CHAPTER III

SIRENS OF THE SANDS

Zorah-ben-Abdallah was a perilously pretty girl, judged by any

standard that you please. She was unveiled—a strange thing for an

Eastern woman—and the clearness of her _café-au-lait_ complexion was

emphasised by carmine lips and by blue-black hair, bewilderingly

becoiffed and bewitchingly bejewelled; her eyes Scherazade would have

envied. She was leaning from the window of a second-class compartment

in the ramshackle train which plies between Constantine and Biskra

and was quite openly admiring the very tight light-blue tunic and the

very loose scarlet riding-breeches of my companion, a young officer of

_chasseurs d'Afrique_ who was rejoining his regiment at El-Kantara.

“She's a handsome girl,” said I.

“Not for an Ouled-Naïl,” said he, adjusting his monocle and staring at

her critically, very much as though he were appraising a horse. “An

Ouled-Naïl's face is her fortune, you know, and in the Ziban, where

they come from, she wouldn't get a second look.”

“She would get several second looks on Broadway,” said I, taking

another one myself. “I once travelled twelve thousand miles to see

some women not half as pretty.”

That is why I went to the Ziban, that strange and almost unknown

zone of oasis-dotted steppes in southernmost Algeria. Hemmed in

between the Atlas Mountains and the Great Sahara, it forms the real

Algerian hinterland, a region vastly different in people, manners,

and customs from either the desert or the littoral. Here, in this

fertile borderland, where the red tarbooshes and baggy trousers of

the French outposts are the sole signs of civilisation, is the home

of the Ouled-Naïls, that curious race, neither Arab, Berber, nor

Moor, the beauty of whose dusky, daring daughters is a staple topic

of conversation in every harem and native coffee-house between the

Pyramids and the Pillars of Hercules.

Rather than that you should be scandalised later on, it would be

well for you to understand in the beginning that the women of the

Ouled-Naïl are, so far as morality is concerned, as easy as an old

shoe. It comes as something of a shock, after seeing these petite and

pretty and indescribably picturesque women on their native heath, or

rather on their native sands, to learn that from earliest childhood

they are trained for a life of indifferent virtue very much as a

horse is trained for the show-ring. But it is one of those conditions

of African life which must be accepted by the traveller, just as he

accepts as a matter of course the heat and the insects and the dirt.

Breaking home ties almost before they have entered their teens, they

make their way to Biskra, to Constantine, and to Algiers, yes, and to

Tripoli on the east and to Tangier on the west, dancing in the native

coffee-houses or in the harems of the rich and not infrequently

earning considerable sums thereby. The Ouled-Naïl promptly converts

all of her earnings that she can spare into gold, linking these gold

pieces together into a sort of breastplate, not at all unlike that

jingling, glittering affair which Mary Garden wears in her portrayal

of _Salome_. When this golden garment becomes long enough to reach

from her slender, supple neck to her still more supple waist, the

Ouled-Naïl retires from business, returns to the tents of her people

in the edge of the Great Sands, hides her pretty face behind the veil

common to all respectable Moslem women, and, setting her daintily

slippered feet on the straight and narrow path of virtue, leads a

strictly moral life ever after.

[Illustration: Ouled-Naïl dancing-girls. “Petite, piquant, and

indescribably picturesque.”]

[Illustration: Women of the “Great Tents.” The wife and daughter of a

nomad sheikh of the Algerian Sahara.

SOME SIRENS OF THE SANDS.]

The peculiar dances of the Ouled-Naïls demand many years of arduous

and constant practice. A girl is scarcely out of her cradle before,

under the tutelage of her mother, who has herself been a _danseuse_

in her time, she begins the inconceivably severe course of gymnastics

and muscle training which is the foundation of their strange and

suggestive dances. From infancy until, scarcely in her teens, she

bids farewell to the tent life of the desert and sets out to make her

fortune in the cities along the African littoral, she is as carefully

groomed and trained as a colt entered at the county fair. Morning,

noon, and night, day after day, year after year, the muscles of her

chest, her back, her hips, and her abdomen are developed and trained

and suppled until they will respond to her wishes as readily as

her slender, henna-stained fingers. Her lustrous, blue-black hair

is brushed and combed and oiled and brushed again; she is taught to

play the hautboy, the zither, and the flute and to sing the weird and

plaintive songs the Arab loves; to make the thick, black native coffee

and with inimitable dexterity to roll a cigarette. By the time she

is thirteen she is ready to make her début in the dance-hall of some

Algerian town, whence, after three or four or possibly five years of

a life of indifferent virtue, she returns, a-clank with gold pieces,

to the tented village from which she came, to marry some sheikh or

camel-dealer and to bear him children, who, if they are boys, will

don the white turban and scarlet burnoose of the Spahis and serve in

the armies of France, or, if they are girls, will live the life of

their mother all over again. It will be seen, therefore, that the

profession is an hereditary one, which _all_ the women of the tribe

pursue without incurring, so far as I could learn, a hint of scandal

or a trace of shame. It is a queer business, and one to which no other

country, so far as I am aware, offers a parallel, for whereas the

geishas of Japan, the nautches of India, and the odalisques of Turkey

are but classes, the Ouled-Naïls are a race, as distinct in features,

language, and customs as the Bedouin, the Nubian, or the Jew.

That the men of the Ouled-Naïl (which, by the way, is pronounced as

though the last syllable were spelled “Nile”) look upon the lives

led by their sisters, daughters, and sweethearts with much the same

toleration and approval that an up-State farmer shows for the

village maid who goes to the city to earn a living as a waitress, a

stenographer, or a shop-girl, is proved by a little incident which

Mr. S. H. Leeder, the English author-traveller, tells of having once

witnessed on the station-platform at Biskra. A tall young tribesman

of the Ouled-Naïl, the son of a sheikh of some importance, was

leaving Biskra, to which town he had been paying a short visit with

his mother. He was taking back with him one of his countrywomen, a

dancing-girl named Kadra, who had been a resident in the Rue Sainte,

as Biskra's Tenderloin is known, for two or three years, and was

quite celebrated for her beauty, with the intention of marrying her.

Here was this girl, after such an amazing episode in her career,

quietly dressed, veiled to the eyes, and carefully chaperoned by the

prospective bridegroom's mother, returning to assume a position of

rank and consideration among her own people, while several of her late

companions, tears of sorrow at the parting pouring down their unveiled

and painted faces, clung to and caressed her with every sign of

childlike affection. And such marriages, I have been assured by French

officials, are not the exception but the rule in the Ziban. Never was

the truth brought home to me more sharply that “East is East, and

West is West, and never the twain shall meet” than in the land of the

Ouled-Naïls, where, unlike our own, it is never too late to mend; not

even for a woman.

Barring the two who appeared in the production of “The Garden of

Allah,” the only genuine Ouled-Naïls ever seen in the United States

were those who, owing to the enterprise of some far-seeing showman,

were responsible for introducing that orgy of suggestiveness known

as the _danse du ventre_ to the American public at the Chicago

World's Fair of 1893, a dance which, thanks to numerous but unskilled

imitators, French, Egyptian, and Syrian, spread from ocean to ocean

under the vulgar but descriptive nickname of “the houchee-kouchee.” As

a matter of fact, the _danse du ventre_, as seen in the questionable

resorts of our own country, has about as much in common with the real

dance of the desert people, as performed on a silken carpet spread

before the tent of some nomad sheikh, as the so-called “Spanish

fandango” of the vaudeville stage has with the inimitably beautiful

and difficult dances to be seen at Señor Otero's dancing-academy in

Seville. The dance of the Ouled-Naïls is the very essence of Oriental

depravity. It is the dance of the pasha's harem; it is the dance of

those native cafés which the European tourists are always so eager

to visit; it is the dance which every little girl of the tribe is

taught—long years before she knows its meaning.

Depraved though they are, the Ouled-Naïls never depart in their dress

from that which would be considered perfectly proper and respectable

even by Mr. Anthony Comstock. The painters of every country seem

to have taken a peculiar delight in depicting Arab dancing-girls

as conspicuously shy of clothing, but, picturesqueness aside, the

décolleté gown of an American woman would embarrass and shock these

daughters of the sands as much as it would all Moslems, for though

they may be somewhat lacking in morals they are never lacking in

clothes. The women of the Ouled-Naïl are considerably below the medium

height and, owing to the peculiar fashion in which their gaudy-hued

tarlatan skirts are bunched out around the waist and are shortened

to display their trim ankles and massive silver anklets, they appear

even smaller than they really are. Their hands and feet are small

and wonderfully perfect—if one is able to overlook the nails stained

crimson with henna; arched eyebrows meet over eyes as big and lustrous

and melting as those of a gazelle; while their wonderful blue-black

hair, plaited into ropes and heavily bejewelled—whether the “jewels”

are genuine or not is no great matter—is brought down over the ears in

the fashion which made Cléo de Mérode famous.

But the really distinguishing feature of the Ouled-Naïl's costume is

her jewelry. She has so much of it, in fact, that there is no gold to

be had in Algeria. Ask for napoleons instead of paper money at your

bank in Algiers and you will meet with a prompt

“Impossible, m'sieur.”

“But why is it impossible?” you ask.

“Because we have no gold, m'sieur,” is the polite response.

“Where is it, then?” you inquire, scenting a robbery or an anticipated

run on the bank.

“On the Ouled-Naïls, m'sieur,” the cashier courteously replies.

And he speaks the literal truth. Every centime that a dancing-girl

can beg, borrow, or earn goes toward the purchase of massive

silver jewelry, anklets, bracelets, and the like, and these in turn

are exchanged for gold pieces—whether French napoleons, English

sovereigns, or Turkish liras she is not at all particular—which,

linked together in that golden armour of which I have already spoken,

envelops her lithe young body from neck to hips. When her portable

wealth has attained to such dimensions it is usually the sign for the

Ouled-Naïl to retire from business, going to her desert husband with

her dowry about her neck.

When it is remembered that the native quarters of these towns in the

edge of the Sahara are frequented by savage desert tribesmen who

know little and care less about civilisation and the law, is it to

be wondered at that time and time again these unprotected girls are

done to death in the little rooms up the steep, dark stairs for the

sake of the gold which they display so lavishly as part of their

allurements? During my stay in one of these Algerian towns an Arab,

stealthily coming up behind an Ouled-Naïl as she was returning one

night from the dance-hall through the narrow, deserted streets, drove

a knife between her shoulders and, snatching the little fortune which

hung about her neck, fled with it into the desert. But the arm of

the French law is very long, reaching even across the sand wastes

of the Great Sahara, and months later, when he thought all search

for him had been abandoned, the fugitive felt its grasp as he sat,

cross-legged, in the distant bazaars of Wadai. After that came the

trial and the guillotine, for in Algeria, as in the other lands which

they have conquered, the French have taught the natives by such grim

object-lessons that punishment follows swift on the heels of crime.

Now, if that same crime had been committed fifty miles to the

eastward, across the Tunisian frontier, the murderer would, in all

likelihood, have gotten off with thirteen months in jail—that is, if

he was caught at all. For, though the regency of Tunisia is French in

pretty much everything but name, it has been deemed wise to maintain

the fiction of Tunisian independence by permitting the Bey a good

deal of latitude so far as the punishment of his own subjects is

concerned, his ideas of justice (_la justice du Bey_ it is called,

in contra-distinction to _la justice française_, which is a very

different sort of justice indeed) usually working out in a fashion

truly Oriental. In Tunisia all death sentences must be confirmed by

the Bey in person, the condemned man being brought before him as he

sits on his gilt-and-velvet throne in the great white palace of the

Bardo. In the presence of the sovereign the murderer is suddenly

brought face to face with the members of his victim's family, for such

things are always done dramatically in the East. The Bey then inquires

of the family if they insist on the execution of the murderer, or if

they are willing to accept the blood-money, as it is called, a sum

equivalent to one hundred and forty dollars, which in theory is paid

by the murderer to the relatives of his victims as a sort of indemnity

if he is allowed to escape with his life. If, however, he does not

possess so large a sum, as is frequently the case, the Bey makes it

up out of his private purse. Nine times out of ten, if the victim was

a woman, the blood-money is promptly accepted—and praise be to Allah

for getting it!—for in Africa women are plenty but gold is scarce. In

case the blood-money is accepted the murderer's sentence is commuted

to imprisonment for twelve months and twenty-seven days, though just

why the odd twenty-seven I have never been able to learn. But it

may have been that it was an only son, or a husband, or a chieftain

of importance who was murdered, and in such cases the relatives

invariably demand the extreme penalty of the law.

“Do you insist on his blood?” inquires the Bey, a portly and

easy-going Oriental who has a marked aversion to taking life, even in

the case of murderers.

“We do, your Highness,” replies the spokesman of the family, salaaming

until his tarboosh-tassel sweeps the floor.

“Be it so,” says the Bey, shrugging his shoulders. “I call upon

you to bear witness that I am innocent of his death. May Allah the

Compassionate have mercy upon him! Turn him toward the gate of the

Bardo,” which last is the local euphemism for “Take him out and hang

him.” Five minutes later the wretch is adorning a gallows which has

been set up in the palace gardens.

Due north from the land of the Ouled-Naïls, and hemmed in by the

snow-capped peaks of the Atlas, is the Grand Kabylia, a wild, strange

region, peopled by many but known to few. Whence the Kabyles came

nobody knows, though their fair complexions, red hair, and blue eyes

lead the ethnologists to suppose that they are a branch of that

equally white and equally mysterious Berber race who occupy the

Moroccan ranges of the Atlas. Thirteen hundred years ago they came to

North Africa from out of the East, bringing with them a civilisation

and a culture and institutions distinctively their own. Retreating

into their mountain fastnesses before that Arab invasion which spread

the faith of the Prophet over all North Africa, they have dwelt there

ever since, the French, who conquered them in the middle of the

last century only after heavy losses, having wisely refrained from

interference in their tribal laws or customs, which remain, therefore,

almost unmodified.

Though the Kabyles, of all the Moslem races, treat their women

with the greatest respect, neither imprisoning them in harems nor

hiding them beneath veils and swaddling-clothes, they share with the

mountaineers of the Caucasus the somewhat dubious distinction of

selling their daughters to the highest bidder. Between the Circassians

and the Kabyles there is, however, a distinction with a difference,

for, whereas the former sell their daughters in cold blood and take

not the slightest interest in what becomes of them thereafter, the

Kabyle parent expects, even if he does not always insist, that the man

who purchases his daughter shall marry her. A fine, upstanding Kabyle

maiden of fifteen or thereabouts, with the lines of a thoroughbred,

the profile of a cameo, and a skin the colour of a bronze statue, will

fetch her parents anywhere from eighty to three hundred dollars, at

least so I was told at Tizi-Ouzou, the _chef-lieu_ of the district,

and the man who told me assured me very earnestly that, the crops

having been bad, a girl could be bought very cheaply, and begged me to

think it over.

Though the Mauresques of Algeria, the Jewesses of Tunisia, and the

fair-skinned beauties of Circassia combine a voluptuous figure with an

altogether exceptional beauty of complexion and features, the women of

Kabylia, with their flashing teeth, their sparkling eyes, their full

red lips, their lithe, slender bodies, and their haughty, insolent

manners, suggest a civilisation older and more sensuous, and entirely

alien to our own. The humblest peasant girl, grinding the family flour

between the upper and the nether stones in the doorway of a mud hovel,

possesses so marked a distinction of feature and figure and bearing

that it is not difficult to believe that Cleopatra or Helen of Troy

might well have come from this same race.

The approach of a Kabyle woman is heralded in two ways: first, by a

strong-scented perfume, which, like the celebrated _parfum du Bey_ of

Tunis, is composed of the blended scents of a score or more different

kinds of blossoms, the odour changing from carnation to rose, to

heliotrope, to violet, and so on every few minutes (no, I didn't

believe it either, until I tried it); and, secondly, by the clink

and jingle of the bracelets, anklets, necklaces, and bijoux of gold,

silver, turquoise, and coral with which they are loaded down, and

which sound, when they move, like an approaching four-in-hand. Good

specimens of this Kabyle jewelry are becoming increasingly difficult

to obtain, by the way, and bring high prices in the shops of Tunis and

Algiers, being eagerly sought after by collectors.

Personally, I am quite unable to picture an admirer making love to one

of these insolent-eyed beauties, for they are headstrong and hot of

temper, and if the gentleman happened to say the wrong thing he would

very probably find the _yataghan_, which every Kabyle maiden carries,

planted neatly between his shoulders. They seem to be fond of cold

steel, do these Kabyles, for at the conclusion of a wedding ceremony

the bridegroom, walking backward, holds before him an unsheathed

dagger and the bride, following him, keeps the point of it between her

teeth. Another wedding custom of Kabylia, no less strange, consists of

the partial martyrdom of the bride, who, clad in her marriage finery,

stands for an entire morning with her back to a stone pillar in the

village square, her eyes closed, her arms close at her sides, and her

only foothold the column's narrow base, the cynosure of hundreds of

curious eyes. Despite the stern stuff of which the Kabyle women are

made, it is small wonder that the bride usually faints before this

peculiarly harrowing ordeal is over.

As far removed from these half-savage women of Ouled-Naïl and of

Kabylia as a Philadelphia Quakeress is from a Cheyenne squaw are those

poor prisoner women of whose pale, half-hidden faces the visitor to

the North African coast towns sometimes gets a glimpse at the barred

window of a harem, or meets at nightfall hastening home from their

sole diversion, the weekly excursion to the cemetery. You can see

them for yourself any Friday afternoon if you will loiter without the

whitewashed gateway to the cemetery of Bou-Kabrin, on the hill above

Algiers, for they believe that on that day—the Moslem Sabbath—the

spirits of the dead re-visit the earth, and hence their weekly

pilgrimage to the cemetery to keep them company. When the sun begins

to sink behind the Atlas these white-veiled pyramids of femininity

reluctantly begin to make their way back through the narrow, winding

lanes of the native city, disappearing one by one through doors which

will not open for them until another Friday has rolled around. Picture

such a life, my friends: six days a week encloistered behind jealously

guarded doors and on the seventh taking an outing _in the cemetery_!

That many of these Mauresque women of the coast towns are very

beautiful—just as many others are exceedingly ugly—there is but little

doubt, though they are so sheeted, shrouded, veiled, and draped from

prying masculine eyes that a man may know of their beauty only by

hearsay. I imagine that the dress of the Mauresque woman was specially

designed to baffle masculine curiosity, for if Aphrodite herself were

enveloped in a white linen sheet from head to waist, and in enormous

and ridiculous pantaloons from waist to ankle, she could go where she

pleased without being troubled by admirers. Not only is a Mauresque

woman never permitted to see a man—or rather, the man is not permitted

to see her, for despite all precautions she sometimes manages to

catch glimpses of people through the lattices of her harem windows—but

she may not receive a visit from her father or brother without her

husband's permission. When she is ill enough to require the services

of a physician—and she has to be very ill indeed before one is

summoned—incredibly elaborate are the preparations. All the women

of her household are ranged about the bed, while her servants hide

her under the bedclothes almost to the point of suffocation. If her

pulse has to be felt a servant covers her hand and arm so carefully

that only an inch or so of her wrist is visible. If she has hurt her

shoulder, or back, or leg, a hole is made in the bedclothes so that

the doctor may just be able to see the injured place, and nothing

more. Should he have the hardihood to insist on looking at her tongue,

the precautions are still more elaborate, the attendants covering the

patient's face with their hands and just leaving room between their

fingers so that her tongue may be stuck out. I know a French physician

in Tunis who told me that he was once called to attend the favourite

wife of a wealthy Arab merchant, and that while he was conducting the

examination the lady's husband stood behind him with the muzzle of a

revolver pressed into the small of his back.

[Illustration: JEWISH WOMEN IN THE CEMETERY OF TUNIS.

“They believe that the spirits of the dead revisit the earth, and

hence the weekly pilgrimage to the cemetery to keep them company.”]

Always over the head of the Arab woman hangs the shadow of divorce.

Nowhere in the world does the law so facilitate the separation of man

and wife. If a man grows weary of his wife's looks, of her temper,

or of her dress; if he wishes to replace her with another; or if

he is tired of married life and does not wish a wife at all, he has

but scant difficulty in getting rid of her, for in North Africa a

divorce can be had in fifteen minutes at a total cost of a dollar

and twenty cents. In theory, either husband or wife may divorce the

other by a simple formality, without assigning any reason whatever.

As a matter of fact, however, actual divorce by the man is rare, the

Moslem husband usually preferring to get rid of his wife by a process

called repudiation, which bears with great injustice and cruelty on

the woman. If he tires of her for any reason, or merely wishes to

replace her, he drives her away with the words “Woman, get thee hence;

take thy goods and go.” In this case, although the husband is free

to remarry, the woman is not and can only obtain a legal release by

returning to the man the money which he paid for her. The woman may

apply to the courts for divorce without her husband's consent only

if she is able to prove that he ill-treats or beats her _without

sufficient reason_, if he refuses her food, clothes, or lodging, or if

she discovers a previous wooing on her husband's part, all previous

betrothals, or even offers of marriage, whether the other lady refused

or accepted him, being considered ground for divorce.

The next time you happen to be in Tunis don't fail to pay a visit to

the divorce court. It is the most Haroun-al-Raschidic institution

this side of Samarkand. A great hall of justice, vaulted and floored

with marble and strewn with Eastern carpets, forms the setting, while

husbands in turbans and lawyers in tarbooshes, white-veiled women and

green-robed, gray-bearded judges complete a scene which might have

been taken straight from the _Arabian Nights_. The women, closely

veiled and hooded, and herded like so many cattle within an iron

grill, take no part in the proceedings which so intimately affect

their futures, their interests being left in the hands of a voluble

and gesticulative _avocat_. On either side of the hall is a series of

alcoves, and in each alcove, seated cross-legged on a many-cushioned

divan, is a gold-turbaned and green-robed _cadi_. To him the

husband states his case, the wife putting in her defence—if she has

any—through her lawyer and rarely appearing in person. The judge

considers the facts in silence, gravely stroking his long, gray beard,

and then delivers his decision—in nine cases out of ten, so I was

told, in favour of the husband. Should either party be dissatisfied,

he or she can take an appeal by the simple process of walking across

the room and laying the case before one of the judges sitting on the

other side, whose decision is final. A case, even if appealed, is

generally disposed of in less than an hour and at a total cost of six

francs, which goes to show that the record for quick-and-easy divorces

is not held by Reno.

It is characteristic of the Moslem view-point that infidelity on

the part of the husband is no cause for divorce whatsoever, while

infidelity on the part of the wife, owing to the strict surveillance

under which Moslem women are kept and the prison-like houses in

which they are confined, occurs so rarely as to be scarcely worth

mentioning. Should a Moslem woman so far succeed in evading the

vigilance of her jailers as to enter into a liaison with a man,

instead of a divorce trial there would be two funerals. To put his

wife and her paramour out of the way without detection is a matter of

no great difficulty for an Arab husband, for if any one disappears

in a Mohammedan country the harem system renders a search extremely

difficult, if not, indeed, wholly out of the question. In fact, it

has happened very frequently, especially in such populous centres as

Tangier, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and Cairo, that a man has enticed

his rival into his house, either keeping him a prisoner for life or

slowly killing him by torture. Though the French authorities are

perfectly well aware of such occurrences, neither they in Algeria

and Tunisia nor the English in Egypt feel themselves strongly enough

intrenched to risk the outburst of fanaticism which would inevitably

ensue should they violate the privacy of a harem.

I am perfectly aware of the fact that it has become the fashion among

those travellers who confine their investigations of African life to

the lanes about Mustapha Supérieur, to the _souks_ of Tunis, and to

the alleys back of the Mousky, to pooh-pooh the idea that slavery

still exists in North Africa. As a matter of fact, however—though

this the European officials will, for reasons of policy, stoutly

deny—slavery not only exists _sub rosa_ in Algeria and Tunisia and in

Egypt, but slave markets are still openly maintained in the inland

towns of Morocco and Tripolitania, the French and Italian occupations

notwithstanding. When a wealthy Moslem wants slaves nowadays he does

not send traders to Circassia or raiders to Uganda, but he applies to

one of the well-known dealers in Tetuan, or Tripoli, or Trebizond,

a marriage contract is drawn up, and all the ceremonies of legal

wedlock are gone through by proxy. By resorting to these fictitious

marriages and similar subterfuges, the owner of a harem may procure

as many slaves, white, brown, or black, as he wishes, and once they

are within the walls of his house, no one can possibly interfere to

release them, for, the police being under no conditions permitted to

violate the privacy of a harem, there is obviously no safeguard for

the liberty, or even the lives, of its inmates. As a result of this

system, a constant stream of female slaves—fair-haired beauties from

Georgia and Circassia, brown-skinned Arab girls from the borders of

the Sahara, and negresses from Equatoria—trickles into the North

African coast towns by various roundabout channels, and, though the

European officials are perfectly well aware of this condition of

things, they are powerless to end it. The women thus obtained, though

nominally wives, are in reality slaves, for they are bought for money,

they are not consulted about their sale, they cannot go away if they

are discontented, and their very lives are at the disposal of their

masters. If that is not slavery, I don't know what is.

In those cases where the European authorities have ventured to meddle

with native customs, particularly those concerning a husband's

treatment of his wife, the interference frequently has had curious

results. A wealthy Arab from the interior of Oran, starting on a

journey to the capital of that province, bade the wife whom he

adored an affectionate good-bye. Returning several days before he

was expected, he seized the smiling woman, who rushed to greet him,

tied her hands, and dragging her into the street gave her a furious

beating in the presence of the astounded neighbours. No, she had not

been unfaithful to him, he said, between the blows, nor had she been

unkind. He not only was not tired of her, so he assured the onlookers,

but she was a veritable jewel of a wife. Finally, when his arm grew

tired and he stopped to take breath, he explained that, passing

through a street in Oran, he had seen a crowd following a man who was

being dragged along by two gendarmes. Upon inquiry he learned that he

was being taken to prison for having beaten his wife. Therefore he

had ridden home at top speed, without even waiting to complete his

business, so that he might prove to himself, to his wife, and to his

neighbours that he, at least, was still master in his own house and

could beat his wife when he chose.

And here is another incident which illustrates the fashion in which

the French administrators in Algeria deal with those ticklish

questions which involve Arab domestic relations. A farmer and his wife

were travelling through the interior; he was on a donkey and she, of

course, on foot. Along came an Arab sheikh on horseback and offered

the woman a lift. She accepted, and presently, growing confidential,

admitted that she was unhappily married and detested her husband. Her

companion proposing an elopement, she readily agreed. Accordingly,

when they came to a by-road, this Lochinvar of the desert put spurs

to his horse and galloped off with the lady across his saddle-bow,

paying no heed to the shouts and protestations of the husband toiling

along in the dust behind. Though he succeeded in tracing the runaway

couple to the sheikh's village, the husband quickly found that plans

had been made against his coming, for the villagers asserted to a man

that they had known the eloping pair for years as man and wife and

that the real husband was nothing but an impudent impostor. Unable to

regain his wife, he then appealed to the French authorities of the

district, who were at first at somewhat of a loss how to act in the

circumstances, for the Europeans in North Africa are always sitting on

top of a powder barrel and a hasty or ill-considered action may result

in blowing them higher than Gilderoy's kite. Finally, an inspiration

came to the _juge d'instruction_ before whom the matter had been

brought. Placing the dogs of the real husband in one room, and those

of the pretended husband in another, he confronted the woman with them

both. Now, Arab dogs are notoriously faithful to the members of their

own households and equally unfriendly toward all strangers, so that

though her own dogs fawned upon her and attempted to lick her hand,

those of the sheikh snarled at sight of her and showed every sign of

distrust. The judge promptly ordered her to be returned to her lawful

husband—who, I fancy, punished her in true Arab fashion—and had the

village placarded with a notice in Arabic which read: “The testimony

of one dog is more to be believed than that of a townful of Arabs.”

To appreciate how much more effective than any amount of fines or

imprisonment this notice proved, one must remember that the deadliest

insult an Arab can give another is to call him a dog.

Perhaps it is because they live so far from the contaminating

influence of civilisation, or what stands for civilisation in North

Africa, that the lives of those women who dwell beneath the black

camel's-hair tents of the Sahara are far freer and happier than those

led by their urban cousins. Which reminds me of a little procession

that I once met while riding through southern Algeria. It consisted of

an Arab, his wife, and a donkey. The man strode in front, his rifle

over his shoulder. Then came the donkey, bearing nothing heavier than

its harness. In the rear trudged the wife, carrying the plough. Though

the Arab women may, and probably do, till the fields yoked beside

a camel, a donkey, or an ox, their faces are unveiled and they are

permitted free intercourse with the men of their tribe. Even among

the nomad desert folk, however, women are regarded with indifference

and contempt, the Arabs saying of a boy “It is a benediction,” but

of a girl “It is a malediction.” With the Arabs a woman is primarily

regarded as a servant, and long before a daughter of the “Great

Tents” has entered her teens she has been taught how to cut and fit a

burnoose, to sew a tent cover, and to make a _couscous_, that peculiar

dish of half-ground barley, raisins, honey, hard-boiled eggs, and

mangled fowl, stewed with a gravy in a sealed vessel, of which the

Arabs are so fond. By the time she is ten her parents have probably

received and accepted an offer for her hand—and praise Allah for

ridding them of her!—and by the time she is twelve she is married

and a mother. When a match has been decided upon—and it is by no

means an uncommon thing for an unborn child to become conditionally

engaged—several days of haggling as to the price which is to be paid

for her ensue, the bridegroom eventually getting her at a cost of

several camels, cattle, or goats, her value being based upon her

looks and the position of her parents. On the day of the wedding the

bride—on whose unveiled face, remember, the bridegroom has never laid

eyes—concealed within a swaying camel-litter which looks for all the

world like a young balloon, preceded by a band and accompanied by

all her relatives, is taken with much ceremony to her new home. When

the long-drawn-out marriage feast is over, the hideous racket of the

flutes and tom-toms ceases and the wedding guests depart. Alone in

her tent, the bride awaits her husband, who will see her face for the

first time. Seating himself by her side, her husband makes her take

off, one by one, her necklaces, her rings, and her anklets, so that,

unadorned, she may be estimated at her true worth. If, thus stripped

of her finery, she is not up to his expectations, the man may even at

this late hour declare the marriage off and send the girl back to her

parents. Should he be satisfied with his latest acquisition—for it

is more than likely that he already has three or four other wives—he

produces a club, which he places on the floor beside her, a custom

whose significance requires no explanation. An Arab husband does

not confine himself to a stick in regulating his domestic affairs,

however, for only a few months ago the French authorities of Oran

divested a desert sheikh of the burnoose of authority because, in a

fit of jealous rage, he had cut off his wife's nose.

[Illustration: AN ARAB BRIDE GOING TO HER HUSBAND.

“Followed by rejoicing relatives, the bride is taken to her husband's

home in a swaying camel litter which looks like a young balloon.”

_Photograph by Em. Frechon, Biskra._]

The last frontier · 第 3 / 11 章