These are the general outlines of the system of discipline, as

introduced by George Fox. This system was carried into execution, as he

himself had formed it, in his own time. Additions, however, have been

made to it since, as it seemed proper, by the society at large. In the

time of George Fox, it was laid upon every member, as we have seen, to

watch over his neighbour for his spiritual welfare. But in 1698, the

society conceiving, that what was the business of every one might

eventually become the business of no one, appointed officers, whose

particular duty it should be to be overseers of the morals of

individuals; thus hoping, that by the general vigilance enjoined by

George Fox, which was still to continue, and by the particular vigilance

then appointed, sufficient care would be taken of the morals of the

whole body. In the time, again, of George Fox, women had, only their

monthly and quarterly meetings for discipline, but it has since been

determined, that they should have their yearly meetings equally with the

men. In the time, again, of George Fox, none but the grave members were

admitted into the meetings for discipline, but it has been since agreed,

that young persons should have the privilege of attending them, and

this, I believe, upon the notion, that. While these meetings would

quality them for transacting the business of the society, they might

operate as schools far virtue.

This system of discipline, as thus introduced by George Fox, and as thus

enlarged by the society afterwards, has not escaped, notwithstanding the

loveliness of its theory, the censure of the world.

It has been considered in the first place, as a system of espionage, by

which one member is made a spy upon, or becomes an informer against

another. But against this charge it would be observed by the Quakers,

that vigilance over morals is unquestionably a Christian duty. It would

be observed again that the vigilance which is exercised in this case, is

not with the intention of mischief, as in the case of spies and

informers, but with the intention of good. It is not to obtain money,

but to preserve reputation and virtue. It is not to persecute but to

reclaim. It is not to make a man odious, but to make him more

respectable. It is never an interference with innocence. The

watchfulness begins to be offensive only, where delinquency is begun.

The discipline, again, has been considered as too great an

infringement, of the liberty of those, who are brought under it. Against

this the Quakers would contend, that all persona who live in civil

society, must give up a portion of their freedom, that more happiness

and security may be enjoyed. So, when men enter into Christian

societies, they must part with a little of their liberty for their moral

good.

But whatever may be the light in which persons, not of the society, may

view this institution, the Quakers submit to, and respect it. It is

possible there may be some, who may feel it a restraint upon their

conduct. And there is no doubt, that it is a restraint upon those, who

have irregular desires to gratify, or destructive pleasures to pursue.

But generally speaking, the youth of the society, who receive a

consistent education, approve of it. Genuine Quaker parents, as I have

had occasion to observe, insist upon the subjugation of the will. It is

their object to make their children lowly, patient and submissive. Those

therefore, who are born in the society, are born under the system, and

are in general educated for it. Those who become converted to the

religion of the society, know beforehand the terms of their admission.

And it will appear to all to be at least an equitable institution,

because in the administration of it, there is no exception of persons.

The officers themselves, who are appointed to watch over, fall under the

inspection of the discipline. The poor may admonish the rich, and the

rich the poor. There, is no exception, in short, either for age, or sex,

or station.

It is not necessary, at least in the present place, that I should go

farther, and rake up all the objections, that may be urged upon this

subject. I shall therefore only observe here, that the discipline of the

Quakers, notwithstanding all its supposed imperfections, whatever, they

may be, is the grand foundation-stone, upon which their moral education

is supported. It is the grand partition wall between them and vice. If

this part of the fabric were ever allowed to, be undermined, the

building would fall to pieces; though the Quakers might still be known

by their apparel and their language, they would no longer be so

remarkable as they are now generally confessed to, be, for their moral

character.

SECT. II.

_Manner of the administration of the discipline of the

Quakers--Overseers appointed to every particular meeting--Manner of

reclaiming an individual--first by admonition--this sometimes

successful--secondly by dealing--this sometimes successful--but if

unsuccessful, the offender is disowned--but he may appeal afterwards to

two different courts or meetings for redress.--_

Having now given the general outlines of the discipline of the Quakers, I

shall proceed to explain the particular manner of the administration of

it.

To administer it effectually all individuals of the society, as I have

just stated, whether men or women, are allowed the power of watching

over the conduct of one another for their good, and of interfering if

they should see occasion.

But besides this general care two or more persons of age and experience,

and of moral lives and character, and two or more women of a similar

description, are directed to be appointed, to have the oversight of

every congregation or particular meeting in the kingdom. These persons

are called overseers, because it is their duty to oversee their

respective flocks.

If any of the members should violate the prohibitions mentioned in the

former part of the work, or should become chargeable with injustice,

drunkenness, or profane swearing, or neglect of their public worship, or

should act in any way inconsistently with his character as a christian,

it becomes the particular duty of these overseers, though it is also the

duty of the members at large, to visit him in private, to set before

him the error and consequences of his conduct, and to endeavour by all

the means in their power to reclaim him. This act on the part of the

overseer is termed by the society admonishing. The circumstances of

admonishing and of being admonished are known only to the parties,

except the case should have become of itself notorious; for secrecy is

held sacred on the part of the persons who admonish. Hence it may

happen, that several of the society may admonish the same person, though

no one of them knows that any other has been visiting him at all. The

offender may be thus admonished by overseers and other individuals for

weeks and months together, for no time is fixed by the society, and no

pains are supposed to be spared for his reformation. It is expected,

however, in all such admonitions, that no austerity of language or

manner should be used, but that he should be admonished in tenderness

and love.

If an overseer, or any other individual, after having thus laboured to

reclaim another for a considerable length of time, finds that he has not

succeeded in his work, and feels also that he despairs of succeeding by

his own efforts, he opens the matter to some other overseer, or to one

or more serious members, and requests their aid. These persons now wait

upon the offender together, and unite their efforts in endeavouring to

persuade him to amend his life. This act, which now becomes more public

by the junction of two or three in the work of his reformation, is still

kept a secret from other individuals of the society, and still retains

the name of admonishing.

It frequently happens that, during these different admonitions, the

offender sees his error, and corrects his conduct. The visitations of

course cease, and he goes on in the estimation of the society as a

regular or unoffending member, no one knowing but the admonishing

persons, that he has been under the discipline of the society. I may

observe here, that what is done by men to men is done by women to women,

the women admonishing and trying to reclaim those of their own sex, in

the same manner.

Should, however, the overseers, and other persons before mentioned, find

after a proper length of time that all their united efforts have been

ineffectual, and that they have no hope of success with respect to his

amendment, they lay the case, if it should be of a serious nature,

before a [16]court, which has the name of the monthly meeting. This

court, or meeting, make a minute of the case, and appoint a committee to

visit him. The committee in consequence, of their appointment wait upon

him. This act is now considered as a public act, or as an act of the

church. It is not now termed admonishing, but changes its name to

[17]dealing. The offender too, while the committee are dealing with

him, though he may attend the meetings of the society for worship, does

not attend those of their discipline.

[Footnote 16: Certain acts of delinquency are reported to the monthly

meeting, as soon as the truth of the facts can be ascertained, such as a

violation of the rules of the society, with respect to marriage, payment

of tythes, etc.]

[Footnote 17: Women, though they may admonish, cannot deal with women,

this being an act of the church, till they have consulted the meetings

of the men. Men are generally joined with women in the commission for

this purpose.]

If the committee, after having dealt with the offender according to

their appointment, should be satisfied that he is sensible of his error,

they make a report to the monthly court or meeting concerning him. A

minute is then drawn up, in which it is stated, that he has made

satisfaction for the offence. It sometimes happens, that he himself

sends to the same meeting a written acknowledgement of his error. From

this time he attends the meetings for discipline again, and is continued

in the society, as if nothing improper had taken place. Nor is any one

allowed to reproach him for his former faults.

Should, however, all endeavours prove ineffectual, and should the

committee, after having duly laboured with the offender, consider him at

last as incorrigible, they report their proceedings to the monthly

meeting. He is then publicly excluded from membership, or, as it is

called, [18]disowned. This is done by a distinct document, called a

testimony of disownment, in which the nature of the offence, and the

means that have been used to reclaim him, are described. A wish is also

generally expressed in this document, that he may repent, and be taken

into membership again. A copy of this minute is always required to be

given to him.

[Footnote 18: Women cannot disown, the power of disowning, is an act of

the church, being vested in the meetings of the men.]

If the offender should consider this act of disowning him as an unjust

proceeding, he may appeal to a higher tribunal, or to the quarterly

court, or meeting. This quarterly court or meeting, then appoint a

committee, of which no one of the monthly meeting that condemned him can

be a member, to reconsider his ease. Should this committee report, and

the quarterly meeting in consequence decide against him, he may appeal

to the yearly. This latter meeting is held in London, and consists of

deputies and others from all parts of the kingdom. The yearly meeting

then appoint a committee of twelve deputies, taken from twelve quarterly

meetings, none of whom can be from the quarterly meeting that passed

sentence against him, to examine his case again. If this committee

should confirm the former decisions, he may appeal to the yearly meeting

at large; but beyond this there is no appeal. But if he should even be

disowned by the voice of the yearly meeting at large, he may, if he

lives to give satisfactory proof of his amendment, and sues for

readmission into the society, be received into membership again; but he

can only be received through the medium of the monthly meeting, by which

he was first disowned.

SECT. III

_Two charges usually brought against this administration of the

discipline--that it is managed with an authoritative spirit--and that it

is managed partially--these charges are considered._

As two charges are usually brought against the administration of that

part of the discipline, which has been just explained, I shall consider

them in this place.

The first usually is, that, though the Quakers abhor what they call the

authority of priest craft, yet some overseers possess a portion of the

spirit of ecclesiastical dominion; that they are austere, authoritative,

and over bearing in the course of the exercise of their office, and

that, though the institution may be of Christian origin, it is not

always conducted by these with a Christian spirit. To this first charge

I shall make the following reply.

That there may be individual instances, where this charge may be

founded, I am neither disposed, nor qualified, to deny. Overseers have

their different tempers, like other people; and the exercise of dominion

has unquestionably a tendency to spoil the heart. So far there is an

opening for the admission of this charge. But it must be observed, on

the other hand, that the persons, to be chosen overseers, are to be by

the laws of the society[19] "as upright and unblameable in their

conversation, as they can be found, in order that the advice, which they

shall occasionally administer to other friends, may be the better

received, and carry with it the greater weight and force on the minds of

those, whom they shall be concerned to admonish." It must be observed

again that it is expressly enjoined them, that "they are to exercise

their functions in a meek, calm, and peaceable spirit, in order that

the admonished may see that their interference with their conduct

proceeds from a principle of love and a regard for their good, and

preservation in the truth."

[Footnote 19: Book of extracts.]

And it must be observed again, that any violation of this injunction

would render them liable to be admonished by others, and to come under

the discipline themselves.

The second charge is, that the discipline is administered partially; or

that more favour is shewn to the rich than to the poor, and that the

latter are sooner disowned than the former for the same faults.

This latter charge has probably arisen from a vulgar notion, that, as

the poor are supported by the society, there is a general wish to get

rid of them.--But this notion is not true. There is more than ordinary

caution in disowning those who are objects of support, add to which,

that, as some of the most orderly members of the body are to be found

among the poor, an expulsion of these, in a hasty manner, would be a

diminution of the quantum of respectability, or of the quantum of moral

character, of the society at large.

In examining this charge, it must certainly be allowed, that though the

principle "of no respect of persons" is no where carried to a greater

length than in the Quaker Society, yet we may reasonably expect to find

a drawback from the full operation of it in a variety of causes. We are

all of us too apt, in the first place, to look up to the rich, but to

look down upon the poor. We are apt to court the good will of the

former, when we seem to care very little even whether we offend the

latter. The rich themselves and the middle classes of men respect the

rich more than the poor; and the poor show more respect to the rich than

to one another. Hence it is possible; that a poor man may find more

reluctance in entering the doors of a rich man to admonish him, than one

who is rich to enter the doors of the poor for the same purpose, men,

again, though they may be equally good, may not have all the same

strength of character. Some overseers may be more timid than others, and

this timidity may operate upon them more in the execution of their duty

upon one class of individuals, than upon another. Hence a rich man may

escape for a longer time without admonition, than a poorer member. But

when the ice is once broken; when admonition is once begun; when

respectable persons have been called in by overseers or others, those

causes, which might be preventive of justice, will decrease; and, if the

matter should be carried to a monthly or a quarterly meeting, they will

wholly vanish. For in these courts it is a truth, that those, who are

the most irreproachable for their lives, and the most likely of course

to decide justly on any occasion, are the most attended to, or carry the

most weight, when they speak publicly. Now these are to be found

principally in the low and middle classes, and these, in all societies,

contain the greatest number of individuals. As to the very rich, these

are few indeed compared with the rest, and these may be subdivided into

two classes for the farther elucidation of the point. The first will

consist of men, who rigidly follow the rules of the society, and are as

exemplary as the very best of the members. The second will consist of

those, who we members according to the letter, but not according to the

spirit, and who are content with walking in the shadow, that follows the

substance of the body. Those of the first class will do justice, and

they will have on equal influence with any. Those of the second,

whatever may be their riches, or whatever they may say, are seldom if

ever attended to in the administration of the discipline.

From hence it will appear, that if there be any partiality in the

administration of this institution, it will consist principally in this,

that a rich man may be suffered in particular cases, to go longer

without admonition than a poorer member; but that after admonition has

been begun, justice will be impartially administered; and that the

charges of a preference, where disowning is concerned, has no solid

foundation for its support.

SECT. IV.

_Three great principles discoverable in the discipline, as hitherto

explained--these applicable to the discipline of larger societies, or to

the criminal codes of states--lamentable, that as Christian principles,

they have not been admitted into our own--Quakers, as far as they have

had influence in legislation, have adopted them--exertions of William

Penn--Legislature of Pennsylvania as example to other countries in this

particular._

I find it almost impossible to proceed to the great courts or meetings

of the Quakers, which I had allotted for my next subject, without

stopping a while to make a few observations on the principles of that

part of the discipline, which I have now explained.

It may be observed, first, that the great object of this part of the

discipline is the reformation of the offending person: secondly, that

the means of effecting this object consists of religious instruction or

advice: and thirdly, that no pains are to be spared, and no time to be

limited, for the trial of these means, or, in other words, that nothing

is to be left undone, while there is a hope that the offender may be

reclaimed. Now these principles the Quakers adopt in the exercise of

their discipline, because, as a Christian community, they believe they

ought to be guided only by Christian principles, and they know of no

other, which the letter, or the spirit of Christianity, can warrant.

I shall trespass upon the patience of the reader in this place, only

till I have made an application of these principles, or till I have

shewn him how far these might be extended, and extended with advantage

to morals, beyond the limits of the Quaker-society, by being received as

the basis, upon which a system, of penal laws might be founded, among

larger societies, or states.

It is much to be lamented, that nations, professing Christianity, should

have lost sight, in their various acts of legislation, of Christian

principles: or that they should not have interwoven some such beautiful

principles as those, which we have seen adopted by the Quakers, into the

system of their penal laws. But if this negligence or omission would

appear worthy of regret, if reported of any Christian nation, it would

appear most so, if reported of our own, where one would have supposed,

that the advantages of civil and religious liberty, and those of a

reformed religion, would have had their influence is the correction of

our judgments, and in the benevolent dispositions of our will. And yet

nothing is more true, than that these good influences have either never

been produced, or, if produced, that they have never been attended to,

upon this subject. There seems to be no provision for religions

instruction in our numerous prisons. We seem to make no patient trials

of those, who are confined in them, for their reformation. But, on the

other hand, we seem to hurry them off the stage of life, by means of a

code, which annexes death to two hundred different offences, as if we

had allowed our laws to be written by the bloody pen of the pagan Draco.

And it seems remarkable, that this system should be persevered in, when

we consider that death, as far as the experiment has been made in our

own country, has little or no effect as a punishment for crimes.

Forgery, and the circulation of forged paper, and the counterfeiting of

the money of the realm, are capital offences, and are never pardoned.

And yet no offences are more frequently committed than these. And it

seems still more remarkable, when we consider, in addition to this, that

in consequence of the experiments, made in other countries, it seems to

be approaching fast to an axiom, that crimes are less frequent, in

proportion as mercy takes place of severity, or as there are judicious

substitutes for the punishment of death.

I shall not inquire, in this place, how far the right of taking away

life on many occasions, which is sanctioned by the law of the land, can

be supported on the ground of justice, or how for a greater injury is

done by it, than the injury the criminal has himself done. As

Christians, it seems that we should be influenced by Christian

principles. Now nothing can be more true, than that Christianity

commands us to be tender hearted one to another, to have a tender

forbearance one with another, and to regard one another as brethren. We

are taught also that men, independently of their accountableness to

their own governments, are accountable for their actions in a future

state, and that punishments are unquestionably to follow. But where are

our forbearance and our love, where is our regard for the temporal and

eternal interests of man, where is our respect for the principles of the

gospel, if we make the reformation of a criminal a less object than his

punishment, or if we consign him to death, in the midst of his sins,

without having tried all the means in our power for his recovery?

Had the Quakers been the legislators of the world, they had long ago

interwoven the principles of their discipline into their penal codes,

and death had been long ago abolished as a punishment for crimes. As far

as they have had any power with legislatures, they have procured an

attention to these principles. George Fox remonstrated with the judges

in his time on the subject of capital punishments. But the Quakers

having been few in number, compared with the rest of their countrymen,

and having had no seats in the legislature, and no predominant interest

with the members of it, they have been unable to effect any change in

England on this subject. In Pennsylvania, however, where they were the

original colonists, they have had influence with their own government,

and they have contributed to set up a model of jurisprudence, worthy of

the imitation of the world.

William Penn, on his arrival in America, formed a code of laws chiefly

on Quaker principles, in which, however, death was inscribed as a

punishment, but it was confined to murder. Queen Anne set this code

aside, and substituted the statute and common law of the mother country.

It was, however, resumed in time, and acted upon for some years, when it

was set aside by the mother country again. From this time it continued

dormant till the separation of America from England. But no sooner had

this event taken place, which rendered the American states their own

legislators, than the Pennsylvanian Quakers began to aim at obtaining an

alteration of the penal laws. In this they were joined by worthy

individuals of other denominations; and these, acting in union, procured

from the legislature of Pennsylvania, in the year 1786, a reform of the

criminal code. This reform, however, was not carried, in the opinion of

the Quakers, to a sufficient length. Accordingly, they took the lead

again, and exerted themselves afresh upon this subject. Many of them

formed themselves into a society "for alleviating the miseries of public

prisons." Other persons co-operated with them in this undertaking also.

At length, after great perseverance, they prevailed upon the same

legislature, in the year 1790, to try an ameliorated system. This trial

answered so well, that the same legislature again, in the year 1794,

established an act, in which several Quaker principles were

incorporated, and in which only the crime of premeditated murder was

punishable with death.

As there is now but one capital offence in Pennsylvania, punishments for

other offences are made up of fine, imprisonment, and labour; and these

are awarded separately or conjointly, according to the magnitude of the

crime.

When criminals have been convicted, and sent to the great gaol of

Philadelphia to undergo their punishment, it is expected of them that

they should maintain themselves out of their daily labour; that they

should pay for their board and washing, and also for the use of their

different implements of labour; and that they should defray the expences

of their commitment, and of their prosecutions and their trials. An

account therefore is regularly kept against them, and if at the

expiration of the term of their punishment, there should be a surplus of

money in their favour, arising out of the produce of their work, it is

given to them on their discharge.

An agreement is usually made about the price of prison-labour between

the inspector of the gaol and the employers of the criminals.

As reformation is now the great object in Pennsylvania, where offences

have been committed, it is of the first importance that the gaoler and

the different inspectors should be persons of moral character. Good

example, religious advice, and humane treatment on the part of these,

will have a tendency to produce attention, respect, and love on the part

of the prisoners, and to influence their moral conduct. Hence it is a

rule never to be departed from, that none are to be chosen as successors

to these different officers, but such, as shall be found on inquiry to

have been exemplary in their lives.

As reformation, again, is now the great object, no corporal punishment

is allowed in the prison. No keeper can strike a criminal. Nor can any

criminal be put into irons. All such punishments are considered as doing

harm. They tend to extirpate a sense of shame. They tend to degrade a

man and to make him consider himself as degraded in his own eyes;

whereas it is the design of this change in the penal system, that he

should be constantly looking up to the restoration of his dignity as a

man, and to the recovery of his moral character.

As reformation, again, is now the great object, the following[20] system

is adopted. No intercourse is allowed between the males and the females,

nor any between the untried and the convicted prisoners. While they are

engaged in their labour, they are allowed to talk only upon the subject,

which immediately relates to their work. All unnecessary conversation

is forbidden. Profane swearing is never overlooked. A strict watch is

kept, that no spirituous liquors may be introduced. Care is taken that

all the prisoners have the benefit of religious instruction. The prison

is accordingly open, at stated times, to the pastors of the different

religious denominations of the place. And as the mind of man may be

worked upon by rewards as well as by punishments, a hope is held out to

the prisoners, that the time of their confinement may be shortened by

their good behaviour. For the inspectors, if they have reason to believe

that a solid reformation has taken place in any individual, have a power

of interceding for his enlargement, and the executive government of

granting it, if they think it proper. In the case, where the prisoners

are refractory, they are usually put into solitary confinement, and

deprived of the opportunity of working. During this time the expences of

their board and washing are going on, so that they are glad to get into

employment again, that they may liquidate the debt, which, since the

suspension of their labour, has been accruing to the gaol.

[Footnote 20: As cleanliness is connected with health, and health with

morals, the prisoner are obliged to wash and clean themselves every

morning before their work, and to bathe in the summer-season, in a large

reservoir of water, which is provided in the court yard of the prison

for this purpose.]

In consequence of these regulations, those who visit the criminals in

Philadelphia in the hours of their labour, have more the idea of a

large manufactory, than of a prison. They see nail-makers, sawyers,

carpenters, joiners, weavers, and others, all busily employed. They see

regularity and order among these. And as no chains are to be seen in the

prison, they seem to forget their situation as criminals, and to look

upon them as the free and honest labourers of a community following

their respective trades.

In consequence of these regulations, great advantages have arisen both

to the criminals, and to the state. The state has experienced a

diminution of crimes to the amount of one half since the change of the

penal system, and the criminals have been restored, in a great

proportion, from the gaol to the community, as reformed persons. For few

have been known to stay the whole term of their confinement. But no

person could have had any of his time remitted him, except he had been

considered both by the inspectors and the executive government as

deserving it. This circumstance of permission to leave the prison before

the time expressed in the sentence, is of great importance to the

prisoners. For it operates as a certificate for them of their amendment

to the world at large. Hence no stigma is attached to them for having

been the inhabitants of a prison. It may be observed also, that some of

the most orderly and industrious, and such as have worked at the most

profitable trades, have had sums of money to take on their discharge,

by which they have been able to maintain themselves honestly, till they

could get into employ.

Such is the state, and such the manner of the execution of the penal

laws of Pennsylvania, as founded upon Quaker-principles, so happy have

the effects of this new system already been, that it is supposed it will

be adopted by the other American States.

May the example be universally followed! May it be universally received

as a truth, that true policy is inseparable from virtue; that in

proportion as principles become lovely on account of their morality,

they will become beneficial, when acted upon, both to individual and to

States; or that legislators cannot raise a constitution upon so fair and

firm a foundation, as upon the gospel of Jesus Christ!

CHAP. II.

_Monthly court or meeting--constitution of this meeting--each county is

usually divided into parts--in each of these parts or divisions are

several meeting-houses, which have their several congregations attached

to them--one meeting-house in each division is fixed upon for

transacting the business of all the congregations in that

division--deputies appointed from every particular meeting or

congregation in each division to the place fixed upon for transacting

the business within it--nature of the business to be transacted--women

become deputies, and transact business, equally with the men._

I come, after this long digression, to the courts of the Quakers. And

here I shall immediately premise, that I profess to do little more than

to give a general outline of these. I do not intend to explain the

proceedings, preparatory to the meetings there, or to state all the

exceptions from general rules, or to trouble the memory of the reader

with more circumstances than will be sufficient to enable him to have a

general idea of this part of the discipline of the Quakers.

The Quakers manage their discipline by means of monthly, quarterly, and

yearly courts, to which, however they themselves uniformly give the name

of meetings.

To explain the nature and business of the monthly or first of these

meetings, I shall fix upon some county in my own mind, and describe the

business, that is usually done in this in the course of the month. For

as the business, which is usually transacted in any one county, is done

by the Quakers in the same manner and in the same month in another, the

reader, by supposing an aggregate of counties, may easily imagine, how

the whole business of the society is done for the whole kingdom.

The Quakers[21] usually divide a county into a number of parts,

according to the Quaker-population of it. In each of these divisions

there are usually several meeting-houses, and these have their several

congregations attached to them. One meeting-house, however, in each

division, is usually fixed upon for transacting the business of all the

congregations that are within it, or for the holding of these monthly

courts. The different congregations of the Quakers, or the members of

the different particular meetings, which are settled in the northern

part of the county, are attached of course to the meeting-house, which

has been fixed upon in the northern division of it because it gives them

the least trouble to repair to it on this occasion. The numbers of those

again, which are settled in the southern, or central, or other parts of

the county, are attached to that, which has been fixed upon in the

southern, or central, or other divisions of it, for the same reason. The

different congregations in the northern division of the county appoint,

each of them, a set of deputies once a month, which deputies are of both

sexes, to repair to the meeting-house, which has been thus assigned

them. The different congregations in the southern, central, or other

divisions, appoint also, each of them, others, to repair to that, which

has been assigned them in like manner. These deputies are all of them

previously instructed in the matters, belonging to the congregations,

which they respectively represent.

[Footnote 21: This was the ancient method, when the society was numerous

in every county of the kingdom, and the principle is still followed

according to existing circumstances.]

At length the day arrives for the monthly meeting. The deputies make

ready to execute the duties committed to their trust. They repair, each

sett of them, to their respective places of meeting. Here a number of

Quakers, of different ages and of both sexes, from their different

divisions, repair also. It is expected that[22] all, who can

conveniently attend, should be present on this occasion.

[Footnote 22: There may be persons, who on account of immoral conduct

cannot attend.]

When they are collected at the meeting-house, which was said to have

been fixed upon in each division, a meeting for worship takes place. All

persons, both men and women, attend together. But when this meeting is

over, they separate into different apartments for the purposes of the

discipline; the men to transact by themselves the business of the men,

and of their own district, the women to transact that, which is more

limited, namely such as belongs to their own sex.

In the men's meeting, and it is the same in the women's, the names of

the deputies beforementioned, are first entered in a book, for, until

this act takes place, the meeting for discipline is not considered to be

constituted.

The minutes of the last monthly meeting are then generally read, by

which it is seen if any business of the society was left unfinished.

Should any thing occur of this sort, it becomes the [23]first object to

be considered and dispatched.

[Footnote 23: The London monthly meetings begin differently from those

in the country.]

The new business, in which the deputies were said to have been

previously instructed by the congregations which they represented comes

on. This business may be of various sorts. One part of it uniformly

relates to the poor. The wants of these are provided for, and the

education of their children taken care of, at this meeting.

Presentations of marriages are received, and births, marriages, and

funerals are registered. If disorderly members, after long and repeated

admonitions, should have given no hopes of amendment, their case is

first publicly cognizable in this court. Committees are appointed to

visit, advise, and try to reclaim them. Persons, reclaimed by these

visitations, are restored to membership, after having been well reported

of by the parties deputed to visit them. The fitness of persons,

applying for membership, from other societies, is examined here. Answers

also are prepared to the [24]queries at the proper time. Instructions

also are given, if necessary, to particular meetings, suited to the

exigencies of their cases; and certificates are granted to members on

various occasions.

[Footnote 24: These queries will be explained in the next chapter.]

In transacting this, and other business of the society, all members

present we allowed to speak. The poorest man in the meeting-house,

though he may be receiving charitable contributions at the time, is

entitled to deliver his sentiments upon any point. He may bring forward

new matter. He may approve or object to what others have proposed before

him. No person may interrupt him, while he speaks. The youth, who are

sitting by, are gaining a knowledge of the affairs and discipline of the

society, and are gradually acquiring sentiments and habits, that are to

mark their character in life. They learn, in the first place, the duty

of a benevolent and respectful consideration for the poor. In hearing

the different cases argued and discussed, they learn, in some measure,

the rudiments of justice, and imbibe opinions of the necessity of moral

conduct. In these courts they learn to reason. They learn also to hear

others patiently, and without interruption, and to transact business,

that may come before them in maturer years with regularity and order.

I cannot omit to mention here the orderly manner in which, the Quakers,

conduct their business on these occasions. When a subject is brought

before them, it is canvassed to the exclusion of all extraneous matter,

till some conclusion results. The clerk of the monthly meeting then

draws up a minute, containing, as nearly as he can collect, the

substance of this conclusion. This minute is then read aloud to the

auditory, and either stands or undergoes an alteration, as appears, by

the silence or discussion upon it, to be the sense of the meeting. When

fully agreed upon, it stands ready to be recorded. When a second subject

comes on, it is canvassed, and a minute is made of it, to be recorded in

the same manner, before a third is allowed to be introduced. Thus each

point is settled, till the whole business of the meeting is concluded.

I may now mention that in the same manner as the men proceed in their

apartment on this occasion, the women proceed in their own apartment or

meeting also. There are women-deputies, and women-clerks. They enter

down the names of these deputies, read the minutes, of the last monthly

meeting, bring forward the new matter, and deliberate and argue on the

affairs of their own sex. They record their proceedings equally. The

young females also, are present, and have similar opportunities of

gaining knowledge, and of improving their judgments, and of acquiring

useful and moral habits, as the young men.

It is usual, when the women have finished the business of their own

meeting, to send one of their members to the apartments of the men, to

know if they have any thing to communicate. This messenger having

returned, and every thing having been settled and recorded in both

meetings, the monthly meeting is over, and men, women, and youth of both

sexes, return to their respective homes.

In the same manner as the different congregations, or members of the

different meetings, in any one division of the county, meet together,

and transact their monthly business, so other different congregations,

belonging to other divisions of the same county, meet at other appointed

places, and dispatch their business also. And in the same manner as the

business is thus done in one county, it is done in every other county

of the kingdom once a month.

CHAP. III.

_Quarterly court or meeting--constitution of this meeting--one place in

each county is now fixed upon for the transaction of business-this place

may be different in the different quarters of the year--deputies from

the various monthly meetings are appointed to repair to this

place--nature of the business to be transacted--certain queries

proposed--written answers carried to these by the deputies just

mentioned--Queries proposed in the womens meeting also, and answered in

the same manner_.--

The quarterly meeting of the Quakers, which comes next in order, is much

more numerously attended than the monthly. The monthly, as we have just

seen, superintend the concerns of a few congregations or particular

meetings which were contained in a small division of the county. The

quarterly meeting, on the other hand, superintends the concerns of all

the monthly meetings in the county at large. It takes cognizance of

course of the concerns of a greater portion of population, and, as the

name implies, for a greater extent of time. The Quaker population of a

[25] whole county is now to assemble in one place. This place, however,

is not always the same. It may be different, to accommodate the members

in their turn, in the different quarters of the year.

[Footnote 25: I still adhere, to give the reader a clearer idea of the

discipline, and to prevent confusion, to the division by county, though

the district in question may not always comprehend a complete county.]

In the same manner as the different congregations in a small division of

a county have been shewn to have sent deputies to the respective monthly

meetings within it, so the different monthly meetings in the same county

send each of them, deputies to the quarterly. Two or more of each sex

are generally deputed from each monthly meeting. These deputies are

supposed to have understood, at the monthly meeting, where they were

chosen, all the matters which the discipline required them to know

relative to the state and condition of their constituents. Furnished

with this knowledge, and instructed moreover by written documents on a

variety of subjects, they repair at a proper time to the place of

meeting. All the Quakers in the district in question, who are expected

to go, bend their direction hither. Any person travelling in the county

at this time, would see an unusual number of Quakers upon the road

directing their journey to the same point. Those who live farthest from

the place where the meeting is held, have often a long journey to

perform. The Quakers are frequently out two or three whole days, and

sometimes longer upon this occasion. But as this sort of meeting takes

place but once in the quarter, the loss of their time, and the fatigue

of their journey, and the expences attending it, are borne cheerfully.

When all of them are assembled, nearly the same custom obtains at the

quarterly, as has been described at the monthly meeting. A meeting for

worship is first held. The men and women, when this is over, separate

into their different apartments, after which the meeting for discipline

begins in each.

I shall not detail the different kinds of business, which come on at

this meeting. I shall explain the principal subject only.

The society at large have agreed upon a number of questions, or queries

as they call them, which they have committed to print, and which they

expect to be read and answered in the course of these quarterly meetings

The following is a list of them.

I. Are meetings for worship and discipline kept up, and do Friends

attend them duly, and at the time appointed; and do they avoid all

unbecoming behavieur therein?

II. Is there among you any growth in the truth; and hath any

convincement appeared since last year?

III. Are Friends preserved in love towards each other; if differences

arise, is due care taken speedily to end them; and are Friends careful

to avoid and discourage tale-bearing and detraction?

IV. Do Friends endeavour by example and precept to train up their

children, servants, and all under their core, in a religions life and

conversation, consistent with our Christian profession, in the frequent

reading of the holy scriptures, and in plainness of speech, behaviour

and apparel?

V. Are Friends just in their dealings and punctual in fulfilling their

engagements; and are they annually advised carefully to inspect the

state of their affairs once in the year?

VI. Are Friends careful to avoid all vain sports and places of

diversion, gaming, all unnecessary frequenting of taverns, and other

public houses, excess in drinking, and other intemperance?

VII. Do Friends bear a faithful and Christian testimony against

receiving and paying tythes, priests demands, and those called

church-rates?

VIII. Are Friends faithful in our testimony against bearing arms, and

being in any manner concerned in the militia, in privateers, letters of

marque, or armed vessels, or dealing in prize-goods?

IX. Are Friends clear of defrauding the king of his customs, duties and

excise, and of using, or dealing in goods suspected to be run?

X. Are the necessities of the poor among you properly inspected and

relieved; and is good care taken of the education of their offspring?

XI. Have any meetings been settled, discontinued, or united since last

year?

XII. Are there any Friends prisoners for our testimonies; and if any one

hath died a prisoner, or been discharged since last year, when and how?

XIII. Is early care taken to admonish such as appear inclinable to marry

in a manner contrary to the rules of our society; and to deal with such

as persist in refusing to take counsel?

XIV. Have you two or more faithful friends, appointed by the monthly

meeting, as overseers in each particular meeting; are the rules

respecting removals duly observed; and is due care taken, when any thing

appears amiss, that the rules of our discipline be timely and

impartially put in practice?

XV. Do you keep a record of the prosecutions and sufferings of your

members; is due care taken to register all marriages, births, and

burials; are the titles of your meeting houses, burial grounds, &c. duly

preserved and recorded; and are all legacies and donations properly

secured, and recorded, and duly applied?

These are the Questions, which the society expect should be publicly

asked and answered in their quarterly courts or meetings. Some of these

are to be answered in one quarterly meeting, and [26] others in another;

and all of them in the course of the year.

[Footnote 26: The Quakers consider the punctual attendance of their

religious meetings, the preservation of love among them, and the care of

the poor, of such particular importance, that they require the first,

third, and tenth to be answered every quarter.]

The clerk of the quarterly meeting, when they come to this part of the

business, reads the first of the appointed queries to the members

present, and is then silent. Soon after this a deputy from one of the

monthly meetings comes forward, and producing the written documents, or

answers to the queries, all of which were prepared at the meeting where

he was chosen, reads that document, which contains a reply to the first

query in behalf of the meeting he represents. A deputy from a second

monthly meeting then comes forward, and produces his written documents

also, and answers the same query in behalf of his own meeting in the

same manner. A deputy from a third where there are more than two

meetings then produces his documents in his turn, and replies to it

also, and this mode is observed, till all the deputies from each of the

monthly meetings in the county have answered the first query.

When the first query has been thus fully answered, silence is observed

through the whole court. Members present have now an opportunity of

making any observations they may think proper. If it should appear by

any of the answers to the first query, that there is any departure from

principles on the subject it contains in any of the monthly meetings

which the deputies represent, it is noticed by any one present. The

observations made by one frequently give rise to observations from

another. Advice is sometimes ordered to be given, adapted to the nature

of this departure from principles; and this advice is occasionally

circulated, through the medium of the different monthly meetings, to the

particular congregation, where the deviation has taken place.

When the first query has been thus read by the clerk, and answered by

the deputies, and when observations have been made upon it, and

instructions given as now described, a second query is read audibly, and

the same process takes place, and similar observations are sometimes

made, and instructions given.

In the same manner a third query is read by the clerk, and answered by

all the deputies, and observed upon by the meeting at large; and so on a

fourth, and a fifth, till all the queries, set apart for the day are

answered.

It may be proper now to observe, that while the men in their own

meeting-house are thus transacting the quarterly business for

themselves, the women, in a different apartment or meeting-house, are

conducting it also for their own sex. They read, answer, and observe

upon, the queries in the same manner. When they nave settled their own

business, they send one or two of their members, as they did in the case

of the monthly meeting, to the apartment of the men, to know if they

have any thing to communicate to them. When the business is finished in

both meetings, they break up, and prepare for their respective homes.

CHAP. IV.

_Great yearly court or meeting--constitution of this meeting--one place

only of meeting fixed upon for the whole kingdom--this the

metropolis--deputies appointed to it from the quarterly

meetings--business transacted at this meeting--matters decided, not by

the influence of numbers, but by the weight of religious character--no

head or chairman of this meeting--character of this discipline or

government of the Quakers--the laws, relating to it better obeyed than

those under any other discipline or government--reasons of this

obedience_.

In the order, in which I have hitherto mentioned the meetings for the

discipline of the Quakers, we have seen them rising by regular ascent,

both in importance and power. We have seen each in due progression

comprizing the actions of a greater population than the foregoing, and

for a greater period of time. I come now to the yearly meeting, which is

possessed of a higher and wider jurisdiction than any that have been yet

described. This meeting does not take cognizance of the conduct of

particular or of monthly meetings, but, at one general view, of the

state and conduct of the members of each quarterly meeting, in order to

form a judgment of the general state of the society for the whole

kingdom.

We have seen, on a former occasion, the Quakers with their several

deputies repairing to different places in a county; and we have seen

them lately with their deputies again repairing to one great town in the

different counties at large. We are now to see them repairing to the

metropolis of the kingdom.

As deputies were chosen by each monthly meeting to represent it in the

quarterly meeting, so the quarterly meetings choose deputies to

represent them in the yearly meeting. These deputies are commissioned to

be the bearers of certain documents to London, which contain answers in

writing to a [27]number of the queries mentioned in the last chapter.

These answers are made up from the answers received by the several

quarterly meetings from their respective monthly meetings. Besides these

they are to carry with them other documents, among which are accounts of

sufferings in consequence of a refusal of military service, and of the

payment of the demands of the church.

[Footnote 27: Viz. numbers 1,2,3,4,7,8,9,10,11,12]

The deputies who are now generally four in number for each quarterly

meeting, that is, four of each sex (except for the quarterly meetings of

York and London, the former of which generally sends eight men and the

[28] latter twelve, and each of them the like number of females) having

received their different documents, set forward on their journey.

Besides these many members of the society repair to the metropolis. The

distance of three or four hundred miles forms no impediment to the

journey. A man cannot travel at this time, but he sees the Quakers in

motion from all parts, shaping their course to London, there to

exercise, as will appear shortly, the power of deputies, judges, and

legislators in turn, and to investigate and settle the affairs of the

society for the preceding year.

[Footnote 28: The quarterly meeting of London includes Middlesex.]

It may not be amiss to mention a circumstance, which has not

unfrequently occurred upon these occasions. A Quaker in low

circumstances, but of unblemished life, has been occasionally chosen as

one of the deputies to the metropolis even for a county, where the

Quaker-population has been considered to be rich. This deputy has

scarcely been able, on account of the low state of his finances, to

accomplish his journey, and has been known to travel on foot from

distant parts. I mention this circumstance to shew that the society in

its choice of representatives, shews no respect to persons, but that it

pays, even in the persons of the poor, the respect that is due to

virtue.

The day of the yearly meeting at length arrives. Whole days are now

devoted to business, for which various committees are obliged to be

appointed. The men, as before, retire to a meeting-house allotted to

them, to settle the business for the men and the society at large, and

the women retire to another, to settle that, which belongs to their own

sex. There are nevertheless, at intervals, meetings for worship at the

several meeting houses in the metropolis.

One great part of the business of the yearly meeting is to know the

state of the society in all its branches of discipline for the preceding

year. This is known by hearing the answers brought to the queries from

the several quarterly meetings, which are audibly read by the clerk or

his assistant, and are taken in rotation alphabetically. If any

deficiency in the discipline should appear by means of these documents,

in any of the quarterly meetings, remarks follow on the part of the

auditory, and written advices are ordered to be sent, if it should

appear necessary, which are either of a general nature, or particularly

directed to those where the deficiency has been observed.

Another part of the business of the yearly meeting is to ascertain the

amount of the money, called "FRIENDS SUFFERINGS," that is of the money,

or the value of the goods, that have been taken from the Quakers for

[29] tithes and church dues; for the society are principled against the

maintenance of any religious ministry, and of course cannot

conscientiously pay toward the support of the established church. In

consequence of their refusal of payment in the latter case, their goods

are seized by a law-process, and sold to the best bidder. Those, who

have the charge of these executions, behave differently. Some wantonly

take such goods, as will not sell for a quarter of their value, and

others much more than is necessary, and others again kindly select

those, which in the sale will be attended with the least loss. This

amount, arising from this confiscation of their property, is easily

ascertained from the written answers of the deputies. The sum for each

county is observed, and noted down. The different sums are then added

together, and the amount for the whole kingdom within the year is

discovered.

[Footnote 29: Distraints or imprisonment for refusing to serve in the

militia are included also under the head "sufferings."]

In speaking of tithes and church-dues I must correct an error, that is

prevalent. It is usually understood, when Quakers suffer on these

accounts, that their losses are made up by the society at large. Nothing

can be more false than this idea. Were their losses made up on such

occasions, there would be no suffering. The fact is, that whatever a

person loses in this way is his own total loss; nor is it ever refunded,

though, in consequence of expensive prosecutions at law, it has amounted

to the whole of the property of those, who have refused the payment of

these demands. If a man were to come to poverty on this account, he

would undoubtedly be supported, but he would only be supported as

belonging to the poor of the society.

Among the subjects, introduced at this meeting, may be that of any new

regulations for the government of the society. The Quakers are not so

blindly attached to antiquity, as to keep to customs, merely because

they are of an ancient date. But they are ready, on conviction, to

change, alter, and improve. When, however, such regulations or

alterations are proposed, they must come not through the medium of an

individual, but through the medium of one of the quarterly meetings.

There is also a variety of other business at the yearly meeting. Reports

are received and considered on the subject of Ackworth school, which was

mentioned in a former part of the work as a public seminary of the

society.

Letters are also read from the branches of the society in foreign parts,

and answers prepared to them.

Appeals also are heard in various instances, and determined in this

court.

I may mention here two circumstances, that are worthy of notice on these

occasions.

It may be observed that whether such business as that, which I have just

detailed or any of any other sort comes before the yearly meeting at

large, it is decided, not by the influence of numbers, but by the weight

of religious character. As most subjects afford cause for a difference

of opinion, so the Quakers at this meeting are found taking their

different sides of the argument, as they believe it right. Those

however, who are in opposition to any measure, if they perceive by the

turn the debate takes, either that they are going against the general

will, or that they are opposing the sentiments of members of high moral

reputation in the society, give way. And so far do the Quakers carry

their condescension on these occasions, that if a few ancient and

respectable individuals seem to be dissatisfied with any measure that

may have been proposed, though otherwise respectably supported, the

measure is frequently postponed, out of tenderness to the feelings of

such members, and from a desire of gaining them in time by forbearance.

But, in whatever way the question before them is settled, no division is

ever called for. No counting of numbers is allowed. No protest is

suffered to be entered. In such a case there can be no ostensible leader

of any party; no ostensible minority or majority. The Quakers are of

opinion that such things, if allowed, would be inconsistent with their

profession. They would lead also to broils and divisions, and ultimately

to the detriment of the society. Every measure therefore is settled by

the Quakers at this meeting in the way I have mentioned, in brotherly

love, and as the name of the society signifies, as Friends.

The other remarkable circumstance is, that there is no ostensible

president or [30] head of this great assembly, nor any ostensible

president or head of any one of its committees; and yet the business of

the society is conducted in as orderly a manner, as it is possible to be

among any body of men, where the number is so great, and where every

individual has a right to speak.

[Footnote 30: Christ is supposed by the Quakers to be the head, under

whose guidance all their deliberations ought to take place.]

The state of the society having, by this time been ascertained, both in

the meetings of the women and of the men, from the written answers of

the different deputies, and from the reports of different committees,

and the [31]other business of the meeting having been nearly finished, a

committee, which had been previously chosen, meet to draw up a public

letter.

[Footnote 31: This may relate to the printing of books, to testimonies

concerning deceased ministers, addresses to the king, if thought

necessary, and the like.]

This letter usually comprehends three subjects: first, the state of the

society, in which the sufferings for tithes and other demands of the

church are included. This state, in all its different branches, the

committee ascertain by inspecting the answers, as brought by the

deputies before mentioned.

A second subject, comprehended in the letter, is advice to the society

for the regulation of their moral and civil conduct. This advice is

suggested partly from the same written answers, and partly by the

circumstances of the times. Are there, for instance, any vicious customs

creeping into the society, or any new dispositions among its members

contrary to the Quaker principles? The answers brought by the deputies

shew it, and advice is contained in the letter adapted to the case. Are

the times, seasons of difficulty and embarrassment in the commercial

world? Is the aspect of the political horizon gloomy, and does it appear

big with convulsions? New admonition and, advices follow.

A third subject, comprehended in the letter, and which I believe since

the year 1787 has frequently formed a standing article in it, is the

slave-trade. The Quakers consider this trade as so extensively big with

misery to their fellow creatures, that their members ought to have a

deep and awful feeling, and a religious care and concern about it. This

and occasionally other subjects having been duly weighed by the

committee, they begin to compose the letter.

When the letter is ready, it is brought into the public meeting, and the

whole of it, without interruption, is first read audibly. It is then

read over again, and canvassed, sentence by sentence. Every sentence,

nay every word, is liable to alteration; for any one may make his

remarks, and nothing can stand but by the sense of the meeting. When

finally settled and approved, it is printed and dispersed among the

members throughout the nation. This letter may be considered as

informing the society of certain matters, that occurred in the preceding

year, and as conveying to them admonitions on various subjects. This

letter is emphatically stiled "the General Epistle." The yearly

meeting, having now lasted about ten days, is dissolved after a solemn

pause, and the different deputies are at liberty to return home.

This important institution of the yearly meeting brings with it, on

every return, its pains and pleasures. To persons of maturer years, who

sit at this time on committee after committee, and have various offices

to perform, it is certainly an aniversary of care and anxiety, fatigue

and trouble. But it affords them, on the other hand, occasions of

innocent delight. Some, educated in the same school, and others, united

by the ties of blood and youthful friendship, but separated from one

another by following in distant situations the various concerns of life,

meet together in the intervals of the disciplinary business, and feel,

in the warm recognition of their ancient intercourse, a pleasure, which

might have been delayed for years, but for the intervention of this

occasion. To the youth it affords an opportunity, amidst this concourse

of members, of seeing those who are reputed to be of the most exemplary

character in the society, and whom they would not have had the same

chance of seeing at any other time. They are introduced also at this

season to their relations and family friends. They visit about, and form

new connections in the society, and are permitted the enjoyment of other

reasonable pleasures.

Such is the organization of the discipline or government of the

Quakers. Nor may it improperly be called a government, when we consider

that, besides all matters relating to the church, it takes cognizance of

the actions of Quakers to Quakers, and of these to their

fellow-citizens, and of these again to the state; in fact of all actions

of Quakers, if immoral in the eye of the society, us soon at they we

known. It gives out its prohibitions. It marks its crimes. It imposes

offices on its subjects. It culls them to disciplinary duties.[32]This

government however, notwithstanding its power, has, as I observed

before, no president or head, either permanent or temporary. There is no

first man through the whole society. Neither has it any badge of office,

or mace, or constables staff or sword. It may be observed also, that it

has no office of emolument, by which its hands can be strengthened,

neither minister, elder, [33]clerk, overseer, nor deputy, being paid;

and yet its administration is firmly conducted, and its laws better

obeyed, than laws by persons, under any other denomination or

government. The constant assemblage of the Quakers at their places of

worship, and their unwearied attendances at the monthly and quarterly

meetings, which they must often frequent at a great distance, to their

own personal inconvenience, and to the hindrance of their worldly

concerns, must be admitted, in part, as proofs of the last remark. But

when we consider them as a distinct people, differing in their manner of

speech and in their dress and customs from others, rebelling against

fashion and the fashionable world, and likely therefore to become rather

the objects of ridicule than of praise; when we consider these things,

and their steady and rigid perseverance in the peculiar rules and

customs of the society, we cannot but consider their obedience to their

own discipline, which makes a point of the observance of these

singularities, as extraordinary.

[Footnote 32: The government or discipline is considered as a

theocracy.]

[Footnote 33: The clerk, who keeps the records of the society in London,

is the only person who has a salary.]

This singular obedience, however, to the laws of the society may be

accounted for on three principles. In the first place in no society is

there so much vigilance over the conduct of its members, as in that of

the Quakers, as this history of their discipline must have already

manifested. This vigilance of course, cannot miss of its effect. But a

second cause is the following. The Quaker-laws and regulations are not

made by any one person, nor by any number even of deputies. They are

made by themselves, that is by the society in yearly meeting assembled.

If a bad law, or the repeal of a good one, be proposed, every one

present, without distinction, has a right to speak against the motion.

The proposition cannot pass against the sense of the meeting. If persons

are not present, it is their own fault. Thus it happens that every law,

passed at the yearly meeting, may be considered, in some measure, as the

law of every Quaker's own will, and people are much more likely to

follow regulations made by their own consent, than those which are made

against it. This therefore has unquestionably an operation as a second

cause. A third may be traced in the peculiar sentiments, which the

Quakers hold as a religious body. They believe that many of their

members, when they deliver themselves publicly on any subject at the

yearly meeting, are influenced by the dictates of the pure principle, or

by the spirit of truth. Hence the laws of the society, which are

considered to be the result of such influences, have with them the

sanction of spiritual authority. They pay them therefore a greater

deference on this account, than they would to laws, which they conceive

to have been the production of the mere imagination, or will, of man.

CHAP. V.

_Disowning--foundation of the right of disowning--disowning no slight

punishment--wherein the hardship or suffering consists_.

I shall conclude the discipline of the Quakers by making a few remarks

on the subject of disowning.

The Quakers conceive they have a right to excommunicate or disown;

because persons, entering into any society, have a right to make their

own reasonable rules of membership, and so early as the year 1663, this

practice had been adopted by George Fox, and those who were in religious

union with him. Those, who are born in the society, are bound of course,

to abide by these rules, while they continue to be the rules of the

general will, or to leave it. Those who come into it by convincement,

are bound to follow them, or not to sue for admission into membership.

This right of disowning, which arises from the reasonableness of the

thing, the Quakers consider to have been pointed out and established by

the author of the christian religion, who determined that [34]if a

disorderly person, after having received repeated admonitions, should still

continue disorderly, he should be considered as an alien by the church.

[Footnote 34: Matt. 18.v. 17.]

The observations, which I shall make on the subject of disowning, will

be wholly confined to it as it must operate as a source of suffering to

those, who are sentenced to undergo it. People are apt to say, "where is

the hardship of being disowned? a man, though disowned by the Quakers,

may still go to their meetings for worship, or he may worship if he

chooses, with other dissenters, or with those of the church of England,

for the doors of all places of worship are open to those, who desire to

enter them." I shall state therefore in what this hardship consists, and

I should have done it sooner, but that I could never have made it so

well understood as after an explanation had been given of the discipline

of the Quakers, or as in the present place.

There is no doubt that a person, who is disowned, will be differently

affected by different considerations. Something will depend upon the

circumstance, whether he considers himself as disowned for a moral or a

political offence. Something, again, whether he has been in the habit of

attending the meetings for discipline, and what estimation he may put

upon these.

But whether he has been regular or not in these attendances, it is

certain that he has a power and a consequence, while he remains in his

own society, which he loses when he leaves it, or when he becomes a

member of the world. The reader will have already observed, that in no

society is a man, if I may use the expression, so much of a man, as in

that of the Quakers, or in no society is there such an equality of rank

and privileges. A Quaker is called, as we have seen, to the exercise of

important and honourable functions.

He sits in his monthly meeting, as it were in council, with the rest of

the members. He sees all equal but he sees none superior, to himself. He

may give his advice on any question. He may propose new matter. He may

argue and reply. In the quarterly meetings he is called to the exercise

of the same privileges, but on a larger scale. And at the yearly meeting

he may, if he pleases, unite in his own person the offices of council,

judge, and legislator. But when he leaves the society, and goes out into

the world, he has no such station or power. He sees there every body

equal to himself in privileges, and thousands above him. It is in this

loss of his former consequence that he must feel a punishment in having

been disowned. For he can never be to his own feelings what he was

before. It is almost impossible that he should not feel a diminution of

his dignity and importance as a man.

Neither can he restore himself to these privileges by going to a distant

part of the kingdom and residing among quakers there, on a supposition

that his disownment may be concealed. For a Quaker, going to a new abode

among Quakers, must carry with him a certificate of his conduct from the

last monthly meeting which he left, or he cannot be received as a

member.

But besides losing these privileges, which confer consequence upon him,

he looses others of another kind. He cannot marry in the society. His

affirmation will be no longer taken instead of his oath. If a poor man,

he is no longer exempt from the militia, if drawn by submitting to three

months imprisonment; nor is he entitled to that comfortable maintenance,

in case of necessity, which the society provide for their own poor.

To these considerations it may not perhaps be superfluous to add, that

if he continues to mix with the members of his own society, he will

occasionally find circumstances arising, which will remind him of his

former state: and if he transfers his friendship to others, he will feel

awkward and uneasy, and out of his element, till he has made his temper,

his opinions, and his manners, harmonize with those of his new

associates of the world.

PECULIAR CUSTOMS OF THE QUAKERS.

CHAP. I. SECT. I.

_Dress--Quakers distinguished by their dress from others--great

extravagance in dress in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries--this

extravagance had reached the clergy--but religious individuals kept to

their antient dresses--the dress which the men of this description wore

in those days--dress of the women of this description also--George Fox

and the Quakers springing out of these, carried their plain habits with

them into their new society._

I have now explained, in a very ample manner, the moral education and

discipline of the Quakers. I shall proceed to the explanation of such

customs, as seem peculiar to them as a society of christians.

The dress of the Quakers is the first custom of this nature, that I

purpose to notice. They stand distinguished be means of it from all

other religious bodies The men wear neither lace, frills, ruffles,

swords, nor any of the ornaments used by the fashionable world. The

women wear neither lace, flounces, lappets, rings, bracelets, necklaces,

ear-rings, nor any thing belonging to this class. Both sexes are also

particular in the choice of the colour of their clothes. All gay colours

such as red, blue, green, and yellow, are exploded. Dressing in this

manner, a Quaker is known by his apparel through the whole kingdom. This

is not the case with any other individuals of the island, except the

clergy; and these, in consequence of the black garments worn by persons

on account of the death of their relations, are not always distinguished

from others.

I know of no custom among the Quakers, which has more excited the

curiosity of the world, than this of their dress, and none, in which

they have been more mistaken in their conjectures concerning it.

[35]In the early times of the English History, dress had been frequently

restricted by the government.--Persons of a certain rank and fortune

were permitted to wear only cloathing of a certain kind. But these

restrictions and distinctions were gradually broken down, and people, as

they were able and willing, launched out into unlimited extravagance in

their dress. The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and down from thence

to the time when the Quakers first appeared, were periods, particularly

noticed for prodigality in the use of apparel, there was nothing too

expensive or too preposterous to be worn. Our ancestors also, to use an

ancient quotation, "were never constant to one colour or fashion two

months to an end." We can have no idea by the present generation, of the

folly in such respects, of these early ages. But these follies were not

confined to the laiety. Affectation of parade, and gaudy cloathing, were

admitted among many of the clergy, who incurred the severest invectives

of the poets on that account. The ploughman, in Chaucer's Canterbury

Tales, is full upon this point. He gives us the following description of

a Priest

"That hye on horse wylleth to ride,

In glytter ande gold of great araye,

'I painted and pertred all in pryde,

No common Knyght may go so gaye;

Chaunge of clothyng every daye,

With golden gyrdles great and small,

As boysterous as is here at baye;

All suche falshed mote nede fell."

[Footnote 35: See Strut's Antiquities.]

To this he adds, that many of them had more than one or two mitres,

embellished with pearls, like the head of a queen, and a staff of gold

set with jewels, as heavy as lead. He then speaks of their appearing out

of doors with broad bucklers and long swords, or with baldrics about

their necks, instead of stoles, to which their basellards were attached.

"Bucklers brode and sweardes longe,

Baudryke with baselards kene."

He then accuses them with wearing gay gowns of scarlet and green

colours, ornamented with cut-work, and for the long pykes upon their

shoes.

But so late as the year 1652 we have the following anecdote of the

whimsical dress of a clergyman. John Owen, Dean of Christ church, and

Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, is represented an wearing a lawn-band, as

having his hair powdered and his hat curiously cocked. He is described

also as wearing Spanish leather-boots with lawn-tops, and snake-bone

band-strings with large tassels, and a large set of ribbands pointed at

his knees with points or tags at the end. And much about the same time,

when Charles the second was at Newmarket, Nathaniel Vincent, doctor of

divinity, fellow of Clare-hall, and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty,

preached before him. But the king was so displeased with the foppery of

this preacher's, dress, that he commanded the duke of Monmouth, then

chancellor of the university, to cause the statutes concerning decency

of apparel among the clergy to be put into execution, which was

accordingly done. These instances are sufficient to shew, that the taste

for preposterous and extravagant dress must have operated like a

contagion in those times, or the clergy would scarcely have dressed

themselves in this ridiculous and censurable manner.

But although this extravagance was found among many orders of society at

the time of the appearance of George Fox, yet many individuals had set

their faces against the fashions of the world. These consisted

principally of religious people of different denominations, most of whom

were in the middle classes of life. Such persons were found in plain and

simple habits notwithstanding the contagion of the example of their

superiors in rank. The men of this description generally wore plain

round hats with common crowns. They had discarded the sugar-loaf hat,

and the hat turned up with a silver clasp on one side, as well as all

ornaments belonging to it, such as pictures, feathers, and bands of

various colours. They had adopted a plain suit of clothes. They wore

cloaks, when necessary, over these. But both the clothes and the cloaks

were of the same colour. The colour of each of them was either drab or

grey. Other people who followed the fashions, wore white, red, green,

yellow, violet, scarlet, and other colours, which were expensive,

because they were principally dyed in foreign parts. The drab consisted

of the white wool undyed, and the grey of the white wool mixed with the

black, which was undyed also. These colours were then the colours of the

clothes, because they were the least expensive, of the peasants of

England, as they are now of those of Portugal and Spain. They had

discarded also, all ornaments, such as of lace, or bunches of ribbands

at the knees, and their buttons were generally of alchymy, as this

composition was then termed, or of the same colour as their clothes.

The grave and religious women also, like the men, had avoided the

fashions of their times. These had adopted the cap, and the black hood

for their headdress. The black hood had been long the distinguishing

mark of a grave matron. All prostitutes, so early as Edward the third,

had been forbidden to wear it. In after-times it was celebrated by the

epithet of venerable by the poets, and had been introduced by painters

as the representative of virtue. When fashionable women had discarded

it, which was the case in George Fox's time, the more sober, on account

of these ancient marks of its sanctity, had retained it, and it was then

common among them. With respect to the hair of grave and sober women In

those days, it was worn plain, and covered occasionally by a plain hat

or bonnet. They had avoided by this choice those preposterous

head-dresses and bonnets, which none but those, who have seen paintings

of them, could believe ever to have been worn. They admitted none of the

large ruffs, that were then in use, but chose the plain handkerchief for

their necks, differing from those of others, which had rich point, and

curious lace. They rejected the crimson sattin doublet with black velvet

skirts, and contented themselves with a plain gown, generally of stuff,

and of a drab, or grey, or buff, or buffin colour, as it was called, and

faced with buckram. These colours, as I observed before, were the

colours worn by country people; and were not expensive, because they

were not dyed. To this gown was added a green apron. Green aprons had

been long worn in England, yet, at the time I allude to, they were out

of fashion, so as to be ridiculed by the gay. But old fashioned people

still retained them. Thus an idea of gravity was connected with them;

and therefore religious and steady women adopted them, as the grave and

sober garments of ancient times.

It may now be observed that from these religious persons, habited in

this manner, in opposition to the fashions of the world, the primitive

Quakers generally sprung. George Fox himself wore the plain grey coat

that has been noticed, with alchymy buttons, and a plain leather girdle

about his waist. When the Quakers therefore first met in religious

union, they met in these simple clothes. They made no alteration in

their dress on account of their new religion. They prescribed no form or

colour as distinguishing marks of their sect, but they carried with them

the plain habits of their ancestors into the new society, as the habits

of the grave and sober people of their own times.

SECT. II.

_But though George Fox introduced no new dress into the society, he was

not indifferent on the subject--he recommended simplicity and

plainness--and declaimed against the fashions of the times--supported by

Barclay and Penn--these explained the objects of dress--the influence of

these explanations--dress at length incorporated into the

discipline--but no standard fixed either of shape or colour--the

objects of dress only recognized, and simplicity recommended--a new

Era--great variety allowable by the discipline--Quakers have deviated

less from the dress of their ancestors than other people._

Though George Fox never introduced any new or particular garments, when

he formed the society, as models worthy of the imitation of those who

joined him, yet, as a religious man, he was not indifferent upon the

subject of dress. Nor could he, as a reformer, see those extravagant

fashions, which I have shewn to have existed in his time, without

publicly noticing them. We find him accordingly recommending to his

followers simplicity and plainness of apparel, and bearing his testimony

against the preposterous and fluctuating apparel of the world.

In the various papers, which he wrote or gave forth upon this subject,

he bid it down as a position, that all ornaments, superfluities, and

unreasonable changes in dress, manifested an earthly or worldly spirit.

He laid it down again, that such things, being adopted principally for

the lust of the eye, were productive of vanity and pride, and that, in

proportion as men paid attention to these outward decorations and

changes, they suffered some loss in the value and dignity of their

minds. He considered also all such decorations and changes, as contrary

both to the letter and the spirit of the scriptures. Isaiah, one of the

greatest prophets under the law, had severely reproved the daughters of

Israel on account of their tinkling ornaments, cauls, round tires,

chains, bracelets, rings, and ear-rings. St. Paul also and St. Peter had

both of them cautioned the women of their own times, to adorn themselves

in modest apparel, and not with broidered hair, or gold, or pearls, or

costly array. And the former had spoken to both sexes indiscriminately

not to conform to the world, in which latter expression he evidently

included all those customs of the world, of whatsoever nature, that were

in any manner injurious to the morality of the minds of those who

followed them.

By the publication of these sentiments, George Fox shewed to the world,

that it was his opinion, that religion, though it prescribed no

particular form of apparel, was not indifferent as to the general

subject of dress. These sentiments became the sentiments of his

followers. But the society was coming fast into a new situation. When

the members of it first met in union, they consisted of grown up

persons; of such, as had had their minds spiritually exercised, and

their judgments convinced in religious matters; of such in fact as had

been Quakers in spirit, before they had become Quakers by name. All

admonitions therefore on the subject of dress were unnecessary for such

persons. But many of those, who had joined the society, had brought with

them children into it, and from the marriages of others, children were

daily springing up. To the latter, in a profligate age, where the

fashions were still raging from without, and making an inroad upon the

minds and morals of individuals, some cautions were necessary for the

preservation of their innocence in such a storm. For these were the

reverse of their parents. Young, in point of age, they were Quakers by

name, before they could become Quakers in spirit. Robert Barclay

therefore, and William Penn, kept alive the subject of dress, which

George Fox had been the first to notice in the society. They followed

him on his scriptural ground. They repeated the arguments, that

extravagant dress manifested an earthly spirit, and that it was

productive of vanity and pride. But they strengthened the case by adding

arguments of their own. Among these I may notice, that they considered

what were the objects of dress. They reduced these to two, to decency,

and comfort, in which latter idea was included protection from the

varied inclemencies of the weather. Every thing therefore beyond these

they considered as superfluous. Of course all ornaments would become

censurable, and all unreasonable changes indefensible, upon such a

system.

These discussions, however, on this subject never occasioned the more

ancient Quakers to make any alteration in their dress, for they

continued as when they had come into the society, to be a plain people.

But they occasioned parents to be more vigilant over their children in

this respect, and they taught the society to look upon dress, as a

subject connected with the christian religion, in any case, where it

could become injurious to the morality of the mind. In process of time

therefore as the fashions continued to spread, and the youth of the

society began to come under their dominion, the Quakers incorporated

dress among other subjects of their discipline. Hence no member, after

this period, could dress himself preposterously, or follow the fleeting

fashions of the world, without coming under the authority of friendly

and wholesome admonition. Hence an annual inquiry began to be made, if

parents brought up their children to dress consistently with their

christian profession. The society, however, recommended only simplicity

and plainness to be attended to on this occasion. They prescribed no

standard, no form, no colour, for the apparel of their members. They

acknowledged the two great objects of decency and comfort, and left

their members to clothe themselves consistently with these, as it was

agreeable to their convenience or their disposition.

A new æra commenced from this period. Persons already in the society,

continued of course in their ancient dresses: if others had come into it

by convincement, who had led gay lives, they laid aside their gaudy

garments, and took those that were more plain. And the children of both,

from this time, began to be habited from their youth as their parents

were.

But though the Quakers had thus brought apparel under the disciplinary

cognizance of the society, yet the dress of individuals was not always

alike, nor did it continue always one and the same even with the

primitive Quakers. Nor has it continued one and the same with their

descendants. For decency and comfort having been declared to be the true

and only objects of dress, such a latitude was given, as to admit of

great variety in apparel. Hence if we were to see a groupe of modern

Quakers before us, we should probably not find any two of them dressed

alike. Health, we all know, may require alteration in dress. Simplicity

may suggest others. Convenience again may point out others; and yet all

these various alterations may be consistent with the objects before

specified. And here it may be observed that the society, during its

existence for a century and a half, has without doubt, in some degree,

imperceptibly followed the world, though not in its fashions, yet in its

improvements of cloathing.

It must be obvious again, that some people are of a grave, and that

others are of a lively disposition, and that these will probably never

dress alike. Other members again, but particularly the rich, have a

larger intercourse than the rest of them, or mix more with the world.

These again will probably dress a little differently from others, and

yet, regarding the two great objects of dress, their cloathing may come

within the limits which these allow. Indeed if there be any, whose

apparel would be thought exceptionable by the society, these would be

found among the rich. Money, in all societies, generally takes the

liberty of introducing exceptions. Nothing, however is more true, than

that, even among the richest of the Quakers, there is frequently as much

plainness and simplicity in their outward dress, as among the poor; and

where the exceptions exist, they are seldom carried to an extravagant,

and never to a preposterous extent.

From this account it will be seen, that the ideas of the world are

erroneous on the subject of the dress of the Quakers; for it has always

been imagined, that, when the early Quakers first met in religious

union, they met to deliberate and fix upon some standard, which should

operate as a political institution, by which the members should be

distinguished by their apparel from the rest of the world. The whole

history, however, of the shape and colour of the garments of the Quakers

is, as has been related, namely, that the primitive Quakers dressed like

the sober, steady, and religious people of the age, in which the society

sprung up, and that their descendants have departed less in a course of

time, than others, from the dress of their ancestors. The mens hats are

nearly the same now, except that they have stays and loops, and many of

their clothes are nearly of the same shape and colour, as in the days of

George Fox. The dress of the women also is nearly similar. The black

hoods indeed have gone, in a certain degree, out of use. But many of

such women, as are ministers and elders, and indeed many others of age

and gravity of manners, still retain them. The green apron also has been

nearly, if not wholly laid aside. There was here and there an ancient

woman, who used it within the last ten years, but I am told that the

last of these died lately. No other reasons can be given, than those

which have been assigned, why Quaker-women should have been found in the

use of a colour, which is so unlike any other which they now use in

their dress. Upon the whole, if the females were still to retain the use

of the black hood and the green apron, and the men were to discard the

stays and loops for their hats, we should find that persons of both

sexes in the society, but particularly such as are antiquated, or as may

be deemed old fashioned in it, would approach very near to the first or

primitive Quakers in their appearance, both as to the sort and to the

shape, and to the colour of their clothes. Thus has George Fox, by means

of the advice he gave upon this subject, and the general discipline

which he introduced into the society, kept up for a hundred and fifty

years, against the powerful attacks of the varying fashions of the

world, one steady, and uniform, external appearance among his

descendants; an event, which neither the clergy by means of their

sermons, nor other writers, whether grave or gay, were able to

accomplish during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and which none

of their successors have been able to accomplish from that time to the

present.

SECT III.

_The world usually make objections to the Quaker-dress--the charge is

that there is a preciseness in it which is equivalent to the worshipping

of forms--the truth of this charge not to be ascertained but by a

knowledge of the heart--but outward facts mate against it-such as the

origin of the Quaker-dress--and the Quaker-doctrine on dress--doctrine

of christianity on this subject--opinion of the early christians upon

it--reputed advantages of the Quaker-dress._

I should have been glad to have dismissed the subject of the

Quaker-dress in the last section, but so many objections are usually

made against it, that I thought it right to stop for a while to consider

them in the present place. Indeed, if I were to choose a subject, upon

which the world had been more than ordinarily severe on the Quakers, I

should select that of their dress. Almost every body has something to

say upon this point. And as in almost all cases, where arguments are

numerous, many of them are generally frivolous, so it has happened in

this also. There is one, however, which it is impossible not to notice

upon this subject.

The Quakers, it is confessed by their adversaries, are not chargeable

with the same sort of pride and vanity, which attach to the characters

of other people, who dress in a gay manner, and who follow the fashions

of the world, but it is contended, on the other hand, that they are

justly chargeable with a preciseness, that is disgusting, in the little

particularities of their cloathing. This precise attention to

particularities is considered as little better than the worshipping of

lifeless forms, and is usually called by the world the idolatry of the

Quaker-dress.

This charge, if it were true, would be serious indeed. It would be

serious, because it would take away from the religion of the Quakers one

of its greatest and best characters. For how could any people be

spiritually minded, who were the worshippers of lifeless forms? It would

be serious again, because it would shew their religion, like the box of

Pandora, to be pregnant with evils within itself. For people, who place

religion in particular forms, must unavoidably become superstitious. It

would be serious again, because if parents were to carry such notions

into their families, they would produce mischief. The young would be

dissatisfied, if forced to cultivate particularities, for which they see

no just or substantial reason. Dissentions would arise among them. Their

morality too would be confounded, if they were to see these minutiae

idolized at home, but disregarded by persons of known religious

character in the world. Add to which, that they might adopt erroneous

notions of religion. For they might be induced to lay too much stress

upon the payment of the anise and cummin, and too little upon the

observance of the weightier matters of the law.

As the charge therefore is unquestionably a serious one, I shall not

allow it to pass without some comments. And in the first place it maybe

observed that, whether this preciseness, which has been imputed to some

Quakers, amounts to an idolizing of forms, can never be positively

determined, except we had the power of looking into the hearts of those,

who have incurred the charge. We may form, however, a reasonable

conjecture, whether it does or not by presumptive evidence, taken from

incontrovertible outward facts.

The first outward fact that presents itself to us, is the fact of the

origin of the Quaker-dress, if the early Quakers, when they met in

religious union, had met to deliberate and fix upon a form or standard

of apparel for the society, in vain could any person have expected to

repel this charge. But no such standard was ever fixed. The dress of the

Quakers has descended from father to son in the way that has been

described. There is reason therefore to suppose, that the Quakers as a

religious body, have deviated less than others front the primitive

habits of their ancestors, rather from a fear of the effects of

unreasonable changes of dress upon the mind, than from an attachment to

lifeless forms.

The second outward fact, which may be resorted to as furnishing a ground

for reasonable conjecture, is the doctrine of the Quakers upon this

subject. The Quakers profess to follow christianity in all cases, where

its doctrines can be clearly ascertained. I shall state therefore what

christianity says upon this point. I shall shew that what Quakerism says

is in unison with it. And I shall explain more at large the principle,

that has given birth to the discipline of the Quakers relative to their

dress.

Had christianity approved of the make or colour of any particular

garment, it would have approved of those of its founder and of his

apostles. We do not, however, know, what any of these illustrious

personages wore. They were probably dressed in the habits of Judean

peasants, and not with any marked difference from those of the same rank

in life. And that they were dressed plainly, we have every reason to

believe, from the censures, which some of them passed on the

superfluities of apparel. But christianity has no where recorded these

habits as a pattern, nor has it prescribed to any man any form or colour

for his clothes.

But christianity, though it no where places religion in particular

forms, is yet not indifferent on the general subject of dress. For in

the first place it discards all ornaments, as appears by the testimonies

of St. Paul and St. Peter before quoted, and this it does evidently on

the ground of morality, lest these, by puffing up the creature, should

be made to give birth to the censurable passions of vanity and lust. In

the second place it forbids all unreasonable changes on the plea of

conformity with the fashions of the world: and it sets its face against

these also upon moral grounds; because the following of the fashions of

the world begets a worldly spirit, and because, in proportion as men

indulge this spirit, they are found to follow the loose and changeable

morality of the world, instead of the strict and steady morality of the

gospel.

That the early christians understood these to be the doctrines of

christianity, there can be no doubt. The Presbyters and the Asceticks,

I believe, changed the Palluim for the Toga in the infancy of the

christian world; but all other christians were left undistinguished by

their dress. These were generally clad in the sober manner of their own

times. They observed a medium between costliness and sordidness. That

they had no particular form for their dress beyond that of other grave

people, we team from Justin Martyr. "They affected nothing fantastic,

says he, but, living among Greeks and barbarians, they followed the

customs of the country, and in clothes, and in diet, and in all other

affairs of outward life, they shewed the excellent and admirable

constitution of their discipline and conversation." That they discarded

superfluities and ornaments we may collect from various authors of those

times. Basil reduced the objects of cloathing to two, namely, "Honesty

and necessity," that is, to decency and protection. Tertullian laid it

down as a doctrine that a Christian should not only be chaste, but that

he should appear so outwardly. "The garments which we should wear, says

Clemens of Alexandria, should be modest and frugal, and not wrought of

divers colours, but plain." Crysastum commends Olympias, a lady of birth

and fortune, for having in her garment nothing that was wrought or

gaudy. Jerome praises Paula, another lady of quality, for the same

reason. We find also that an unreasonable change of cloathing, or a

change to please the eye of the world, was held improper. Cyril says,

"we should not strive for variety, having clothes for home, and others

for ostentation abroad." In short the ancient fathers frequently

complained of the abuse of apparel in the ways described.

Exactly in the same manner, and in no other, have the Quakers considered

the doctrines of Christianity on the subject of dress. They have never

adopted any particular model either as to form or colour for their

clothes. They have regarded the two objects of decency and comfort. But

they have allowed of various deviations consistently with these. They

have in fact fluctuated in their dress. The English Quaker wore formerly

a round hat. He wears it now with stays and loops. But even this fashion

is not universal, and seems rather now on the decline. The American

Quaker, on the other hand, has generally kept to the round hat. Black

hoods were uniformly worn by the Quaker-women, but the use of these is

much less than it was, and is still decreasing. The Green aprons also

were worn by the females, but they are now wholly out of use. But these

changes could never have taken place, had there been any fixed standard

for the Quaker dress.

But though the Quakers have no particular model for their clothing, yet

they are not indifferent to dress where it may be morally injurious.

They have discarded all superfluities and ornaments, because they may

be hurtful to the mind. They have set their faces also against all

unreasonable changes of forms for the same reasons. They have allowed

other reasons to weigh with them in the latter case. They have received

from, their ancestors a plain suit of apparel, which has in some little

degree followed the improvements of the world, and they see no good

reason why they should change it; at least they see in the fashions of

the world none but a censurable reason for a change. And here it may be

observed, that it is not an attachment to forms, but an unreasonable

change or deviation from them, that the Quakers regard. Upon the latter

idea it is, that their discipline is in a great measure founded, or, in

other words, the Quakers, as a religious body, think it right to watch

in their youth any unreasonable deviation from the plain apparel of the

society.

This they do first, because any change beyond usefulness must be made

upon the plea of conformity to the fashions of the world.

Secondly, because any such deviation in their youth is considered to

shew, in some measure, a deviation from simplicity of heart. It bespeaks

the beginning of an unstable mind. It shews there must have been some

improper motive for the change. Hence it argues a weakness in the

deviating persons, and points them out as objects to be strengthened by

wholesome admonition.

Thirdly, because changes, made without reasonable motives, would lead,

if not watched and checked, to other still greater changes, and because

an uninterrupted succession of such changes would bring the minds of

their youth under the most imperious despotisms, the despotism of

fashion; in consequence of which they would cleave to the morality of

the world instead of the morality of the gospel.

And fourthly, because in proportion as young persons deviate from the

plainness and simplicity of the apparel as worn by the society, they

approach in appearance to the world; they mix with it, and imbibe its

spirit and admit its customs, and come into a situation which subjects

them to be disowned. And this is so generally true, that of those

persons, whom the society has been obliged to disown, the commencement

of a long progress in irregularity may often be traced to a deviation

from the simplicity of their dress. And here it may be observed, that an

effect has been produced by this care concerning dress, so beneficial to

the moral interests of the society, that they have found in it a new

reason for new vigilance on this subject. The effect produced is a

general similarity of outward appearance, in all the members, though

there is a difference both in the form and colour of their clothing;

and this general appearance is such, as to make a Quaker still known to

the world. The dress therefore of the Quakers, by distinguishing the

members of the society, and making them known as such to the world,

makes the world overseers as it were of their moral conduct. And that it

operates in this way, or that it becomes a partial check in favour of

morality, there can be no question. For a Quaker could not be seen

either at public races, or at cock fightings, or at assemblies, or in

public houses, but the fact would be noticed as singular, and probably

soon known among his friends. His clothes would betray him. Neither

could be, if at a great distance from home, and if quite out of the eye

and observation of persons of the same religious persuasion, do what

many others do. For a Quaker knows, that many of the customs of the

society are known to the world at large, and that a certain conduct is

expected from a person in a Quakers habit. The fear therefore of being

detected, and at any rate of bringing infamy on his cloth, if I may use

the expression, would operate so as to keep him out of many of the

vicious customs of the world.

From hence it will be obvious that there cannot be any solid foundation

for the charge, which has been made against the Quakers on the subject

of dress. They are found in their present dress, not on the principle

of an attachment to any particular form, or because any one form is more

sacred than another, but on the principle, that an unreasonable

deviation from any simple and useful clothing is both censurable and

hurtful, if made in conformity with the fashions of the world. These two

principles, though they may produce, if acted upon, a similar outward

appearance in persons, are yet widely distinct as to their foundation,

from one another. The former is the principle of idolatry. The latter

that of religion. If therefore there are persons in the society, who

adopt the former, they will come within the reach of the charge

described. But the latter only can be adopted by true Quakers.

CHAP. II.

_Quakers are in the use of plain furniture--this usage founded on

principles, similar to those on dress--this usage general--Quakers have

seldom paintings, prints, or portraits in their houses, as, articles of

furniture--reasons for their disuse of such articles._

As the Quakers are found in the use of garments, differing from those

of others in their shape and fashion, and in the graveness of their

colour, and in the general plainness of their appearance, so they are

found in the use of plain and frugal furniture in their houses.

The custom of using plain furniture has not arisen from the

circumstance, that any particular persons in the society, estimable for

their lives and characters, have set the example in their families, but

from the, principles of the Quaker-constitution itself. It has arisen

from principles similar to those, which dictated the continuance of the

ancient Quaker-dress. The choice of furniture, like the choice of

clothes, is left to be adjudged by the rules of decency and usefulness,

but never by the suggestions of shew. The adoption of taste, instead of

utility, in this case, would be considered as a conscious conformity

with the fashions of the world. Splendid furniture also would be

considered as pernicious as splendid clothes. It would be classed with

external ornaments, and would be reckoned equally productive of pride,

with these. The custom therefore of plainness in the articles of

domestic use is pressed upon all Quakers: and that the subject may not

be forgotten, it is incorporated in their religious discipline; in

consequence of which, it is held forth to their notice, in a public

manner, in all the monthly and quarterly meetings of the kingdom, and in

all the preparative meetings, at least once in the year.

It may be admitted as a truth, that the society practice, with few

exceptions, what is considered to be the proper usage on such occasions.

The poor, we know, cannot use any but homely-furniture. The middle

clashes are universally in such habits. As to the rich, there is a

difference in the practice of these. Some, and indeed many of them, use

as plain and frugal furniture, as those in moderate circumstances.

Others again step beyond the practice of the middle classes, and buy

what is more costly, not with a view of shew, so much as to accommodate

their furniture to the size and goodness of their houses. In the houses

of others again, who have more than ordinary intercourse with the world,

we now and then see what is elegant, but seldom what would be considered

to be extravagant furniture. We see no chairs with satin bottoms and

gilded frames, no magnificent pier-glasses, no superb chandeliers, no

curtains with extravagant trimmings. At least, in all my intercourse

with the Quakers, I have never observed such things. If there are

persons in the society, who use them, they must be few in number, and

these must be conscious that, by the introduction of such finery[36]

into their houses, they are going against the advices annually given

them in their meetings on this subject, and that they are therefore

violating the written law, as well as departing from the spirit of

Quakerism.

[Footnote 36: Turkey carpets are in use, though generally gaudy, on

account of their wearing better than others.]

But if these or similar principles are adopted by the society on this

subject, it must be obvious, that in walking through the rooms of the

Quakers, we shall look in vain for some articles that are classed among

the furniture of other people. We shall often be disappointed, for

instance, if we expect to find either paintings or prints in frame. I

seldom remember to have seen above three or four articles of this

description in all my intercourse with the Quakers. Some families had

one of these, others a second, and others a third, but none had them

all. And in many families neither the one nor the other was to be seen.

One of the prints, to which I allude, contained a representation of the

conclusion of the famous treaty between William Penn and the Indians of

America. This transaction every body knows, afforded, in all its

circumstances, a proof to the world, of the singular honour and

uprightness of those ancestors of the Quakers who were concerned in it.

The Indians too entertained an opinion no less favourable of their

character, for they handed down the memory of the event under such

[37]impressive circumstances, that their descendants have a particular

love for the character, and a particular reliance on the word, of a

Quaker at the present day. The print alluded to was therefore probably

hung up as the pleasing record of a transaction, so highly honourable to

the principles of the society; where knowledge took no advantage of

ignorance, but where she associated herself with justice, that she might

preserve the balance equal. "This is the only treaty," says a celebrated

writer, "between the Indians and the Christians, that was never ratified

by an oath, and was never broken."

[Footnote 37: The Indians denominated Penn, brother Onas, which means

in their language a pen, and respect the Quakers as his descendants.]

The second was a print of a slave-ship, published a few years ago, when

the circumstances of the slave-trade became a subject of national

inquiry. In this the oppressed Africans are represented, as stowed in

different parts according to the number transported and to the scale of

the dimensions of the vessel. This subject could not be indifferent to

those, who had exerted themselves as a body for the annihilation of this

inhuman traffic. The print, however, was not hung up by the Quakers,

either as a monument of what they had done themselves, or as a stimulus

to farther exertion on the same subject, but, I believe, from the pure

motive of exciting benevolence; of exciting the attention of those, who

should come into their houses, to the case of the injured Africans, and

of procuring sympathy in their favour.