parents the difficulty and
trouble of explaining and enforcing the duty, demonstrating the
advantages, and portraying the pleasures of literary, scientific, and
moral acquirements; for teachers also, it is the same labor-saving
process; while it imparts to the pupils themselves a stimulus to
mental effort, similar to that which alcohol produces on bodily
exertion—a stimulus that excites feeling, while it deadens judgment,
and irresistibly transforms benevolence into the most unqualified
selfishness. And thus it is, that instead of genuine christian
morality and true religion being made the only basis of all education,
a spurious principle of most pernicious tendency, fatal alike to both,
is substituted for them. _Such a principle is emulation_, however
sophistry may disguise, or our own bad passions recommend it. The
victory for which it constantly goads us to struggle, _must be
obtained_, cost what it may to the peace, the fame, or the happiness
of others.
It may perhaps be objected, that if the moral and religious
instruction of children were as much and as closely attended to as I
seem to require, no time would be left for any thing else; and
consequently, that on the principles here recommended, the mind would
soon be miserably contracted by bigotry and fanaticism. Very far
should I be, even if I had the privilege, from restraining the powers
of the understanding, or limiting their exercise only to moral and
religious subjects; although these, if prosecuted to their full
extent, embrace quite enough for man's happiness in both worlds. No,
God forbid; let these powers be carried to their highest point of
attainable perfection—let them be most assiduously, most unceasingly
cultivated to the latest period of human life, for such is the divine
will of Him who bestowed them all. But I would invariably have it done
in perfect accordance _with His will_, and solely for the promotion of
human happiness—our own, of course, as well as that of others. _It
never should be done_, for the wretchedly selfish, contemptible
purpose of surpassing each other, and obtaining the applause of beings
equally frail, imperfect, and sinful with ourselves.—Shall I be asked,
if I would exclude the love of praise from human motives? Assuredly I
would, if it cannot be used without being made a paramount principle.
For however pure it may appear, at first, there is always so much
impurity mixed with it, especially when it results in active
emulation, that almost all who are nurtured upon such diet, soon learn
to feed upon the garbage of indiscriminate applause, when they cannot
procure the nicer dishes of this species of mental aliment. The taste
for it is perpetually becoming more and more depraved by
indulgence—whereas the love of God, and of wisdom and virtue as _his_
requirements, can never run to excess, nor can ever operate in any
other way than to enrich, improve, and exalt the soul for all the
great purposes, both temporal and eternal, to which it was originally
destined. Shall we be told that the first motive is so much easier to
inculcate than the last, as to produce a necessity for resorting to
it? I shall continue to deny the fact until the experiment can fairly
be made. This has never yet been done in a sufficient number either of
families or schools, to furnish the necessary proof, to say nothing of
the utter incompatibility of the two kinds of motive as controlling
principles of conduct. Let us endeavor to illustrate this by numbers.
If a hundred children under the process of education, are constantly
urged on in their course by the stimulants of emulation and ambition,
for one who is taught that these are not proper motives of action,
(and I believe the proportion is still greater,) ought we to wonder
that ninety-nine should be found _both emulous and ambitious_—should
be found preferring the _lesser_ to the _greater_ good? Ought we to
feel any surprise if human praise, present, palpable, and certain—held
up too as the most desirable thing _in this world_, should be much
more highly esteemed, than the remote, and with very many, the
doubtful prospect of gaining something, they know not what, in a world
to come—by acting as if human praise, however delightful, should _not
be_ the mainspring of our conduct in the present life? Yet where shall
we turn our eyes or ears, and not find it so? Where shall we search
without finding this cancer shooting its fatal roots into the very
centre even of the youngest hearts? The process begins with the
nursery slang of—“dear, sweet, precious little darling!—ar'n't you the
most beautifullest, the best, the smartest little child in the whole
world? and sha'n't you be far before them all?” This inordinate,
immeasurable excitation is continued in all possible forms and
modifications, until the well grown son or daughter is transferred to
some distant school with the valedictory dose of—“Farewell, my dearest
child—be sure never to let any of your schoolmates get before you in
your studies; you must outdo them all, or you will disgrace yourself
and family.” With such food, thus seasoned by nurses, parents,
teachers, companions and all, from the first dawnings of intellect to
its maturity, when the youth of our country issue forth from their
schools, academies, and colleges, “with all their blushing honors
thick upon them,” where will the young brain be found that will not be
turned with pride, vanity, and ambition? Where will {618} be the young
lady whose heart will not sicken at the thought of a rival in beauty
or accomplishments?—where the young gentleman who would not be ready,
should he deem it necessary, to assert his imaginary supremacy with
sword and pistol, against all who might appear likely to cross his
path, or mount the ladder of worldly honors and distinctions faster
than he could? The driest tinder will not sooner blaze from contact
with a lighted match, than will the passions of all young men, thus
educated, take fire, and consume both others and themselves, if their
selfish views of any kind are likely to be disappointed by conflicting
claims to selfish gratifications. Can any persons, in their senses,
believe it will be enough to save their sons and daughters from pride,
vanity, and ambition, occasionally to tell them, “take care, my good
children, you must not be either proud, vain, or ambitious,” although
they themselves are continually sowing the seed of these vices, and
using all suitable means to make them vegetate and ripen. Would it not
be stark madness in parents to expect that their sons should obey
their injunctions to sobriety, if they placed them under continual
temptations to get drunk; or, that their daughters could long remain
innocent, if exposed constantly to all the allurements of vice in its
most seductive forms? Yet equally mad are all parents who first
subject their children to all the corrupting influences of merely
worldly morals, and then expect from them such uniform examples of
virtuous conduct as can flow from no other imaginable source but the
morality and religion of the Gospel of Christ Jesus himself. For the
immoral propensities and vices of children, there is no other radical
cure under heaven than christianity; but alas! in many, even of the
most popular schools in the United States, both christian morals and
the christian religion, if not actually a species of contraband, are
yet _untaught_ as an essential part of the regular scholastic course.
Human happiness being acknowledged on all hands to be the only
legitimate object of all education—happiness both here and
hereafter—it has always seemed to me passing strange, that we should
act in regard to the vegetable kingdom, where mere abundant
fructification is the only object, on much more rational principles
than we do in relation to that to which we ourselves belong. For
example, from _the tops_ of such plants as man has subjected to his
culture, we never expect even _leaves_, still less _fruit_, until we
have first taken good care to give _their roots_ all the appliances
which we believe necessary and proper. But a course nearly opposite is
generally pursued with the human subject. We go to work most
laboriously upon the _head_, before we so much as think of the
_heart_, which may well be called the root of all our actions.
Teachers themselves too frequently take it for granted, that every
thing which ought to be done in this behalf has already been done at
home, and is therefore no part of _their_ business. But the deplorable
fact is, that in very many cases, nothing, or worse than nothing, has
there been done. In every such instance, the all-essential duty,
however often neglected, of teachers, is to exert every faculty they
possess for remedying so deadly an evil, since no great and permanent
good can ever be imparted to the pupil without it. But _is this done
generally_, or even in many instances? To prove that _it has not been
done_, an appeal has been made to the experience of all who have well
examined this subject, and I challenge a denial. It has been affirmed
that our schools in general, from the lowest to the highest, do not
sufficiently attend to the inculcation of moral and religious
principles—do not make them, as it were, the foundation, cement, and
finishing of all the various materials which contribute to form the
superstructure called _Education_. The charge is certainly a very
serious one; but fortunately, if it be unjust, the difficulty of
disproving it will not be very great. It may be done, first, by the
various public notices of what the conductors of our schools generally
promise to do for those confided to their care; and second, by an
exposition, fully and faithfully made, how far and in what manner
these promises are fulfilled. Shall we find, in a majority of these
notices, any thing more than a brief, general declaration, “to attend
strictly to the manners and morals of the pupils?” If we can, then are
they acquitted so far as _public pledges_ can go. Have we yet been
informed, that in a majority of these schools a regular and constant
course of moral instruction is given, and that religious principle,
not only in the abstract, but in practice, is earnestly and most
assiduously inculcated by every means in the power of the teachers?
Then ought they to be acquitted also, on the score of _performance_.
But let the appeal be made to these two tests when it may, and the
melancholy truth of my assertion will flash conviction on the most
incredulous minds. We shall find very many schools where languages,
sciences, arts and accomplishments are well taught; while few, very
few will be discovered, in which _that alone_ which makes all these
things of any permanent value, is taught _at all_, or taught in such a
manner as to enable young people correctly to discriminate between the
various species of knowledge, and to assign to each its just measure
of real, intrinsic worth. For proof of this assertion, I would ask
what body of trustees or visitors (call them what you please,) of our
schools, do we ever hear of, making inquiries into any thing more than
the literary qualifications and decent characters of those who either
have, or offer to take charge of them? Would this be the case?—could
it possibly happen, if religious and moral instruction held the rank
which it ought to do, in their estimates of the comparative value of
the matters to be taught? If the christian code of morals, the
christian system of faith, have any advantage whatever over the faith
and practice of those who think that they can do very well _without_
christianity, or at least with a mere nominal belief in it, _ought
such inquiries ever to be neglected?_—nay, should it not be considered
an imperative duty always to make them? How many of our schools of any
kind do we hear of, wherein even the formality of daily prayers, and
regular attendance at places of public worship, are either insisted
upon or recommended? Is this done in a majority of them? If not, how
can the neglect be explained, but on the ground of disbelief in the
duty and utility of these practices? And yet we are said to live _in a
christian community!_ and much offence, I presume, would be taken,
were any person to address the public as if the contrary were the
fact. But as trees must be judged by their _fruit_—not by their
_names_, so must communities as well as individuals be characterized,
rather by their practices than their professions.
There is still another and far stronger proof of our {619} assertion,
that moral and religious instruction is much and very generally
neglected in our schools. Let any one who chooses to make the
experiment, take, indiscriminately, any number of young persons, of
both sexes, who have just left school, and ask them—“are you members
of any particular christian church? If you are not, have you formed
any distinct, settled religious opinions in consequence of the course
of religious instruction received from your teachers? Has any regular,
earnest, unremitting effort been made to instil into your minds the
general principles of christianity?” I verily believe that the
multitude answering in the negative would shock any one who had the
least particle of true religion in him. To this opinion I have been
led, not by vague conjecture, but by much inquiry and observation.
It may perhaps be urged, that even theological schools—schools
exclusively devoted to moral and religious instruction, sometimes turn
out infidels, hypocrites, and profligates upon society. I admit the
fact, but deny that any inference can fairly be drawn from it which
could, in the slightest degree, invalidate the assertion that moral
and religious instruction should ever be made the basis of all
education. But one method indeed, occurs to me, by which this vital
truth (as I firmly believe it to be) could be rendered even doubtful.
It would be fairly to compare, if practicable, the numbers of
worthless young persons from all our schools of every kind. Then, if
the proportion from theological institutions was greater than from any
other, or even should it prove as great, the peculiar kind of
instruction there given might well be deemed worthless. But if this
proportion really be smaller, almost beyond calculation smaller, as I
verily believe it will be found, it must be as clear as a cloudless
sun that the religious and moral principles taught in theological
schools, are infinitely more available in making good and virtuous
men, than all the other principles put together which are taught in
other schools, and are consequently greatly superior to them, even
_for this world's use_. Shall I be asked by the scoffers at religion,
if I would educate all our boys for parsons? I will reply by another
question—will not the scoffers themselves be willing to educate their
children for heaven, if there _be such a place_? If there _be not_,
what could they possibly lose, even in the present life, by having
them taught to believe that truth, justice, mercy, and charity in its
broadest sense, with all other good qualities that exalt man to his
highest state of moral and intellectual excellence, have no other sure
foundation, no other permanent sanction, but christianity? As a mere
matter of worldly calculation, and upon the supposition that there is
error, or at least _the risk of it_ on both sides, any rational man
would think that the point should be settled forever, even by so
simple an argument as the one used by Crambé with his master Martinus
Scriblerus, when invited to join a society of free-thinkers. Crambé's
advice was, “by no means to enter into their society unless they would
give him sufficient security to bear him harmless from any thing that
might happen after this life.” This is a kind of calculation which
must always have some weight even with the most reckless, hardened
sinner. As here presented in the identical words of Dean Swift, it may
possibly have the appearance to some, of unbecoming levity on so
momentous a subject. But I trust not, as nothing is more remote from
my own intentions. No matter which can possibly engage our attention,
can bear the smallest comparison with this in importance; and in this
respect, the reformation of our schools throughout the country, is a
subject of the deepest—the most vital interest. In many, very many of
them, no religious instruction whatever is given; nor indeed, is there
any regular, systematic course of moral study pursued as the most
essential of the whole course; but (as I have before remarked)
languages and sciences—sciences and languages, alternated in all
imaginable modes and forms, constitute nearly the whole process of
education for our sons; while our daughters, to compensate for their
not being allowed to go quite so deep into such matters, have their
feet and fingers taught to execute many truly marvellous tricks—and
moreover, are instructed in the grand art of getting husbands by
“dress and address,” as the quintessence of female education.
The sum and substance of all my remarks on this, as on former
occasions, will prove, I hope, that many great and radical obstacles
exist to the adoption and practice of a correct system of education,
which are far from being necessary evils, although the various
mischiefs done by them may be considered as working most fatally on
the very vitals of society. Many of these obstacles have been, most
justly, as I believe, ascribed to parents—many to teachers, numerous
others to scholars, and not a few to the public in general. Whether
these last will find any parents willing to acknowledge them, is more
than I can tell. But believing that their existence cannot be
denied—for they are seen and deeply felt every where—the conclusions
to be drawn from such facts remain in their full force.
These are, that the teaching of _the heart_ must always precede that
of _the head_; that _right motives_ must be inspired before _good
conduct_ can be expected, and that the Logadian plan of building
houses from the tops downwards, must not be so closely imitated in
rearing our edifices of education, if we wish them to answer any other
than a very temporary and comparatively contemptible purpose. In other
words, we must take care always to commence with _the foundations_,
and have _them_ exactly as they should be, or the superstructures can
never be either useful or durable to the extent they might be made.
These foundations are—_not the alphabet_, nor _the arithmetical
characters_, nor _grammars_, nor _dictionaries_, nor _foreign
languages_, nor _sciences_—_but the love of God and man to be
displayed in overt acts rather than by empty professions, and to
govern, in fact, the whole life._ To make our entire work
indestructible _hereafter_, as well as estimable in the highest degree
_here_, the main pillars, as well as the corner stones and whole
groundwork must be—aye, _must necessarily, absolutely, unconditionally
be_, such as will pass inspection in the next life, as well as in the
present. This brings us back to what has heretofore been so much and
so earnestly insisted upon—the unqualified, the sacred obligation of
all who have any thing to do, from first to last, with educating the
youth of our country, to make, as far as practicable, not only _their
motives_, but _the ultimate ends_ of their whole course of study, such
as may bear examination at the last great and awful day of our final
account before the Almighty Judge of heaven and earth. This most
momentous truth of a final judgment in {620} another state of
existence, for all “our deeds done in the body,” instead of being the
first thing taught to our children as soon as their minds are capable
of receiving truth at all, is generally left to find its way into them
as it may—to be forced upon them in after life, as it rarely fails to
be, by the terrors, the remorse of a guilty conscience, reproaching
them for the commission of deeds against which early moral and
religious instruction might effectually have guarded them. Yes, my
friends, if there be any truth in God's word, such instruction _would
guard_—_would save them_ from these terrors and this remorse. What
awful responsibility then attaches to all those who neglect to give
it! What an appalling consideration should it be, that thousands upon
thousands of our youth are taught—so far as parental example _can
teach_, to smother all thoughts of a final judgment in feasting; to
drown them in intoxication; to forget them in the long and deadly
sleep of a bestial debauch; or to banish them from the heart by the
various pursuits of vanity, pride, avarice and ambition! Yet most of
these very parents themselves well know, that all such sensualities
and indulgences together are utterly unavailing always, to ward off
the dark, solemn hour of serious reflection and agonizing remorse,
which _will_ come, soon or late, to all offenders against the laws of
God. Then rushes on the startling remembrance of all their misspent
hours—their vicious pursuits—their criminal deeds, to haunt their
guilty imaginations with ceaseless terrors, and to leave them no rest
but in the temporary oblivion procured by a repetition of some long
practised debauchery or other. Such must inevitably be the fate, in a
greater or less degree, of all who act as if no future accountability
attached to them for present conduct; unless indeed, their profligacy
has been so great, so incessant, as to have silenced entirely “the
still, small voice of conscience;” and _then_, the sooner death sweeps
them from the face of the earth the better—certainly for society, and
none the worse probably for themselves. But what, my dear friends,
does all this prove? Is it not demonstration strong as proof from holy
writ, that religious and moral principle should invariably be made the
basis of _all education_, and that nothing which is called education
should be suffered to be carried on, unless in close connection with,
and subordination to this all-absorbing truth of final and eternal
punishment for sin—of final and eternal happiness for a life of
holiness and virtue in the present world?
If this reasoning be just, why is it that a course of moral and
religious instruction is either entirely omitted, or so little
regarded in nearly all our schools, except such as are theological?
Could it possibly be the case, if religious and moral principles were
deemed just as essential among all orders of men, as in the clerical
order? Yet if these principles be equally necessary to all, why is a
matter so highly important—so indispensable to the well being and
happiness of society—left in a great measure, to chance? Why are young
persons at school, suffered to infer from the silence of their
instructers, that no particular attention to this subject need be
given, unless by those who design to become professional teachers of
religion? Is it denied, even by infidels, that the principles and
motives of conduct, so far as they can possibly be imparted by human
means, are matters of infinitely more importance among the things to
be taught, than any others which can be imagined under the name of
knowledge? So far then, both believers and unbelievers agree. Both
concur in the necessity of first instructing every child in that
system of ethics which is to serve them through life as a rule of
action; because all other information without this must be stock that
they know not how to apply. Yet, neither infidels nor christians
generally, if at all, give this vital instruction in any such manner,
as to prove to their children, that they estimate it very far above
all other, in the scale of real value. The necessity of imparting it
being equally admitted by the adherents of the worldly system of
morals, and by the believers in that system left to us by our blessed
Saviour himself, as the only sure guide to happiness, either here or
hereafter, neither party can find any justification for their most
shameful neglect. By this, they leave those whom it is their sacred
duty to guide, without either chart or compass to steer their course
through all the difficulties and dangers of life. Some religious
parents and teachers there are, who express such a mortal dread of
what they please to call _sectarianism_, that they will not venture to
teach even the great fundamental truths of religion, in which all
christians, at least, entirely agree; and thus, religious instruction
of every kind is excluded from the course of these marvellously
scrupulous persons. Others again, who, without believing one word of
the Holy Scriptures, are yet willing, as a matter of prudence, to
treat both them and their doctrines with external respect—say, that
_they_ teach nothing which is _contrary_ to christian morality and
religion. Although it would be easy to prove that silence in such a
cause is little, if any better than open hostility, I will meet the
assertion in a more direct way, by denying its truth. The fact is,
that in every school in the United States, wherein moral and religious
instruction is neglected, many things are taught which _are contrary_
to the principles of christianity. To prove this, look at the
direction given to the conduct of the pupils—the motives by which they
are actuated, and the objects at which they are taught to aim. Are not
these _all worldly_? Are not many of them _absolutely forbid_ by the
plainest precepts of christianity? And what more need be asked to
demonstrate the truth of my accusation? Numerous exemplifications have
already been given of the false morality, and consequently false
religion imbibed, if not actually taught, both under the parental
roof, and in our schools. In fact, the instances are so abundant, that
I have scarcely ever attempted to trace the immoral and irreligious
opinions of any persons whatever to their primitive source, without
discovering that these opinions were derived chiefly from the precepts
and examples of their early instructers. Motives being the source of
all actions, and principles their regulators, both _must be made_ what
they _ought to be_, or the actions themselves can never be morally
good: yet most teachers appear to think that the principles and
motives of their pupils are matters with which they have little or no
concern. If their heads be filled with what is called scholastic
learning—if they can be made punctually to obey scholastic rules, the
instructers generally deem their part of the business of teaching
accomplished, and the hearts of their scholars are left to form
themselves. But what, in reality, can avail all the scholastic
learning in the world, unless the possessors are first inspired {621}
with the only true and proper motive for acquiring it, at the same
time that they are taught its only justifiable use? This motive is
social, philanthropic, heavenly; it is the love of God and his
creatures. It impels to unceasing beneficence on earth, and leads us
to look to heaven for our final reward. But the motives encouraged at
least, if not openly taught in a great majority of schools, as well as
by most parents, are essentially selfish and exclusive: for their
objects are personal fame and personal aggrandizement, to be gained at
any expense whatever, of mortification and suffering to others, which
successful rivalry can inflict, or eager, insatiate competition can
procure. Such motives and such morality interpose no effectual bar to
the indulgence of any strong passion which happens to seize upon the
individual governed by them, provided only such indulgence be openly
tolerated by fashion, or silently permitted. For example, they never
prevent our sons from drunkenness, gambling, or blowing out each
other's brains for the most trivial causes imaginable, while they
almost encourage, by failing to mark with utter reprobation, a species
of profligacy too revolting to be mentioned. In regard to our
daughters, the prevalent system of instruction cherishes a passion for
dress—for public amusements of all kinds in which females are
permitted to join—for company keeping—for general admiration—which
unfits them for domestic life, and leaves their hearts a prey to all
the tormenting distractions of envy, jealousy, and disappointed pride
and vanity. Against these vices so destructive to the happiness of
both sexes, I know of no regular course whatever of religious and
moral instruction in our schools generally, especially of the
preparatory kind. Recitations in languages, and elementary books of
science, with a little writing and cyphering, comprise the sum total
of the matters taught; and whether the children are Mohammedans,
heathens, infidels or christians, is an affair which seems to be
thought not properly cognizable by teachers at all. Here let me once
more repeat, that I never would make, even had I the power, any
alteration whatever in our systems of instruction, which would tend,
in the slightest degree, to prevent the youth of our country from
reaching the highest attainable excellence in all the justifiable
pursuits of life. But I would have it thoroughly and deeply impressed
on their hearts, under all circumstances—at every period of their
pupilage, and at all times, _that truly moral conduct resulting from
genuine religious principles, is “the one thing needful,” first and
far above all, both for time and eternity_. Nothing should ever be
taught in _any_ school, high or low, great or small, but in complete
subordination to this most momentous, most vital truth: nor should any
teacher whatever be suffered to neglect making _this_ the chief object
of pursuit for every scholar under his or her care.
This plan alone, with God's blessing to aid it, can ever achieve the
so much needed scholastic reforms and amendments in the modes and
general scope of parental instruction. This alone can ever materially
diminish that enormous mass of vice and crime, with all their
soul-sickening consequences, which renders this world a scene of such
constant, indescribable wretchedness in so many of its aspects. And
who are _they_, my friends, that make it so? Who are the poor,
forlorn, outcast wretches, that have brought disgrace upon their sex,
shame on their families, and endless woe upon themselves? Are they
not, in almost every case, the miserable victims of infidel opinions
imbibed in early youth, under parents and teachers who have incurred
the deep and deadly guilt of neglecting to take care of their precious
souls, until the critical hours for correcting their evil propensities
had forever passed away? Who compose that motley, most pitiable group
of both sexes, and of almost all ages, with which our jails and
penitentiaries are filled? Who are the shedders of their brother's
blood? Who the robbers and murderers for gold, for revenge, for lust?
Who the hellish destroyers of female honor, purity and peace—the
perpetrators of crimes that carry ruin, misery and death into the
peaceful abodes of domestic life, tearing asunder the nearest and
dearest ties of our existence, and outraging alike all laws, both
human and divine? Are they persons who have been morally and
religiously educated from infancy, or such as have been most
shamefully, most guiltily neglected in these all important
respects—such as have hardly so much as heard of any other bonds—any
other fetters to restrain their criminal passions—to prevent their
atrocious deeds, than the gossamer filaments of a mere worldly
morality? Alas! my friends, the bare contemplation of such
heart-rending results, from the neglect or perversion of education, is
enough to make every mother of an infant yet guiltless of actual sin,
press the little innocent still closer to her bosom than she would do
from the ordinary impulse of maternal love, in shuddering apprehension
of what may be its future fate. It is enough to make every father
tremble in considering the future destiny of his child, lest some
neglect of duty, some false instruction, some vicious example on his
part, should bring this child of his heart to misery and destruction.
Will _you_ then, my dear hearers, do nothing to prevent such
consummation, either as regards your own offspring or that of others?
Can _you_, who have so much power—so deep an interest too in this
momentous matter—can _you_ deliberately and seriously contemplate
these crying evils, this enormous aggregate of human guilt and woe,
without ascribing it principally to our defective systems of
education, and without some secret dread lest _you yourselves
individually_ may have, in some way or other, either directly or
indirectly, contributed to augment it? Will you not add to your power
of establishing, patronizing and regulating schools, the still more
effectual influence of _your example_ in the early instruction of your
children, to make education what it should be, in all its branches?
Can there be any thing that concerns us in the present life—is there
any thing in the whole compass of thought, which should excite half
such deep, heart-felt, all absorbing anxiety, as to remove this deadly
curse of ignorance and vice from our land and nation? That it _is
removable_—at least in a degree beyond all calculation, greater than
we can judge from beholding its present widely spread mischief, none
can doubt who believe in the scripture assurance, that if we train up
our children in the way they shall go, they will not depart from it;
or who confide in the extent to which, by the blessing of God, all
human beings may be improved, both in knowledge and virtue, by means
of education. Not only our own happiness, but that of our children and
children's children, to the latest generation, are at stake; and it
depends upon _you_, my friends, _you_, who, in full {622} proportion
to your numbers, can direct and control the education of the present
race, whether this happiness shall be increased or destroyed to a
degree which it has never yet reached. Upon _your_ precepts and
examples, while your children are under your own care, and upon _your_
choice of preceptors, when you confide them to the care of others, it
depends—whether these children shall prove curses or blessings to
themselves, to their parents, and to their country. Let _all our
resources then_, both mental and physical—_all_ our available means,
both of talent and wealth, be applied to the requisite extent, for the
attainment of so glorious a purpose. The individuals who achieve it—if
it ever is to be achieved, will merit the highest honors—the richest
rewards that this world can bestow, and will enjoy all the happiness
promised in the next, to the greatest benefactors of the human race.
And now, my friends, in bidding you farewell, permit me freely, but
respectfully, to address my few concluding remarks still more
personally to yourselves. _Ye parents_, who are conscious of faults
that obstruct the education of your own offspring and are anxious to
mend them—_ye_ who still have children to be instructed, and cherish
that deep solicitude for their continual improvement in knowledge and
virtue, which it is your most sacred duty to cherish—_ye teachers_,
who justly estimate the nature and extent of the momentous trusts
confided to your honor, and the fatal consequences of neglecting to
fulfil them—_ye young men and maidens_, who are still under
pupilage—behold, I beseech you, the moral mirror which I have held up
to your view. Search it again and again, and if you discern therein
any similitude to your own defects, let it not be seen in vain. Oh!
suffer it not to pass away “like the morning cloud or the early dew,”
but set _instantly_, _earnestly_, _perseveringly_, about the vital
work of extirpation, as your only hope for happiness either here or
hereafter. Learn to consider—nay, _never for a moment to forget_, that
nothing called education can have a shadow of pretence to be
pronounced complete, but that which has for its basis the Gospel of
Christ as well as its divine morality—that to act on every occasion as
_this_ directs, is true wisdom—and that to gain the power of doing so,
you must cherish in your hearts, through all the vicissitudes of life,
the same heavenly dispositions and sentiments which the pious Cowper
has so feelingly expressed in the following admirable lines.
_Thou_ art the source and centre of all minds,
Their _only_ point of rest, _Eternal Word!_
From _thee_ departing they are lost, and rove
At random, without honor, hope, or peace.
From _thee_ is all that soothes the life of man,
His high endeavor and his glad success,
His strength to suffer, and his will to serve.
But oh! thou bounteous giver of all good,
_Thou_ art of _all_ thy gifts—thyself the crown.
Give what thou canst, _without thee_ we are poor,
And _with thee_ rich, take what thou wilt away.
THE RAINBOW.
“The Rainbow,” by Campbell, “Triumphal Arch,” &c. is indeed a glorious
piece, and worthy at once of the subject and the poet. Nor does it
derogate much from his genius, though it does a little perhaps from
his honesty, that he has borrowed (without acknowledgment) two or
three of the finest thoughts and phrases in it from an older bard, a
certain Henry Vaughan, who flourished about two centuries ago, and
whose poems, says Montgomery, “amidst much harshness and obscurity,
show gleams of rare excellence.” Thus these lines of Vaughan,
How bright wert thou when Shem's admiring eye,
Thy burning, flaming arch did first descry;
When Zerah, Nahor, Haram, Abram, Lot,
The youthful _world's gray fathers_, in one knot,
Did, with intentive looks, watch every hour
For thy new light, and trembled at each shower
evidently suggested that fine stanza of Campbell—
When o'er the green undeluged earth
Heaven's covenant thou didst shine,
How came the _world's gray fathers_ forth
To watch thy sacred sign.
But the verse which follows is an admirable addition of his own.
And when its yellow lustre smiled,
O'er mountains yet untrod,
Each mother held aloft her child,
To bless the bow of God.
This finishes the picture, and makes it perfect. And Vaughan's two
first lines,
Still young and fine, but what is still in view,
We slight as old and soil'd, though _fresh_ and new,
together with his two last,
Who looks upon thee from his glorious throne,
And minds the covenant betwixt ALL and ONE,
obviously kindled Campbell's two closing stanzas—
As _fresh_ in yon horizon dark,
As _young_ thy beauties seem,
As when the eagle from the ark
First sported in thy beam.
For faithful to its sacred page,
Heaven still rebuilds thy span,
Nor lets the type grow pale with age
That first spoke peace to man.
A splendid improvement indeed! In short, Campbell's Rainbow (or the
best part of it, from the fifth verse to the end,) is but a sort of
_secondary_ of Vaughan's, though it is not in this case, as in nature,
fainter, but _triumphantly_ brighter and more beautiful than the
first.[1]
[Footnote 1: Perhaps the reader may like to see Vaughan's piece
entire. Here it is.
THE RAINBOW.—_By Henry Vaughan._
Still young and fine! but what is still in view
We slight as old and soil'd, though fresh and new;
How bright wert thou when Shem's admiring eye,
Thy burning, flaming arch did first descry;
When Zerah, Nahor, Haram, Abram, Lot,
The youthful world's gray fathers, in one knot,
Did, with intentive looks, watch every hour
For thy new light, and trembled at each shower.
When thou dost shine, darkness looks white and fair;
Storms turn to music, clouds to smiles and air;
Rain gently spends his honey-drops, and pours
Balm on the cleft earth, milk on grass and flowers.
Bright pledge of peace and sunshine! the sure tie
Of thy Lord's hand, the object of his eye!
When I behold thee, though _my_ light be dim,
Distant and low, I can in _thine_ see Him,
Who looks upon thee from his glorious throne,
And minds the covenant betwixt _All_ and _One_.]
{623}
RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION.
Quare quoniam de re publica quærimus, hoc primum videamus quid sit id
ipsum quod quærimus.
* * * * *
Est igitur, inquit Africanus, res publica _res populi_; populus autem
non omnis hominum coetus quoquo modo congregatus, sed coetus
multitudinis juris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus.
* * * * *
Quare cum _penes unum_ est omnium summa rerum, _regem_ illum unum
vocamus, et _regnum_ eius rei publicae statum.
* * * * *
Itaque si Cyrus ille Perses _iustissimus fuit sapientissimusque rex_,
tamen mihi populi res; ea enim est, ut dixi antea, publica; non maxime
expetenda fuisse illa videtur, cum regeretur _unius nutu_. Ac modo si
Massilienses nostri clientes per delectos et principes cives _summa
iusticia_ reguntur, inest tamen in ea condicione populi _similitudo
quædam servitutis_.
* * * * *
Cur enim regem appellem Jovis optimi nomine hominem dominandi cupidum
aut _imperii singularis_, populo oppresso dominantem, non _tyrannum_
potius?
_De Re Publica._
For the Literary Messenger to contain temperate articles upon general
politics, and political economy, is in the humble opinion of the
individual now writing, as manifestly proper, as it would be obviously
the reverse for it to embark in the slightest degree in party strife.
He was therefore decidedly pleased with the appearance of an article
of the temper and tone of the letter in the last number upon the RIGHT
OF INSTRUCTION. That article has so universally been attributed to the
pen of the amiable and learned JUDGE HOPKINSON, that it would be
affectation not to consider him as its author. This avowal, whilst it
renders the boldness of an attempt at reply the more fearfully
conspicuous, also renders more glaringly manifest the impropriety of
suffering the gauntlet so gallantly thrown by so able and courteous a
champion into the teeth of all Virginia's chivalry, to remain
unaccepted. The fear that business, or inertness, or a belief that the
question is settled, should prevent our distinguished men from
entering the lists, and thus leave the impression that the cause of
the Honorable Judge was deemed too righteous for our knights to risk
the fate of the combat, has induced one little fitted for the
controversy, with no little trepidation, to enter the lists. To drop a
stale metaphor, I will venture to suggest a few plain reasons for
thinking the argument of the Judge not entirely conclusive.
The Virginia doctrine of instructions is thus laid down by the Judge.
“I understand that doctrine to be, that the instructions of a State
Legislature to a Senator of the United States, are an authoritative
lawful _command_, which he is bound implicitly to obey, and which he
cannot disobey without a violation of his official duty as a Senator,
imposing upon him the obligation to resign his place if he cannot, or
will not, conform to the will of his Legislature.” There is but one
fault to be found with this definition, which is the insertion of the
word “_official_” instead of the word “_moral_.” We hold the
obligation to obey instructions or resign to be a moral duty of the
man, incident to the acceptance of the office, rather than the
_official_ duty of the Senator. The latter duties are prescribed by
the constitution, the former are established by general principles of
political ethics. This distinction may seem to be rather nice than
important, since the establishment of either would lead to the same
practical result. But as we are now discussing the propriety of that
result, it is important to know precisely upon what principles the
right is based, lest we lose our cause by a mistake in terms. If we
contended for the official duty of the Senator, we could look _only_
to the constitution for the establishment of the right, but contending
for the moral duty as an honorable man and an honest politician, we
may look to any source not incompatible with the provisions of that
instrument. The learned Judge proceeds, after laying down his
definition to state his objections. The doctrine appears to him “to be
absolutely incompatible with the cardinal principles of our
constitution, as a representative government; to break up the
foundations which were intended to give it strength and stability, and
to impart to it a consistent, uniform, and harmonious action; and
virtually, to bring us back to a simple, turbulent democracy, the
worst of all governments—or rather, no government at all.” We
Virginians must be permitted to join issue with the Judge upon each of
these conclusions, and I for one must confess that my mind is not
satisfied either by the ingenuity or learning displayed by him. But as
his reasons for his conclusions are developed in the progress of his
argument, perhaps it will be better to unfold our objections to his
conclusions whilst following his reasoning.
The Judge sustains his views in the first place, by combatting the
arguments of some writer in the Richmond Enquirer, who had endeavored,
it appears, to sustain the republican doctrine by the federal
authority of MESSRS. KING, JAY and HAMILTON, and for this purpose
quotes their speeches in the New York Convention, which adopted the
federal constitution. The Judge also sustains his opinions upon
general principles. He labored under the disadvantage of not having
the debates of the New York Convention before him, and was therefore
compelled to reason upon the isolated extracts quoted in the Enquirer,
without examining the context of the speeches for modifications or
explanations of the particular expressions quoted. The present writer
having neither the debates in the New York Convention or the Enquirer
before him, cannot enter into this branch of the subject. This he
regrets, because, although the question is one which must be decided
upon its merits, and not upon authority, yet to prove that the federal
doctrines of the present day are contrary to those entertained by the
founders of their own party, who were eminent and patriotic men, and
largely concerned in the foundation of our government, would divest
their doctrine of all the respect and sanctity which great names and
great antiquity will sometimes give even to principles intrinsically
wrong. The Judge then wisely endeavored to defend the federal
patriarchs from our republican heresies, and made an effort to carry
the war into Africa by showing, that even some of our republican
fathers had repudiated our cherished doctrine. But has he succeeded in
either? Without entering into that branch of the subject, we may be
permitted to glance at his reasoning.
“Let us see. Mr. King is represented to have said, that ‘the Senators
will have a _powerful check_ in those _who wish for their seats_.’
This is most true—and in fact it is to this struggle for place that we
owe much of the zeal for doctrines calculated to create vacancies. Mr.
King proceeds—‘And the State Legislatures, if they find their
delegates erring, can and will _instruct them_. Will this be no
check?’ The two checks proposed, in the same {624} sentence, and put
upon the same footing, are the vigilance of those who want the places
of the Senators, and the instructions which the State Legislatures can
and will give to them. They are said to be, as they truly are,
_powerful checks_, operating with a strong influence on the will and
discretion of the Senator, but not as subjecting him, _as a matter of
duty_, either to the reproaches of his rivals or the opinions of the
Legislature. To do this, a check must be something more than powerful;
it must be irresistible, or, at least, attended by some means of
carrying it out to submission—some penalty or remedy for disobedience.
I consider the term _instruct_, as here used, to mean no more than
counsel, advise, recommend—because Mr. King does not intimate that any
right or power is vested in the Legislature to compel obedience to
their instructions, or to punish a refractory Senator as an official
delinquent. It is left to his option to obey or not, which is
altogether inconsistent with every idea of a _right to command_. Such
a right is at once met and nullified by a right to refuse. They are
equal and contrary rights.”
Here were two checks proposed by Mr. King to prevent misconduct in a
Senator. The first was a continuing check, and would always operate
upon his conduct, unless he was willing to give his rivals a great
advantage, and would control him if he wished a re-election. The other
was a check in the hands of the Legislature, ready to be applied to
the _prevention_ of any _specific_ act of mischievous tendency by the
Senator, and seems to have no connection in Mr. King's mind with the
first check mentioned. The question put by him seems to imply that his
mind considered this check as positively and inevitably effectual in
any case in which it might be applied. We must remember that he was
arguing in favor of adopting the constitution, and offered a second
check by which honor and duty would control the Senators, upon whom
the fear suggested in the other check would have no effect. But let us
consider them with Judge H. in connection, and suppose that Mr. King
meant to consider the two checks as parts of one whole, and that the
instructions would be a check _because_ others wished for the seat.
This construction would make it very clear that Mr. K. thought the
Senator would be obliged to obey or _resign_, because unless such was
his duty, his competitors for the seat could not possibly accomplish
their wishes by means of instructions. Mr. K. only called the first a
_powerful check_, and not _both_, as the Judge inadvertently says.
With regard to the last, Mr. K. triumphantly asks, “_will this be no
check?_”—as if he considered that as conclusive, and this check
certainly operative in cases to which the first would not extend. It
is true Mr. K. says nothing about the power of the Legislature to
enforce obedience, because they have no such power, but he puts an
interrogatory, which he clearly thinks cannot be answered in the
negative, and leaves the question as if the duty of obedience was too
clear for dispute. If this was not his idea, whence his triumphant
manner? Did any body ever doubt the power of a Legislature to advise
or petition their Senators? Then why parade so paltry and worthless a
right with so much pomp, and as a valuable security to the States?
What good was this right to do those who wished for the seats?
What if the State Legislatures do not have power to punish? They have
no power to punish any official delinquences in the Senator, however
gross and palpable, or any other violation of moral duty. They have no
right, if they enjoyed the gift of divination, to prescribe the course
of the Senator by law, providing for all contingences, nor can they
order punishment by an ex post facto law, or cause punishments to be
inflicted without a regular judicial trial, for any offence, except an
immediate violation of their own order. Even if a Senator violates his
positive pledge, the Legislature cannot punish him. They appear to be
in this respect like all other constituencies, at the mercy of their
representatives. Whether he acts morally or officially wrong, they
cannot as constituents punish him. Impeachment seems to be the only
remedy provided by any constitution, for any delinquency of any
Legislator acting in his official capacity; and this being in the
hands of the body to which he belongs, is generally inefficient. It
seems to be a sufficient answer to all arguments founded upon the
incapacity of the Legislature to punish for a violation of this
particular duty, to say that it cannot punish for a violation of any
duty. Can it be hence inferred that the Senator has no duties? Unless
it can, our adversary's argument is defective. Suppose it had the
power to punish generally for what it deemed offences? Can any one
doubt that it would punish this as one of the highest? But the power
of _subsequent_ punishment, or its absence, can neither create or
extinguish a _previous_ moral or official duty.
The Judge, in my humble judgment, begs the question, when he says, “it
is left to his _option_ to obey or not”—“a right to command is at once
met and nullified by a right to refuse.” Our doctrine contends that he
has no right to refuse, but we grant that he has the physical _power_
to disobey, without the moral right. The only option which we allow
him is that of resigning or obeying. If he resigns, of course, in
ceasing to be our representative or servant, our commands cease to be
of any force with regard to him.
The verbal criticisms entered into by the Judge, do not appear to me
to sustain his case. To instruct is doubtless in its primitive meaning
to _teach_, but the question is, when applied to the Senator,—teach
what? Not certainly to give general information. Is it to impart
superior knowledge upon the specific question to the Senator? This
militates against the federal doctrine of the superior wisdom of the
Senator; it supposes the legislative wisdom to be greater than his,
and of course, as such, it ought to prevail. For what purpose would
they enlighten him, if he was not bound to pursue the proper course
thus pointed out? It must be remembered that _teach_ does not mean to
advise or request. If this legislative teaching, is not to give
general information, or impart superior wisdom in particular cases, or
request, or advise a particular course, only one thing remains to
which the word teach can be applied, and that is the _will_ or
_wishes_ of the Legislature; and the fact of teaching would seem to
imply that he was to do their will if he knew what it was. They never
teach unless they believe he intends to act contrary to their wishes,
and their instructions are to inform him that he the servant has
mistaken the will of his principal, and thus instruction given in
cases of misapprehension or mistake of the will of the constituent,
becomes the polite term for a command in other cases. This
signification of command, is also one of the regular meanings of the
word. Johnson gives “Authoritative mandate” as one of its
significations. To give less force than this to the word, would make
the Legislatures mere petitioners, and their _instructions_ to
Senators have precisely the force of their _requests_ to the members
of the House of Representatives. But none of our writers, old or
modern, ever {625} considered these _requests_ as any sort of check
upon the House of Representatives; but all look to the Senate as a
check upon that body, and to check the Senate they say the State
Legislatures may instruct. If requests will be of any avail as a
check, why go around Robin Hood's barn, to bring them to bear?—why not
have said at once, the State Legislatures may instruct their members
in the House of Representatives? “Will this be no check?” Since an
example has been set by such high authority, of investigating valuable
rights by the light of the verbal critic's lamp, let us see if Dr.
Johnson will not extend a hand to save the people as well as to prop
their masters. He defines a representative to be “One exercising the
vicarious power given by another”—and vicarious is “_Deputed_,—
_Delegated_,—_Acting in place of another_.” We can find no authority
here for one who acts in a representative capacity, to act according
to his own will, and in direct opposition to the will of those in
whose place he acts.
The idea advanced by JUDGE HOPKINSON, of the impropriety of the
Senator's acting upon the _dictation_ of others, and his _own
responsibility_, seems a little disingenuous. The agent must be
considered as released from all responsibility, when he is ordered by
his principal to do a particular act. If he thinks that act illegal,
or dishonorable, he need not do it, but he ought to resign. And all
the responsibility rests upon the instructing Legislature. He has no
right to set up his opinion or conscience as supreme law for any one
but himself, and he is bound to presume that his constituents honestly
differed in opinion with him. If he disobeys, he will find that the
people will think it quite as probable that one man was wrong from
corruption, as that a majority of their immediate representatives were
corrupt. We do not maintain that “it is the official duty of the
Senator to obey _in all cases_,” but it is his moral duty in all cases
in which he is instructed to do a possible act, to obey or resign. But
says, Judge H., he may by his resignation defeat his constituents. Be
it so—the responsibility is upon them; but they cannot be defeated in
as great a degree, by having no representative, as by being
misrepresented. No vote is better than a vote against ourselves. Admit
the reverse to be true, and can an involuntary, accidental defeat of
the people's wishes, by a conformity to principle, be any excuse for a
wilful and predetermined defeat of their will? Can the Senator say, if
I had resigned, my successor might not have arrived in time to vote
for you, and so I held to my place, and voted against you? When Judge
H. contends that the will of the people may be defeated by the
resignation of the Senator, and that he ought therefore not _to
resign_, he admits that the will of the constituent ought to prevail,
and of course that instructions ought to be obeyed.
The argument which contends that a Senator should not resign when he
receives instructions which he cannot conscientiously obey, because
his successor may obey, and thus perhaps violate the constitution,
seems the most fallacious of all. It seems that because he has sworn
as Senator to support the constitution, he must not resign. This oath
surely only applies to his Senatorial career, and when his place is
resigned his oath is expunged. If construed with the strictness
required by the Judge, it would prevent his ever leaving his seat, or
resigning, or declining a re-election. He would be bound always to be
a Senator, if he possibly could, for fear his successor should violate
the constitution. He has no more right to believe that his successor
of the next month will violate the constitution, than his successor
ten years hence. And if his oath requires him to hold on to defeat the
one, it is equally obligatory with regard to the other, as far as any
exertions on his part can effect the object. Thus Senators would be
bound by their oaths to continue in office for life, if they could.