their lives are valuable to us, because it would suppose a possibility,
that humanity was kicked out of doors in America, and interest only
attended to. The barracks occupy the top and brow of a very high hill,
(you have been untruly told they were in a bottom.) They are free from
fog, have four springs which seem to be plentiful, one within twenty
yards of the piquet, two within fifty yards, and another within two
hundred and fifty, and they propose to sink wells within the piquet. Of
four thousand people, it should be expected, according to the ordinary
calculations, that one should die every day. Yet, in the space of near
three months, there have been but four deaths among them; two infants
under three weeks old, and two others by apoplexy. The officers tell me,
the troops were never before so healthy since they were embodied.
But is an enemy so execrable, that, though in captivity, his wishes and
comforts are to be disregarded and even crossed? I think not. It is
for the benefit of mankind to mitigate the horrors of war as much
as possible. The practice, therefore, of modern nations, of treating
captive enemies with politeness and generosity, is not only delightful
in contemplation, but really interesting to all the world, friends,
foes, and neutrals. Let us apply this: the officers, after considerable
hardships, have all procured quarters comfortable and satisfactory to
them. In order to do this, they were obliged, in many instances, to
hire houses for a year certain, and at such exorbitant rents, as were
sufficient to tempt independent owners to go out of them, and shift as
they could. These houses, in most cases, were much out of repair.
They have repaired them at a considerable expense. One of the general
officers has taken a place for two years, advanced the rent for the
whole time, and been obliged, moreover, to erect additional buildings
for the accommodation of part of his family, for which there was
not room in the house rented. Independent of the brick work, for the
carpentry of these additional buildings, I know he is to pay fifteen
hundred dollars. The same gentleman, to my knowledge, has-paid to one
person, three thousand six hundred, and seventy dollars, for different
articles to fix himself commodiously. They have generally laid in their
stocks of grain and other provisions, for it is well known that officers
do not live on their rations. They have purchased cows, sheep, &c, set
in to farming, prepared their gardens, and have a prospect of comfort
and quiet before them. To turn to the soldiers: the environs of the
barracks are delightful, the ground cleared, laid off in hundreds of
gardens, each enclosed in its separate paling; these well prepared, and
exhibiting, a fine appearance. General Riedesel, alone, laid out upwards
of two hundred pounds in garden seeds, for the German troops only. Judge
what an extent of ground these seeds would cover. There is little doubt
that their own gardens will furnish them a great abundance of vegetables
through the year. Their poultry, pigeons, and other preparations of that
kind, present to the mind the idea of a company of farmers, rather than
a camp of soldiers. In addition to the barracks built for them by the
public, and now very comfortable, they have built great numbers for
themselves, in such messes as fancied each other: and the whole
corps, both officers and men, seem now, happy and satisfied with their
situation. Having thus found the art of rendering captivity itself
comfortable, and carried it into execution, at their own great expense
and labor, their spirit sustained by the prospect of gratifications
rising before their eyes, does not every sentiment of humanity revolt
against the proposition of stripping them of all this, and removing
them into new situations, where from the advanced season of the year, no
preparations can be made for carrying themselves comfortably through the
heats of summer; and when it is known that the necessary advances for
the conveniences already provided, have exhausted their funds and left
them unable to make the like exertions anew. Again; review this
matter as it may regard appearances. A body of troops, after staying
a twelvemonth at Boston, are ordered to take a march of seven hundred
miles to Virginia, where, it is said, they may be plentifully subsisted.
As soon as they are there, they are ordered on some other march,
because, in Virginia, it is said, they cannot be subsisted. Indifferent
nations will charge this either to ignorance, or to whim and caprice;
the parties interested, to cruelty. They now view the proposition in
that light, and it is said, there is a general and firm persuasion among
them, that they were marched from Boston with no other purpose than to
harass and destroy them with eternal marches. Perseverance in object,
though not by the most direct way, is often more laudable than perpetual
changes, as often as the object shifts light. A character of steadiness
in our councils is worth more than the subsistence of four thousand
people.
There could not have been a more unlucky concurrence of circumstances
than when these troops first came. The barracks were unfinished for want
of laborers, the spell of weather the worst ever known within the memory
of man, no stores of bread laid in, the roads, by the weather and number
of wagons, soon rendered impassable: not only the troops themselves were
greatly disappointed, but the people in the neighborhood were alarmed at
the consequences which a total failure of provisions might produce.
In this worst state of things, their situation was seen by many
and disseminated through the country, so as to occasion a general
dissatisfaction, which even seized the minds of reasonable men, who, if
not infected with the contagion, must have foreseen that the prospect
must brighten, and that great advantages to the people must necessarily
arise. It has, accordingly, so happened. The planters, being more
generally sellers than buyers, have felt the benefit of their presence
in the most vital part about them, their purses, and are now sensible
of its source. I have too good an opinion of their love of order, to
believe that a removal of these troops would produce any irregular
proofs of their disapprobation, but I am well assured it would be
extremely odious to them.
To conclude. The separation of these troops would be a breach of public
faith; therefore suppose it impossible. If they are removed to another
State, it is the fault of the commissaries; if they are removed to any
other part of the State, it is the fault of the commissaries; and
in both cases, the public interest and public security suffer, the
comfortable and plentiful subsistence of our own army is lessened, the
health of the troops neglected, their wishes crossed, and their comforts
torn from them, the character of whim and caprice, or, what is worse,
of cruelty, fixed on us as a nation, and, to crown the whole, our own
people disgusted with such a proceeding.
I have thus taken the liberty of representing to you the facts and the
reasons, which seem to militate against the separation or removal of
these troops. I am sensible, however, that the same subject may appear
to different persons in very different lights. What I have urged as
reasons, may, to sounder minds, be apparent fallacies. I hope they will
appear, at least, so plausible, as to excuse the interposition of
your Excellency’s
most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER VI.--TO JOHN PAGE, January 22, 1779
TO JOHN PAGE.
Williamsburg,
January 22, 1779.
Dear Page,
I received your letter by Mr. Jamieson. It had given me much pain, that
the zeal of our respective friends should ever have placed you and me
in the situation of competitors. I was comforted, however, with the
reflection, that it was their competition, not ours, and that
the difference of the numbers which decided between us, was too
insignificant to give you a pain, or me a pleasure, had our dispositions
towards each other been such as to admit those sensations. I know you
too well to need an apology for any thing you do, and hope you will for
ever be assured of this; and as to the constructions of the world, they
would only have added one to the many sins for which they are to go to
the devil. As this is the first, I hope it will be the last, instance
of ceremony between us. A desire to see my family, which is in Charles
City, carries me thither to-morrow, and I shall not return till Monday.
Be pleased to present my compliments to Mrs. Page, and add this to the
assurances I have ever given you, that I am, dear Page,
your affectionate friend,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER VII.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, June 23, 1779
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Williamsburg,
June 23, 1779.
Sir,
I have the pleasure to enclose you the particulars of Colonel Clarke’s
success against St. Vincennes, as stated in his letter but lately
received; the messenger, with his first letter, having been killed. I
fear it will be impossible for Colonel Clarke to be so strengthened,
as to enable him to do what he desires. Indeed, the express who brought
this letter, gives us reason to fear, St. Vincennes is in danger from
a large body of Indians, collected to attack it, and said, when he
came from Kaskaskias, to be within thirty leagues of the place. I also
enclose you a letter from Colonel Shelby, stating the effect of his
success against the seceding Cherokees and Chuccamogga. The damage done
them, was killing half a dozen, burning eleven towns, twenty thousand
bushels of corn, collected probably to forward the expeditions which
were to have been planned at the council which was to meet Governor
Hamilton at the mouth of Tennessee, and taking as many goods as sold for
twenty-five thousand pounds. I hope these two blows coming together,
and the depriving them of their head, will, in some measure, effect the
quiet of our frontiers this summer. We have intelligence, also, that
Colonel Bowman, from Kentucky, is in the midst of the Shawnee country,
with three hundred men, and hope to hear a good account of him. The
enclosed order being in its nature important, and generally interesting,
I think it proper to transmit it to you, with the reasons supporting
it.* It will add much to our satisfaction, to know it meets your
approbation.
I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of private respect and
public gratitude,
Sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. The distance of our northern and western counties from the scene
of southern service, and the necessity of strengthening our western
quarter, have induced the Council to direct the new levies from the
counties of Yohogania, Ohio, Monongalia, Frederick, Hampshire, Berkeley,
Rockingham, and Greenbrier, amounting to somewhat less than three
hundred men, to enter into the ninth regiment at Pittsburg. The aid they
may give there, will be so immediate and important, and what they could
do to the southward, would be so late, as, I hope, will apologize for
their interference. T. J.
* For the letter of Colonel Clarke, and the order referred
to, see Appendix A.
LETTER VIII.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, July 17, 1779
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON
Williamsburg,
July 17, 1779.
Sir,
I some time ago enclosed to you a printed copy of an order of Council,
by which Governor Hamilton was to be confined in irons, in close jail,
which has occasioned a letter from General Phillips, of which the
enclosed is a copy. The General seems to think that a prisoner on
capitulation cannot be put in close confinement, though his capitulation
should not have provided against it. My idea was, that all persons taken
in war, were to be deemed prisoners of war. That those who surrender on
capitulation (or convention) are prisoners of war also, subject to the
same treatment with those who surrender at discretion, except only so
far as the terms of their capitulation or convention shall have guarded
them. In the capitulation of Governor Hamilton (a copy of which I
enclose), no stipulation is made as to the treatment of himself, or
those taken with him. The Governor, indeed, when he signs, adds a
flourish of reasons inducing him to capitulate, one of which is the
generosity of his enemy. Generosity, on a large and comprehensive scale,
seems to dictate the making a signal example of this gentleman;
but waving that, these are only the private motives inducing him to
surrender, and do not enter into the contract of Colonel Clarke. I have
the highest idea of those contracts which take place between nation
and nation, at war, and would be the last on earth to do any thing in
violation of them. I can find nothing in those books usually recurred
to as testimonials of the laws and usages of nature and nations, which
convicts the opinions I have above expressed of error. Yet there may
be such an usage as General Phillips seems to suppose, though not taken
notice of by these writers. I am obliged to trouble your Excellency on
this occasion, by asking of you information on this point. There is no
other person, whose decision will so authoritatively decide this doubt
in the public mind, and none with which I am disposed so implicitly
to comply. If you shall be of opinion that the bare existence of a
capitulation, in the case of Governor Hamilton, privileges him
from confinement, though there be no article to that effect in the
capitulation, justice shall most assuredly be done him. The importance
of this point, in a public view, and my own anxiety under a charge of
violation of national faith by the Executive of this Commonwealth, will,
I hope, apologize for my adding this to the many troubles with which I
know you to be burdened. I have the honor to be, with the most profound
respect, your Excellency’s most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. I have just received a letter from Colonel Bland, containing
information of numerous desertions from the Convention troops, not less
than four hundred in the last fortnight. He thinks he has reason to
believe it is with the connivance of some of their officers. Some
of these have been retaken, all of them going northwardly. They had
provided themselves with forged passports, and with certificates of
having taken the oath of fidelity to the State; some of them forged,
others really given by weak magistrates. I give this information to
your Excellency, as perhaps it may be in your power to have such of them
intercepted as shall be passing through Pennsylvania and Jersey.
Your letter enclosing the opinion of the board of war in the case of
Allison and Lee, has come safe to hand, after a long passage. It shall
be answered by next post. T. J.
LETTER IX.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, October 1, 1779
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Williamsburg,
October 1, 1779.
Sir,
On receipt of your letter of August 6th, during my absence, the Council
had the irons taken off the prisoners of war. When your advice was
asked, we meant it should decide with us; and upon my return to
Williamsburg, the matter was taken up and the enclosed advice given.
[See Appendix, note B.] A parole was formed, of which the enclosed is
a copy, and tendered to the prisoners. They objected to that part of it
which restrained them from _saying_ any thing to the prejudice of
the United States, and insisted on ‘freedom of speech.’ They were, in
consequence, remanded to their confinement in the jail, which must be
considered as a voluntary one, until they can determine with themselves
to be inoffensive in word as well as deed. A flag sails hence to-morrow
to New York, to negotiate the exchange of some prisoners. By her I have
written to General Phillips on this subject, and enclosed to him copies
of the within; intending it as an answer to a letter I received from him
on the subject of Governor Hamilton.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER X.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, October 2, 1779
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Williamsburg,
October 2, 1779.
Sir,
Just as the letter accompanying this was going off, Colonel Mathews
arrived on parole from New York, by the way of headquarters, bringing
your Excellency’s letter on this subject, with that of the British
commissary of prisoners. The subject is of great importance, and I must,
therefore, reserve myself to answer after further consideration. Were
I to speak from present impressions, I should say it was happy for
Governor Hamilton that a final determination of his fate was formed
before this new information. As the enemy have released Captain Willing
from his irons, the Executive of this State will be induced perhaps not
to alter their former opinion. But it is impossible they can be serious
in attempting to bully us in this manner. We have too many of their
subjects in our power, and too much iron to clothe them with, and, I
will add, too much resolution to avail ourselves of both, to fear their
pretended retaliation. However, I will do myself the honor of forwarding
to your Excellency the ultimate result of Council on this subject.
In consequence of the information in the letter from the British
commissary of prisoners, that no officers of the Virginia line should
be exchanged till Governor Hamilton’s affair should be settled, we have
stopped our flag, which was just hoisting anchor with a load of privates
for New York. I must, therefore, ask the favor of your Excellency to
forward the enclosed by flag, when an opportunity offers, as I suppose
General Phillips will be in New York before it reaches you.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest esteem,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XI.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, Oct. 8, 1779
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
In Council, Oct. 8, 1779.
Sir,
In mine of the second of the present month, written in the instant of
Colonel Mathews’ delivery of your letter, I informed you what had been
done on the subject of Governor Hamilton and his companions previous to
that moment. I now enclose you an advice of Council, [See Appendix, note
C.] in consequence of the letter you were pleased to enclose me, from
the British commissary of prisoners, with one from Lord Rawdon; also
a copy of my letter to Colonel Mathews, enclosing, also, the papers
therein named. The advice of Council to allow the enlargement of
prisoners, on their giving a proper parole, has not been recalled, nor
will be, I suppose, unless something on the part of the enemy should
render it necessary. I rather expect, however, that they will see it
their interest to discontinue this kind of conduct. I am afraid I shall
hereafter, perhaps be obliged to give your Excellency some trouble in
aiding me to obtain information of the future usage of our prisoners. I
shall give immediate orders for having in readiness every engine which
the enemy have contrived for the destruction of our unhappy citizens,
captivated by them. The presentiment of these operations is shocking
beyond expression. I pray Heaven to avert them: but nothing in this
world will do it, but a proper conduct in the enemy. In every event, I
shall resign myself to the hard necessity under which I shall act.
I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem,
your Excellency’s
most obedient and
most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XII.--TO COLONEL MATHEWS, October, 1779
TO COLONEL MATHEWS.
In Council, October, 1779.
Sir,
The proceedings respecting Governor Hamilton and his companions,
previous to your arrival here, you are acquainted with. For your more
precise information, I enclose you the advice of Council, of June the
16th, of that of August the 28th, another of September the 19th, on the
parole tendered them the 1st instant, and Governor Hamilton’s letter of
the same day, stating his objections, in which he persevered: from that
time his confinement has become a voluntary one. You delivered us
your letters the next day, when, the post being just setting out, much
business prevented the Council from taking them into consideration. They
have this day attended to them, and found their resolution expressed in
the enclosed advice bearing date this day. It gives us great pain
that any of our countrymen should be cut off from the society of their
friends and tenderest connections, while it seems as if it was in
our power, to administer relief. But we trust to their good sense for
discerning, and their spirit for bearing up against the fallacy of this
appearance. Governor Hamilton and his companions were imprisoned and
ironed, 1st. In retaliation for cruel treatment of our captive citizens
by the enemy in general. 2nd. For the barbarous species of warfare which
himself and his savage allies carried on in our western frontier. 3d.
For particular acts of barbarity, of which he himself was personally
guilty, to some of our citizens in his power. Any one of these charges
was sufficient to justify the measures we took. Of the truth of the
first, yourselves are witnesses. Your situation, indeed, seems to have
been better since you were sent to New York; but reflect on what you
suffered before that, and knew others of our countrymen to suffer, and
what you know is now suffered by that more unhappy part of them, who
are still confined on board the prison-ships of the enemy. Proofs of the
second charge, we have under Hamilton’s own hand: and of the third,
as sacred assurances as human testimony is capable of giving. Humane
conduct on our part, was found to produce no effect; the contrary,
therefore, was to be tried. If it produces a proper lenity to our
citizens in captivity, it will have the effect we meant; if it does not,
we shall return a severity as terrible as universal. If the causes of
our rigor against Hamilton were founded in truth, that rigor was just,
and would not give right to the enemy to commence any new hostilities
on their part: and all such new severities are to be considered, not as
retaliation, but as original and unprovoked. If those causes were,
not founded in truth, they should have denied them. If, declining the
tribunal of truth and reason, they choose to pervert this into a contest
of cruelty and destruction, we will contend with them in that line, and
measure out misery to those in our power, in that multiplied proportion
which the advantage of superior numbers enables us to do. We shall think
it our particular duty, after the information we gather from the papers
which have been laid before us, to pay very constant attention to your
situation, and that of your fellow prisoners. We hope that the prudence
of the enemy will be your protection from injury; and we are assured
that your regard for the honor of your country would not permit you
to wish we should suffer ourselves to be bullied into an acquiescence,
under every insult and cruelty they may choose to practise, and a
fear to retaliate, lest you should be made to experience additional
sufferings. Their officers and soldiers in our hands are pledges
for your safety: we are determined to use them as such. Iron will be
retaliated by iron, but a great multiplication on distinguished objects;
prison-ships by prison-ships, and like for like in general. I do
not mean by this to cover any officer who has acted, or shall act,
improperly. They say Captain Willing was guilty of great cruelties at
the Natchez; if so, they do right in punishing him. I would use any
powers I have, for the punishment of any officer of our own, who should
be guilty of excesses unjustifiable under the usages of civilized
nations. However, I do not find myself obliged to believe the charge
against Captain Willing to be true, on the affirmation of the British
commissary, because, in the next breath, he affirms no cruelties have as
yet been inflicted on him. Captain Willing has been in irons.
I beg you to be assured, there is nothing consistent with the honor of
your country, which we shall not, at all times, be ready to do for the
relief of yourself and companions in captivity. We know, that ardent
spirit and hatred for tyranny, which brought you into your present
situation, will enable you to bear up against it with the firmness,
which has distinguished you as a soldier, and to look forward with
pleasure to the day, when events shall take place, against which
the wounded spirits of your enemies will find no comfort, even from
reflections on the most refined of the cruelties with which they have
glutted themselves.
I am, with great respect,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XIII.--TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, November 28, 1779
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Willlamsburg, November 28, 1779.
Sir,