Humphreys will deliver you. I have been so engaged that I have not been
able to go over it with any attention. I observe, in general, that the
order of the articles is entirely deranged, and their diction almost
totally changed. When you shall have examined it, if you will be so good
as to send me your observations by post, in cipher, I will communicate
with you in the same way, and try to mature this matter.
The deaths of the Dukes of Orleans and Praslin, will probably reach you
through the channel of the public papers, before this letter does. Your
friends the Abbes are well, and always speak of you with affection.
Colonel Humphreys comes to pass some time in London. My curiosity
would render a short trip thither agreeable to me also, but I see no
probability of taking it. I will trouble you with my respects to Dr.
Price. Those to Mrs. Adams, I witness in a letter to herself.
I am, with very great esteem, Dear Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXVI.--TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES, November 20, 1785
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, November 20, 1785.
Sir,
I found here, on my return from Fontainebleau, the letter of October the
30th, which your Excellency did me the honor there of informing me had
been addressed to me at this place; and I shall avail myself of the
first occasion of transmitting it to Congress, who will receive, with
great pleasure; these new assurances of the friendly sentiments, which
his Majesty is pleased to continue towards the United States.
I am equally persuaded they will pay the most serious attention to that
part of your Excellency’s letter, which mentions the information you
have received of certain acts or regulations of navigation and commerce,
passed in some of the United States, which are injurious to the
commerce of France. In the mean time, I wish to remove the unfavorable
impressions which those acts seem to have made, as if they were a
departure from the reciprocity of conduct, stipulated for by the treaty
of February the 6th, 1776. The effect of that treaty is, to place each
party with the other, always on the footing of the most favored nation.
But those who framed the acts, probably did not consider the treaty as
restraining either from discriminating between foreigners and natives.
Yet this is the sole effect of these acts. The same opinion, as to
the meaning of the treaty, seems to have been entertained by this
government, both before and since the date of these acts. For the
_Arrêt_ of the King’s Council, of August the 30th, 1784, furnished
an example of such a discrimination between foreigners and natives,
importing salted fish into his Majesty’s dominions in the West Indies;
by laying a duty on that imported, by foreigners, and giving out the
same, in bounty, to native importers. This opinion shows itself more
remarkably in the late _Arrêts_ of the 18th and 25th of September,
which, increasing to excess the duty on foreign importations of fish
into the West Indies, giving the double, in bounty, on those of
natives, and thereby rendering it impossible for the former to sell in
competition with the latter, have, in effect, prohibited the importation
of that article by the citizens of the United States.
Both nations, perhaps, may come into the opinion, that their friendship
and their interests may be better cemented, by approaching the condition
of their citizens, reciprocally, to that of natives, as a better ground
of intercourse than that of the most favored nation. I shall rest with
hopes of being authorized, in due time, to inform your Excellency that
nothing will be wanting, on our part, to evince a disposition to concur
in revising whatever regulations may, on either side, bear hard on
the commerce of the other nation. In the mean time I have the honor to
assure you of the profound respect and esteem, with which
I have the honor to be,
your Excellency’s
most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXVII.--TO LISTER ASQUITH, November 23, 1785
TO LISTER ASQUITH.
Paris, November 23, 1785.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 14th instant. It was not till the 8th
of this month, that I could obtain information from any quarter, of
the particular court in which your prosecution was instituted, and the
ground on which it was founded. I then received it through the hands of
Monsieur Desbordes, at Brest. I have sent to the Count de Vergennes
a statement of your case, of which the enclosed is a copy. I wish you
would read it over, and if there be any fact stated in it, which is
wrong, let me know it, that I may have it corrected. I at the same time
wrote him an urgent letter in your behalf. I have daily expected an
answer, which has occasioned my deferring writing to you. The moment I
receive one, you may be assured of my communicating it to you. My hopes
are, that I may obtain from the King a discharge of the persons of all
of you: but, probably, your vessel and cargo must go through a process.
I have sincerely sympathized with your misfortunes, and have taken every
step in my power to get into the right line for obtaining relief. If it
will add any comfort to your situation and that of your companions, to
be assured that I never lose sight of your sufferings, and leave nothing
undone to extricate you, you have that assurance. I am, Sir,
your very humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXVIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, November 27, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, November 27, 1785.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 5th came to hand yesterday, and Colonel Smith and
Colonel Humphreys (by whom you will receive one of the 19th from me)
being to set out to-morrow, I hasten to answer it. I sincerely rejoice
that Portugal is stepping forward in the business of treaty, and that
there is a probability that we may at length do something under our
commissions, which may produce a solid benefit to our constituents. I as
much rejoice, that it is not to be negotiated through the medium of the
torpid, uninformed machine, at first made use of. I conjecture, from
your relation of the conference with the Chevalier de Pinto, that he
is well informed and sensible. So much the better. It is one of those
cases, where the better the interests of the two parties are understood,
the broader will be the basis on which they will connect them.
To the very judicious observations on the subjects of the conference,
which were made by you, I have little to add.
Flour. It may be observed, that we can sell them the flour ready
manufactured, for much less than the wheat of which it is made. In
carrying to them wheat, we carry also the bran, which does not pay its
own freight. In attempting to save and transport wheat to them, much is
lost by the weavil, and much spoiled by heat in the hold of the vessel.
This loss must be laid on the wheat which gets safe to market, where
it is paid for by the consumer. Now, this is much more than the cost of
manufacturing it with us, which would prevent that loss. I suppose the
cost of manufacturing does not exceed seven per cent, on the value. But
the loss by the weavil, and other damage on ship-board, amount to much
more. Let them buy of us as much wheat as will make a hundred weight of
flour. They will find that they have paid more for the wheat, than we
should have asked for the flour, besides having lost the labor of their
mills in grinding it. The obliging us, therefore, to carry it to them in
the form of wheat, is a useless loss to both parties.
Iron. They will get none from us. We cannot make it in competition with
Sweden, or any other nation of Europe, where labor is so much cheaper.
Wines. The strength of the wines of Portugal will give them always an
almost exclusive possession of a country, where the summers are so
hot as in America. The present demand will be very great, if they will
enable us to pay for them; but if they consider the extent and rapid
population of the United States, they must see that the time is not
distant, when they will not be able to make enough for us, and that it
is of great importance to avail themselves of the prejudices already
established in favor of their wines, and to continue them, by
facilitating the purchase. Let them do this, and they need not care for
the decline of their use in England. They will be independent of that
country.
Salt. I do not know where the northern States supplied themselves with
salt, but the southern ones took great quantities from Portugal.
Cotton and Wool. The southern States will take manufactures, of both:
the northern, will take both the manufactures and raw materials.
East India goods of every kind. Philadelphia and New York have begun a
trade to the East Indies. Perhaps Boston may follow their example. But
their importations will be sold only to the country adjacent to them.
For a long time to come, the States south of the Delaware, will not
engage in a direct commerce with the East Indies. They neither have nor
will have ships or seamen for their other commerce: nor will they buy
East India goods of the northern States. Experience shows that the
States never bought foreign goods of one another. The reasons are, that
they would, in so doing, pay double freight and charges; and again,
that they would have to pay mostly in cash, what they could obtain for
commodities in Europe. I know that the American merchants have looked,
with some anxiety, to the arrangements to be taken with Portugual, in
expectation that they could, through her, get their East India articles
on better and more convenient terms; and I am of opinion, Portugal will
come in for a good share of this traffic with the southern States, if
they facilitate our payments.
Coffee. Can they not furnish us with this article from Brazil?
Sugar. The Brazil sugars are esteemed, with us, more than any other.
Chocolate. This article, when ready made, as also the cocoa, becomes
so soon rancid, and the difficulties of getting it fresh, have been
so great in America, that its use has spread but little. The way to
increase its consumption would be, to permit it to be brought to us
immediately from the country of its growth. By getting it good in
quality, and cheap in price, the superiority of the article, both for
health and nourishment, will soon give it the same preference over tea
and coffee in America, which it has in Spain, where they can get it by a
single voyage, and, of course, while it is sweet. The use of the sugars,
coffee, and cotton of Brazil, would also be much extended by a similar
indulgence.
Ginger and spices from the Brazils, if they had the advantage of a
direct transportation, might take place of the same articles from the
East Indies.
Ginseng. We can furnish them with enough to supply their whole demand
for the East Indies.
They should be prepared to expect, that in the beginning of this
commerce, more money will be taken by us than after a while. The reasons
are, that our heavy debt to Great Britain must be paid, before we
shall be masters of our own returns; and again, that habits of using
particular things are produced only by time and practice.
That as little time as possible may be lost in this negotiation, I will
communicate to you at once, my sentiments as to the alterations in the
draught sent them, which will probably be proposed by them, or which
ought to be proposed by us, noting only those articles.
Article 3. They will probably restrain us to their dominions in Europe.
We must expressly include the Azores, Madeiras, and Cape de Verde
Islands, some of which are deemed to be in Africa. We should also
contend for an access to their possessions in America, according to the
gradation in the 2nd article of our instructions, of May the 7th, 1784.
But if we can obtain it in no one of these forms, I am of opinion we
should give it up.
Article 4. This should be put into the form we gave it, in the draught
sent you by Dr. Franklin and myself, for Great Britain. I think we had
not reformed this article, when we sent our draught to Portugal. You
know, the Confederation renders the reformation absolutely necessary; a
circumstance which had escaped us at first.
Article 9. Add, from the British draught, the clause about wrecks.
Article 13. The passage ‘nevertheless,’ &c. to run as in the British
draught.
Article 18. After the word ‘accident,’ insert ‘or wanting supplies of
provisions or other refreshments.’ And again, instead of ‘take refuge,’
insert ‘come,’ and after ‘of the other,’ insert ‘in any part of the
world.’ The object of this is to obtain leave for our whaling vessels
to refit and refresh on the coast of the Brazils; an object of immense
importance to that class of our vessels. We must acquiesce under
such modifications as they may think necessary for regulating this
indulgence, in hopes to lessen them in time, and to get a pied a terre
in that country.
Article 19. Can we get this extended to the Brazils? It would be
precious in case of war with Spain.
Article 23. Between ‘places’ and ‘whose,’ insert ‘and in general, all
others,’ as in the British draught.
Article 24. For ‘necessaries,’ substitute ‘comforts.’
Article 25. Add ‘but if any such consuls shall exercise commerce,’ &c.
as in the British draught.
We should give to Congress as early notice as possible, of the
re-institution of this negotiation; because, in a letter by a gentleman
who sailed from Havre, the 10th instant, I communicated to them the
answer of the Portuguese minister, through the ambassador here, which
I sent to you. They may, in consequence, be making other arrangements,
which might do injury. The little time which now remains, of the
continuance of our commissions, should also be used with the Chevalier
de Pinto, to hasten the movements of his court.
But all these preparations for trade with Portugal will fail in their
effect, unless the depredations of the Algerines can be prevented. I am
far from confiding in the measures taken for this purpose. Very possibly
war must be recurred to. Portugal is at war with them. Suppose the
Chevalier de Pinto was to be sounded on the subject of an union of
force, and even a stipulation for contributing each a certain force,
to be kept in constant cruise. Such a league once begun, other nations
would drop into it, one by one. If he should seem to approve it, it
might then be suggested to Congress, who, if they should be forced to
try the measure of war, would doubtless be glad of such an ally. As the
Portuguese negotiation should be hastened, I suppose our communications
must often be trusted to the post, availing ourselves of the cover of
our cipher.
I am, with sincere esteem, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXXIX.--TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS, December 4,1785
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
Paris, December 4,1785.
Dear Sir,
I enclose you a letter from Gatteaux, observing that there will be
an anachronism, if, in making a medal to commemorate the victory of
Saratoga, he puts on General Gates the insignia of the Cincinnati, which
did not exist at that date. I wrote him, in answer, that I thought so
too, but that you had the direction of the business; that you were now
in London; that I would write to you, and probably should have an answer
within a fortnight; and that, in the mean time, he could be employed on
other parts of the die. I supposed you might not have observed on the
print of General Gates, the insignia of the Cincinnati, or did not mean
that that particular should be copied. Another reason against it strikes
me. Congress have studiously avoided giving to the public their sense of
this institution. Should medals be prepared, to be presented from them
to certain officers, and bearing on them the insignia of the order, as
the presenting them would involve an approbation of the institution, a
previous question would be forced on them, whether they would present
these medals. I am of opinion it would be very disagreeable to them to
be placed under the necessity of making this declaration. Be so good as
to let me know your wishes on this subject by the first post.
Mr. Short has been sick ever since you left us. Nothing new has occurred
here, since your departure. I imagine you have American news. If so,
pray give us some. Present me affectionately to Mr. Adams and the
ladies, and to Colonel Smith; and be assured of the esteem with which I
am, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXL.--TO JOHN ADAMS, December 10, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS,
Paris, December 10, 1785.
Dear Sir,
On the arrival of Mr. Boylston, I carried him to the Marquis de la
Fayette, who received from him communications of his object. This was to
get a remission of the duties on his cargo of oil, and he was willing to
propose a future contract. I suggested however to the Marquis, when
we were alone, that instead of wasting our efforts on individual
applications, we had better take up the subject on general ground, and
whatever could be obtained, let it be common to all. He concurred with
me. As the jealousy of office between ministers does not permit me to
apply immediately to the one in whose department this was, the Marquis’s
agency was used. The result was to put us on the footing of the
Hanseatic towns, as to whale-oil, and to reduce the duties to eleven
livres and five sols for five hundred and twenty pounds French, which is
very nearly two livres on the English hundred weight, or about a guinea
and a half the ton. But the oil must be brought in American or French
ships, and the indulgence is limited to one year. However, as to this, I
expressed to Count de Vergennes my hopes that it would be continued; and
should a doubt arise, I should propose, at the proper time, to claim
it under the treaty on the footing _gentis amicissimæ_. After all, I
believe Mr. Boylston has failed of selling to Sangrain, and from what I
learn, through a little too much hastiness of temper. Perhaps they may
yet come together, or he may sell to somebody else.
When the general matter was thus arranged, a Mr. Barrett arrived here
from Boston, with letters of recommendation from Governor Bowdoin,
Gushing, and others. His errand was to get the whale business here
put on a general bottom, instead of the particular one which had been
settled, you know, the last year, for a special company. We told him
what was done. He thinks it will answer, and proposes to settle at
L’Orient for conducting the sales of the oil and the returns. I hope,
therefore, that this matter is tolerably well fixed, as far as the
consumption of this country goes. I know not as yet to what amount that
is; but shall endeavor to find out how much they consume, and how much
they furnish themselves. I propose to Mr. Barrett, that he should induce
either his State, or individuals, to send a sufficient number of boxes
of the spermaceti candle to give one to every leading house in Paris;
I mean to those who lead the ton: and at the same time to deposite a
quantity for sale here, and advertise them in the _petites affiches_.
I have written to Mr. Carmichael to know on what footing the use and
introduction of the whale-oil is there, or can be placed.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem, Dear Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXLI.--TO JOHN ADAMS, December 11, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, December 11, 1785.
Dear Sir,
Baron Polnitz not going off till to-day enables me to add some
information which I received from Mr. Barclay this morning. You know
the immense amount of Beaumarchais’ accounts with the United States,
and that Mr. Barclay was authorized to settle them. Beaumarchais had
pertinaciously insisted on settling them with Congress. Probably he
received from them a denial: for just as Mr. Barclay was about to
set out on the journey we destined him, Beaumarchais tendered him a
settlement. It was thought best not to refuse this, and that it would
produce a very short delay. However, it becomes long, and Mr. Barclay
thinks it will occupy him all this month. The importance of the account,
and a belief that nobody can settle it so well as Mr. Barclay, who is
intimately acquainted with most of the articles, induce me to think we
must yield to this delay. Be so good as to give me your opinion on this
subject.
I have the honor to be, with very great esteem, Dear Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXLII.--TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES, December 21, 1785
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, December 21, 1785.
Sir,
I have received this moment a letter, of which I have the honor to
enclose your Excellency a copy. It is on the case of Asquith and others,
citizens of the United States, in whose behalf I had taken the liberty
of asking your interference. I understand by this letter, that they have
been condemned to lose their vessel and cargo, and to pay six thousand
livres and the costs of the prosecution before the 25th instant, or
to go to the galleys. This payment being palpably impossible to men
in their situation, and the execution of the judgment pressing, I am
obliged to trouble your Excellency again, by praying, if the government
can admit any mitigation of their sentence, it may be extended to them
in time to save their persons from its effect.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect, your Excellency’s most
obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXLIII.--TO THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA, December 22, 1785
TO THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA.
Paris, December 22, 1785.
Sir,
The death of the late General Oglethorpe, who had considerable
possessions in Georgia, has given rise, as we understand, to questions
whether these possessions have become the property of the State, or have
been transferred by his will to his widow, or descended on the nearest
heir capable in law of taking them. In the latter case, the Chevalier de
Mezieres, a subject of France, stands foremost, as being made capable
of the inheritance by the treaty between this country and the United
States. Under the regal government, it was the practice with us, when
lands passed to the crown by escheat or forfeiture, to grant them to
such relation of the party as stood on the fairest ground. This was even
a chartered right in some of the States. The practice has been continued
among them, as deeming that the late Revolution should in no instance
abridge the rights of the people. Should this have been the practice
in the State of Georgia, or should they in any instance think proper
to admit it, I am persuaded none will arise in which it will be
more expedient to do it, than in the present, and that no person’s
expectations should be fairer than those of the Chevalier de Mezieres.
He is the nephew of General Oglethorpe, he is of singular personal
merit, an officer of rank, of high connections, and patronized by
the ministers. His case has drawn their attention, and seems to be
considered as protected by the treaty of alliance, and as presenting a
trial of our regard to that. Should these lands be considered as having
passed to the State, I take the liberty of recommending him to the
legislature of Georgia, as worthy of their generosity, and as presenting
an opportunity of proving the favorable dispositions which exist
throughout America towards the subjects of this country, and an
opportunity too, which will probably be known and noted here.
In the several views, therefore, of personal merit, justice, generosity
and policy, I presume to recommend the Chevalier de Mezieres, and his
interests, to the notice and patronage of your Excellency, whom the
choice of your country has sufficiently marked as possessing the
dispositions, while it has at the same time given you the power, to
befriend just claims. The Chevalier de Mezieres will pass over to
Georgia in the ensuing spring; but should he find an opportunity, he
will probably forward this letter sooner. I have the honor to be, with
sentiments of the most profound respect,
your Excellency’s most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXLIV.--TO THE GEORGIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS, Dec. 22, 1785
TO THE GEORGIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS.
Paris, December 22, 1785.
Gentlemen,