CHAPTER I

Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this

file which includes the original illustrations and map.

See 55553-h.htm or 55553-h.zip:

(https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/55553/pg55553-images.html)

or

(https://www.gutenberg.org/files/55553/55553-h.zip)

Images of the original pages are available through

Internet Archive. See

https://archive.org/details/lastfrontierwhi00powe

Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

THE LAST FRONTIER

* * * * * *

_BY E. ALEXANDER POWELL_

THE LAST FRONTIER

GENTLEMEN ROVERS

THE END OF THE TRAIL

FIGHTING IN FLANDERS

THE ROAD TO GLORY

VIVE LA FRANCE!

ITALY AT WAR

_CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS_

* * * * * *

[Illustration: A SANDSTORM PASSING OVER KHARTOUM.

“It approached at the speed of a galloping horse—a great fleecy,

yellowish-brown cloud which looked for all the world like the smoke of

some gigantic conflagration.”]

THE LAST FRONTIER

The White Man's War for Civilisation in Africa

by

E. ALEXANDER POWELL, F.R.G.S.

Late of the American Consular Service in Egypt

With Sixteen Full-Page Illustrations and Map

New York

Charles Scribner's Sons

1919

Copyright, 1912, by

Charles Scribner's Sons

[Illustration: Publisher's Logo]

To

MY CHEERFUL, UNCOMPLAINING

AND COURAGEOUS COMRADE ON THE

LONG AFRICAN TRAIL

MY WIFE

FOREWORD

The unknown lands are almost all discovered. The work of the explorer

and the pioneer is nearly finished, and ere long their stern and hardy

figures will have passed from the world's stage, never to return. In

the Argentine, in Mexico, and in Alaska store clothes and stiff hats

are replacing corduroys and sombreros; the pack-mule is giving way to

the motor-car. The earth has but one more great prize with which to

lure the avaricious and the adventurous: Africa—mysterious, opulent,

alluring—beckons and calls.

The conditions which exist in Africa to-day closely parallel those

which were to be found, within the memory of many of us, beyond the

Mississippi. In North Africa the French are pushing their railways

across the desert in the face of Arab opposition, just as we pushed

our railways across the desert in the face of Indian opposition forty

years ago. As an El Dorado the Transvaal has taken the place held by

Australia, and California, and the Yukon, in their turn. The grazing

lands of Morocco and the grain lands of Rhodesia will prove formidable

rivals to those of our own West in a much-nearer future than most

of us suppose. French and British well-drillers are giving modern

versions of the miracle of Moses in the Sahara and the Sudan and

converting worthless deserts into rich domains thereby.

The story of the conquest of a continent by these men with levels and

transits, drills and dynamite, ploughs and spades, forms a chronicle

of courage, daring, resource, and tenacity unsurpassed in history.

They are no idlers, these pioneers of the desert, the jungle, and the

veldt; they live with danger and hardship for their daily mates; they

die with their boots on from snake-bite or sleeping-sickness or Somali

spear; and remember, please, they are making new markets and new

playgrounds for you and me. Morocco, Algeria, Tripolitania, Equatoria,

Rhodesia, the Sahara, the Sudan, the Congo, the Rand, and the Zambezi

... with your permission I will take you to them all, and you shall

see, as though with your own eyes, those strange and far-off places

which mark the line of the Last Frontier, where the white-helmeted

pioneers are fighting the battles and solving the problems of

civilisation.

E. ALEXANDER POWELL.

AN ACKNOWLEDGMENT

For assistance in the preparation of this book I am grateful to many

people. To the editors of _Collier's_, _The Outlook_, _The Review

of Reviews_, _The Independent_, _The Metropolitan_, _Travel_, and

_Scribner's_ my thanks are due for their permission to use such

portions of this volume as originally appeared in their magazines in

the form of articles. I also desire to acknowledge my indebtedness

to the Right Hon. James Bryce, O.M., for permission to avail myself

of certain data contained in his admirable work on South Africa; to

Charles K. Field, Esq., editor of _The Sunset Magazine_, for the title

and introductory lines to Chapter V; to the Hon. F. C. Penfield,

former American Diplomatic Agent in Egypt, from whose clear and

comprehensive “Present-Day Egypt” I have drawn portions of my account

of the complex administration of the Nile country; to J. Scott Keltie,

LL.D., F.R.G.S., author of “The Partition of Africa” and editor of

“The Statesman's Year-Book,” for much valuable information obtained

from those volumes; and to Miss Isabel Savory, A. Sylva White, Esq.,

S. H. Leeder, Esq., C. W. Furlong, Esq., and Francis Miltoun, Esq.,

for suggestions derived from their writings on African subjects. To

the American diplomatic and consular officials in Africa, and to

missionaries of many creeds and denominations, I am indebted for

innumerable kindnesses and much valuable information. At consulate

and mission station alike, from Cape Bon to Table Bay, I found the

latch-string always out and an extra chair at the table. I likewise

take this opportunity of expressing my appreciation of the courtesies

shown me by H. H. Abbas Hilmi II, Khedive of Egypt; H. R. H. Prince

George of Greece, former High Commissioner in Crete; H. H. Ali bin

Hamoud bin Mohammed, ex-Sultan of Zanzibar; H. E. the French Minister

of the Colonies; H. E. the Belgian Minister of the Colonies; Sir

Thomas Cullinan of the Premier Diamond Mine, Pretoria; and to the

officers of the Imperial German East Africa Railways; the Beira,

Mashonaland and Rhodesian Railways; and the British South Africa

Company.

E. A. P.

CONTENTS

PAGE

FOREWORD vii

AN ACKNOWLEDGMENT ix

CHAPTER

I. THE THIRD EMPIRE 1

II. THE PASSING OF THE PEACOCK'S TAIL 27

III. SIRENS OF THE SANDS 56

IV. THE ITALIAN “WHITE MAN'S BURDEN” 80

V. THE LAND OF BEFORE-AND-AFTER 108

VI. IN ZANZIBAR 143

VII. THE SPIKED HELMET IN AFRICA 165

VIII. “ALL ABOARD FOR CAPE TOWN!” 190

IX. THE LAST STAND OF THE PIONEER 205

X. THE COUNTRY OF BIG THINGS 223

XI. THE FORGOTTEN ISLES 248

INDEX 287

ILLUSTRATIONS

A Sandstorm Passing Over Khartoum _Frontispiece_

“Through Dim Bazaars where Turbaned Shopkeepers Squat

Patiently in their Doorways” 17

The Troglodyte Town of Medenine, Southern Tunisia 26

Some Sirens of the Sands 58

Jewish Women in the Cemetery of Tunis 70

An Arab Bride Going to Her Husband 79

Sunrise on the Great Sands 87

Work and Play in Black Man's Africa 110

The Saviour of the Sudan and Some of Those he Saved 118

Strange People from Innermost Africa 129

The Gateway to East Africa 146

Arab Women of Zanzibar 156

The Hand of the War Lord in German Africa 187

Railroading Through a Jungle 188

More Work for the Pioneer 219

The Prison Place of a Great Emperor 268

Map of Africa, Showing Railways and Spheres

of Influence _At end of volume_

THE LAST FRONTIER

CHAPTER I

THE THIRD EMPIRE

We have witnessed one of the most remarkable episodes in the history

of the world. In less than a generation we have seen the French

dream of an African empire stretching without interruption from the

Mediterranean to the Congo literally fulfilled. French imperialism did

not end, as the historians would have you believe, on that September

day in 1870 when the third Napoleon lost his liberty and his throne

at Sedan. The echoes of the Commune had scarcely died away before the

French empire-builders were again at work, in Africa, in Asia, in

Oceanica, founding on every seaboard of the world a new and greater

France. In the two-score years that have elapsed since France's _année

terrible_ her neglected and scattered colonies have been expanded into

a third empire—an empire oversea. She has had her revenge for the loss

of Alsace-Lorraine by forestalling Teutonic colonial ambition in every

quarter of the globe: in China, in Australasia, in Equatoria, and in

Morocco the advance of the German _vorlopers_ has been halted by the

harsh “_Qui vive?_” of the French videttes.

Though thirty centuries have elapsed since Phœnicia first began to

nibble at the continent, it was not until 1884 that the mad rush began

which ended in Africa's being apportioned among themselves by half a

dozen European nations with as little scruple as a gang of boys would

divide a stolen pie. This stealing of a continent, lock, stock, and

barrel, is one of the most astounding performances in history. France

emerged from the scramble with a larger slice of territory than any

other power, a territory which she has so steadily and systematically

expanded and consolidated that to-day her sphere of influence extends

over _forty-five per cent of the land area and twenty-four per cent of

the population of Africa_.

So silently, swiftly, and unobtrusively have the French

empire-builders worked that even those of us who pride ourselves

on keeping abreast of the march of civilisation are fairly amazed

when we trace on the map the distances to which they have pushed

the Republic's African frontiers. Did you happen to know that the

fugitive from justice who turns the nose of his camel southward from

Algiers must ride as far as from Milwaukee to the City of Mexico

before he can pass beyond the shadow of the tricolour and the arm of

the French law? Were you aware that if you start from the easternmost

boundary of the French Sudan you will have to cover a distance equal

to that from Buffalo to San Francisco before you can hear the Atlantic

rollers booming against the break-water at Dakar? It is, indeed, not

the slightest exaggeration to say that French influence is to-day

predominant over all that expanse of the Dark Continent lying west of

the Nile basin and north of the Congo—a territory one and a half times

the size of the United States—thus forming the only continuous empire

in Africa, with ports on every seaboard of the continent.

With the exception of the negro republic of Liberia (on whose

frontiers, by the way, France is steadily and systematically

encroaching), the little patches of British and Spanish possessions

on the West Coast, and the German colonies of Kamerun and Togoland,

France has unostentatiously brought under her control that enormous

tract of African soil which stretches from the banks of the Congo to

the shores of the Mediterranean, and from the Atlantic seaboard to the

Valley of the Nile. Algeria has been French for three-quarters of a

century, being regarded, indeed, as a part of France and not a colony

at all. Though the Bey of Tunis still holds perfunctory audiences in

his Palace of the Bardo, it is from the French Residency that the

protectorate is really ruled. Though Tripolitania has passed under

Italian dominion, it is French and not Italian influence which is

recognised by the unsubjugated tribesmen of the hinterland. And now,

after years of intrigue and machinations, which twice have brought her

to the brink of war, France, by one of the most remarkable diplomatic

victories of our time, has won the last of the world's great

territorial prizes and has set the capstone on her colonial edifice by

adding the empire of Morocco—under the guise of a protectorate—to her

oversea domain.

On the West Coast the tricolour floats over the colonies of Senegal,

French Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Upper Senegal-Niger, and

Mauritania (the last named a newly organised colony formed from

portions of the Moroccan hinterland), the combined area of these

possessions alone being about equal to that of European Russia.

From the Congo northward to the confines of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan

stretches the great colony of French Equatorial Africa—formerly known

as the French Congo—the acquirement of which by Savorgnan de Brazza,

counterchecked the ambitious plans of Stanley and his patron, King

Leopold, thus forming one of the most dramatic incidents in the

scramble for Africa. Though potentially the most valuable of the

French West African possessions, being enormously rich in both jungle

and mineral products, notably rubber, ivory, and copper, France has

taken surprisingly little interest in this colony's development, and,

as a result, it has been permitted to fall into a state of almost

pitiful neglect. There are two causes for the backwardness of French

Equatorial Africa: first, its atrocious climate, the whole territory

being a breeding-ground for small-pox, blood diseases, tropical

fevers in their most virulent forms, and, worst of all, the terrible

sleeping-sickness; second, the almost total lack of easy means of

communication, the back door through the Belgian Congo being the only

direct means of access to the greater part of the colony, which was

virtually cut in half by the broad area lying between the southern

boundary of Kamerun and the equator and extending eastward from the

coast to the Ubangi River, which France ceded to Germany in 1911 as

a _quid pro quo_ for being permitted a free hand in Morocco, and

which has been renamed “New Kamerun.” Though the economic development

of this region must prove, under any circumstances, a difficult,

dangerous, and discouraging task, it can be accomplished if the

government will divert its attention from its projects in North Africa

long enough to make Libreville a decent port, to provide adequate

steamer services on the great rivers that intersect the colony, and to

link up those rivers with each other and with the coast by a system of

railways.

Lying on the northern frontier of French Equatorial Africa, and

separating it from the Sahara, is the great Central African state of

Kanem, with its organised native government, its important commerce,

and its considerably developed civilisation, which was completely

subjugated by France in 1903, Wadai, its powerful neighbour to the

east, accepting a French protectorate in the same year. In the centre

of this ring of colonies lie the million and a half square miles of

the French Sahara, which the experiments of the French engineers have

proved to be as capable of irrigation and cultivation as the one-time

deserts of our own Southwest. Off the other side of the continent

is the great colony of Madagascar, the second largest island in the

world, in itself considerably larger than the mother country; while

the French Somali Coast forms the sole gateway to Abyssinia and

divides with the British colony of Aden the control of the southern

entrance to the Red Sea. Everything considered, history can show few

parallels to this marvellous colonial expansion, begun while France

was still suffering from the effects of the disastrous Prussian War,

and quietly carried on under the very eyes of greedy and jealous

neighbours.

The territorial ambitions of most countries have been blazoned to

the world by many wars. It took England two disastrous campaigns to

win South Africa and two more to conquer the Sudan; Russia learned

the same lesson in Manchuria at even a more terrible cost; while

Italy's insecure foothold on the Red Sea shore was purchased by the

annihilation of an army. Where other nations have won their colonial

possessions by arms, France has won hers by adroitness. Always her

policy has been one of pacific penetration. Trace the history of her

African expansion and you will find no Majuba Hill, no Omdurman, no

Adowa, no Modder River. Time and time again the accomplishments of her

small and unheralded expeditions have proved that more territory can

be won by beads and brass wire than by rifles and machine-guns.

Not long ago I asked the governor-general of Algeria what he

considered the most important factors in the remarkable spread

of French influence and civilisation in North Africa, and he

answered, “Public schools, the American phonograph, and the American

sewing-machine.” The most casual traveller cannot but be impressed by

the thoroughness with which France has gone into the schoolmaster

business in her African dominions. She believes that the best way to

civilise native races is by training their minds, and she does not

leave so important a work to the missionaries, either. In Algiers

there is a government university with nearly two thousand students

and a faculty of one hundred professors, while in more than eighteen

hundred secondary, primary, and infant schools the youth of Algeria,

irrespective of whether they believe in Christ, in Abraham, or in

Mohammed, are being taught how to become decent and patriotic citizens

of France. In Tunisia alone there are something over fifteen hundred

educational institutions; all down the fever-stricken West Coast,

under the palm-thatched roofs of Madagascar and the crackling tin ones

of Equatoria, millions of dusky youngsters are being taught by Gallic

schoolmasters that _p-a-t-r-i-e_ spells “France,” and the meaning

of “_Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité_.” To these patient, plodding,

persevering men, whether they wear the white linen of the civil

service or the sombre cassocks of the religious orders, I lift my hat

in respect and admiration, for they are the real pioneers of progress.

If I had my way, the scarlet ribbon of the Legion would be in the

button-hole of every one of them. We too may claim a share in this

work of civilisation, for I have seen a band of savage Arab raiders,

their fierce hawk-faces lighted up by the dung-fed camp-fire, held

spellbound by the strains of a Yankee phonograph; and I have seen the

garments of a tribal chieftain of Central Africa being fashioned on an

American sewing-machine.

“When the English occupy a country,” runs a saying which they have

in Africa, “the first thing they build is a custom-house; the first

thing the Germans build is a barracks; but the first thing the French

build is a railway.” Nothing, indeed, is more significant of the

civilising work done by the French in these almost unknown lands than

the means of communication, there being in operation to-day in French

Africa six thousand miles of railway, twenty-five thousand miles of

telegraph, and ten thousand miles of telephone. Think of being able to

buy a return ticket from Paris to Timbuktu; of telegraphing Christmas

greetings to your family in Tarrytown or Back Bay or Bryn Mawr from

the shores of Lake Tchad; or of sitting in the American consulate

at Tamatave and chatting with a friend in Antanarivo, three hundred

miles away. Why, only the other day the Sultan of Morocco, at Fez,

sent birthday congratulations to the President of France, at Paris, by

wireless.

To-day one can travel on an admirably ballasted road-bed, in an

electric-lighted sleeping-car, with hot and cold running water in your

compartment, and with a dining-car ahead, along that entire stretch

of the Barbary Coast lying between the Moroccan and Tripolitanian

frontiers, which, within the memory of our fathers, was the most

notorious pirate stronghold in the world. A strategic line has

been built six hundred miles southward from the coast city of Oran

to Colomb-Bechar, in the Sahara, with Timbuktu as its eventual

destination, and, now that the long-standing Moroccan controversy

has been settled for good and all, another railway is already being

pushed forward from Ujda, on the Algerian-Moroccan border, and in

another year or two the shriek of the locomotive will be heard under

the walls of Fez the Forbidden. From Constantine, in Algeria, another

line of rails is crawling southward via Biskra into the Sahara, with

Lake Tchad as its objective, thus opening up to European commerce the

great protected states of Kanem and Wadai. From Dakar, on the coast

of Senegal, a combined rail and river service is in operation to the

Great Bend of the Niger, so that one can now go to the mysterious

city of Timbuktu by train and river steamer, in considerable comfort

and under the protection of the French flag all the way. In Dahomey,

within the memory of all of us a notorious cannibal kingdom, a railway

is under construction to Nikki, four hundred miles into the steaming

jungle; from Konakry, the capital of French Guinea, a line has just

been opened to Kourassa, three hundred and fifty miles from anywhere;

while even the fever-stricken, voodoo-worshipping Ivory Coast boasts

two hundred miles or so of well-built line with its rail-head already

half-way from the coast to Jimini. From Tamatave, the chief seaport

of Madagascar, you can go by rail to the capital, Antanarivo, three

hundred miles up into the mountains, and, if you wish to continue

across the island, government motor-cars will run you down, over roads

that would make the Glidden tourists envious, to Majunga, on the other

side. From Djibouti, the capital of the French Somali Coast, another

railway has been pushed as far up-country as Diré-Dawah, in Menelik's

dominions (fare sixty dollars for the round trip of two hundred and

fifty miles), thus diverting the lucrative trade of Abyssinia from the

British Sudan to the French marts in Somaliland.

France has more good harbours on the coasts of Africa than all the

other nations put together. Algiers, with one of the finest roadsteads

in the world, is now the most important coaling-station in the

Mediterranean and a port of call for nearly all of the lines plying

between America and the Near East; by the construction of a great

ship-canal the French engineers have made Tunis directly accessible

to ocean-going vessels, thus restoring the maritime importance of

Carthage to her successor; with Tangier under French control, a naval

base will doubtless eventually be constructed there which will rival

Toulon and will divide with Gibraltar the control of the entrance

to the Mediterranean. With its entire western portion dominated by

the great French ports of Villefranche, Toulon, Ajaccio, Marseilles,

Oran, Algiers, and Bizerta, the Mediterranean is well on the road to

becoming, as Napoleon once prophesied, a French lake.

But, though good harbours are taken rather as a matter of course

in the Mediterranean, one hardly expects to find them on the

reef-bordered West Coast, which is pounded by a ceaseless and

merciless surf. At all of the British, German, Spanish, and Portuguese

ports in West Africa, save one, you are lowered from the steamer's

heaving deck into a dancing surf-boat by means of a contrivance

called the “mammy chair,” and are taken ashore by a score of ebony

giants who ply their trident-shaped paddles madly in their desperate

efforts to prevent your being capsized. Alternately scorched by the

sun and soaked by the waves, you are landed, about three times out

of four, on a beach as hot as though of molten brass. The fourth

time, however, your Kroo boys are not quite quick enough to escape

the crest of one of those mighty combers—and you can thank your lucky

stars if you get ashore at all. This is the method by which every

passenger and every bale of merchandise is landed on the West Coast

and it is very dangerous and unpleasant and costly. But when you come

to the French port of Dakar, instead of being dangled between sea and

sky in a bo's'n's chair and dropped sprawling into the bottom of a

pitching surf-boat, and being paddled frantically ashore by a crew of

perspiring negroes, you lounge in a cane chair on an awning-covered

deck while your vessel steams grandly in, straight alongside a

concrete wharf which would do credit to the Hudson River, and a steam

crane dips down into the hold and lifts the cargo out, a dozen tons

at a time, and loads it on a waiting train to be transported into the

heart of Africa, and as you lean over the rail, marvelling at the

modernity and efficiency which characterise everything in sight, you

wonder if you are really in the Dark Continent, or if you are back in

America again.

But if the French harbours are amazingly good, the French vessels

which drop anchor in them are, for the most part, amazingly bad.

The _Messageries Maritimes_, a highly subsidised line which has a

virtual monopoly of the French colonial passenger trade, and which

is notorious for its we-don't-care-whether-you-like-it-or-not

attitude, has the worst vessels that I know, bar none, and charges

the most exorbitant fares. If you wish to visit the Somali Coast, or

Madagascar, or Réunion, you will have to take this line, because there

is no other, but elsewhere along the coasts of Africa you will do well

to follow my advice and travel under the British or the German flag.

The struggle of the French colonial army to maintain law and order

along the vast reaches of France's African frontiers forms one of

the most thrilling and romantic chapters in the history of colonial

expansion. Theirs has been a work of tact, rather than of force, for,

where England, Germany, Italy, and Belgium have used the iron hand in

dealing with the natives, France, more farsighted, has seen the wisdom

of hiding it within the velvet glove. Always she has conciliated the

Moslem. She has safeguarded the privacy of his mosques and harems; she

has encouraged by government subsidies his schools and universities;

instead of desecrating the tombs of his holy men, she has whitewashed

them; the burnooses of the great tribal and religious chieftains

are brilliant with French decorations; the native _mollahs_ and

_cadis_ are utilised as local magistrates in all except the gravest

cases or those involving a European. To attempt to govern a country

without those, or against those, to whom it belonged, is a blunder

of which France has never been guilty. It has been the consistent

policy of other European nations, on the contrary, neither to trust

the natives nor to treat them with any degree of consideration.

Hence the ominous unrest in India; hence the ever louder murmur of

“Egypt for the Egyptians”! hence the refusal of the natives of German

East Africa to work on German-owned plantations and their wholesale

emigration from that colony; hence the fact that no Italian official

in Eritrea or Benadir dares venture outside the town walls unarmed and

unescorted, nor will in Tripolitania for many years to come. I have

been assured repeatedly by North African sheikhs that, should France

become involved in a European war, her native soldiery would volunteer

almost to a man. That England is far from certain how her Egyptian and

Sudanese troops would behave in such a contingency is best proved by

the formidable British garrisons which she deems it wise to maintain

in the land of the Valley of the Nile.

I am but reflecting the opinions of many highly placed and intimately

informed European officials in North Africa when I assert that

Germany's repeated interference with the French programme in Morocco

was due as much to military as to political reasons, the Germans using

this means to hinder the expansion of that mysterious _force noire_

which has long been a bugaboo to the War Office authorities in Berlin.

Whether this was the true reason or not for Germany's attitude in the

Moroccan business, no one knows better than the German general staff

that, in the event of war, the Republic would be able to advance a

great black army to the banks of the Rhine in thirty days—and that she

would not be deterred by the scruples which prevented her utilising

her African soldiery in 1870. It has been repeatedly urged, indeed,

that the numerical inferiority of the annual French conscription, as

compared with that of Germany, be made up for by drafting a corps of

black troops drawn from French West Africa into the continental army.

France has already recruited very close to twenty thousand native

troops—which is the strength of an army corps—in her West African

possessions alone, and as any scheme for drafting it into Algeria,

so as to enable the French troops stationed there to be available

elsewhere, would instantly arouse the Arab population to revolt, it is

highly probable that this African army corps would, in case of war, be

employed on the European continent. Though France's African army does

not at present number much over fifty thousand men—all well drilled,

highly disciplined, and modernly armed—the French drill-sergeants in

Africa are not idle and have limitless resources to draw from. The

population of the negro states under French protection runs into many

millions, and would easily yield twenty per cent of fighting men,

while the acquisition of Morocco has added the Berbers, that strange,

warlike, Caucasian race, to the Republic's fighting line. Nothing

pleases the African as an occupation more than soldiering, his native

physique, courage, and endurance making him, with amazingly little

training, a first-class fighting man. It is no great wonder, then,

that Germany looks askance at the formidable army which her rival is

building up so quietly but so steadily on the other side of the Middle

Sea.

No small part in the winning of North Africa has been played by the

Foreign Legion—how the name smacks of romance!—that picturesque

company of adventurers, soldiers of fortune, and ne'er-do-weels,

ten thousand strong, most of whom serve under the French flag in

preference to serving in their own prisons. In this notorious corps

the French Government enlists without question any physically fit man

who applies. It asks no questions and expects to be told any number

of lies. It trains them until they are as hard as nails and as tough

as rawhide; it works them as a negro teamster works a Kentucky mule;

it pays them wages which would cause a strike among Chinese coolies;

and, when the necessity arises, it sends them into action with the

assurance that there will be no French widows to be pensioned. So

unenviable is the reputation of the Legionnaires that even the

Algerian desert towns balk at their being stationed in the vicinity,

for nothing from hen-roost to harem is safe from their depredations;

so they are utilised on the most remote frontiers in time of peace and

invariably form the advance guard in time of war. It is commonly said

that when the Legion goes into action its officers take the precaution

of marching in the rear, so as not to be shot in the back, but that

is probably a libel which the regiment does not deserve. Wherever

the musketry is crackling along France's colonial frontiers, there

this Legion of the Damned is to be found, those who wear its uniform

being, for the most part, bearers of notorious or illustrious names

who have chosen to fight under an alien flag because they are either

afraid or ashamed to show themselves under their own.

Several times each year it is customary for the commandants of the

French posts along the edge of the Sahara to organise _fantasias_ in

honour of the Arab sheikhs of the region, who come in to attend them,

followed by great retinues of burnoosed, turbaned, and splendidly

mounted retainers, with the same enthusiasm with which an American

countryside turns out to see the circus. At one of these affairs,

held in southern Algeria, I could not but contrast the marked

attentions paid by the French officials to the native chieftains with

the cavalier and frequently insolent attitude invariably assumed by

British officials toward Egyptians of all ranks, not even excepting

the Khedive. Were a French official to affront one of the great Arab

sheikhs as Lord Kitchener did the Khedive, when he exacted an apology

from his Highness for presuming to criticise the discipline of the

Sudanese troops, he would be fortunate indeed if he escaped summary

dismissal.

At the _fantasia_ in question luxuriously furnished tents had been

erected for the comfort of the native guests; a champagne luncheon

provided the excuse for innumerable protestations of friendship; a

series of races with money prizes was arranged for the visitors'

horses; and, before leaving, the sheikhs were presented with ornate

saddles, gold-mounted rifles, and, in the cases of the more

important chieftains, with crosses of the Legion of Honour. In return

for this they willingly agreed to capture and surrender certain

fugitives from justice who had fled into the desert; to warn the

more lawless of their tribesmen that the plundering of caravans must

cease; to furnish specified quotas of recruits for the native cavalry;

and to send in for sale to the Remount Department a large number of

desert-bred horses. And, which is the most important of all, they go

back to their tented homes in the desert immensely impressed with the

power, the wealth, and the generosity of France.

[Illustration: “THROUGH DIM BAZAARS WHERE TURBANED SHOPKEEPERS SQUAT

PATIENTLY IN THEIR DOORWAYS.”

Here, in the native quarters of the remote towns of the Algerian

hinterland, the disciples of Pan-Islam find eager listeners to their

creed of Africa for the Africans.

_Photograph by Em. Frechon, Biskra._]

Not content with these periodic manifestations of friendship, the

French Government makes it a point occasionally to invite the native

rulers of the lands under its control to visit France as the guests

of the nation. Escorted by French officers who can talk with them in

their own tongue, these colonial visitors in their outlandish costumes

are shown the delights of Montmartre by night, they are dined by the

President of the Republic at the Élysée, they are given the freedom

of Paris at the Hôtel de Ville, and they finally return to their own

lands the friends and allies of France for the rest of their lives.

“It doesn't cost the government much,” an official of the French

Colonial Office once remarked to me, _à propos_ of a visit then being

paid to Paris by the King of Cambodia, “and it tickles the niggers.”

Straggling down here and there into the desert from some of the

North African coast towns go the trade routes of the caravans, and

it is the protection of these trade routes, traversing, as they do,

a territory half again as large as that of the United States, that

is entrusted to the twelve hundred _méharistes_ composing France's

Saharan forces. By a network of small oasis garrisons and desert

patrols, recruited from the desert tribes and mounted on the tall,

swift-trotting camels known as _méhari_, France has made the Saharan

trade-routes, if not as safe as Fifth Avenue or Piccadilly, certainly

very much safer for the lone traveller than lower Clark Street, in

Chicago, or the neighbourhood of the Paris _Halles_. It has long been

the fashion to hold up the Northwest Mounted Police as the model for

all constabulary forces, just as it has been the fashion to extol

the English as the model colonisers, but, taking into consideration

the fewness of their numbers, the vastness of the region which they

control, and the character of its climate and its inhabitants, I give

the blue ribbon to these lean, brown-faced, hard-riding camel-men who

have carried law and order into the furthermost corners of the Great

Sahara.

Though comparatively unfertile, the Sahara vastly influences

the surrounding regions, just as the Atlantic Ocean influences

the countries which border on it. Were commerce to be seriously

interrupted upon the Atlantic, financial hardships would inevitably

result in the countries on either side. So it is, then, with the

Sahara, which is, to all intents and purposes, an inland ocean. Ever

since the caravan of the Queen of Sheba brought gifts to King Solomon,

ever since Abraham came riding down from Ur, it has been customary

for the nomad Arab rulers through whose territories the desert trade

routes pass to exact heavy tribute from the caravan sheikhs, the Bilma

trans-Saharan route alone being plundered annually to the tune of ten

million francs until the coming of the French camel police. Many of

these great trade caravans, you will understand, are literally moving

cities, sometimes consisting of as many as twelve thousand camels, to

say nothing of the accompanying horses, donkeys, sheep, and goats.

To outfit such a caravan often takes a year or more, frequently at

a cost of more than one million dollars, the money being subscribed

in varying sums by thousands of merchants and petty traders dwelling

in the region whence it starts. It is obvious, therefore, that the

looting of such a caravan might well spell ruin for the people of a

whole district; and it is by her successful protection of the caravan

routes that France has earned the gratitude of the peoples of all

those regions bordering on the Great Sahara. But the days of the

caravan trade are numbered, for the telegraph wires which already

stretch across the desert from the Mediterranean coast towns to the

French outposts in the Congo, the Senegal, and the Sudan, are but

forerunners to herald the coming of the iron horse.

France's path of colonial expansion in Africa has been remarkably

free from obstructions, for, barring the Algerian campaign of 1830,

and the German-created incidents in Morocco, she has acquired her

vast domain—close on half the total area of the continent—at a

surprisingly low cost in money and lives. The only time, indeed,

when her African ambitions received a serious setback was in 1898,

at Fashoda (now known as Kodok), on the White Nile, when the French

explorer, Major Marchand, yielded to the peremptory demand of Lord

Kitchener and hauled down the tricolour which he had raised at that

remote spot, thus losing to France the whole of the Western Sudan and

the control of the head-waters of the Nile.

There is an interesting bit of secret diplomatic history in this

connection. The story has been told me by both French and British

officials—and there is good reason to believe that it is true—that

the French Government had planned, in case Marchand was able to hold

his position until reinforcements arrived, to divert the waters

of the White Nile, at a point near its junction with the Sobat

River, into the Sahara, an undertaking which, owing to the physical

characteristics of that region, would, so the French engineers

claimed, have been entirely feasible. France would thus have

accomplished the twofold purpose of irrigating her desert territory

and of turning Egypt into a desert by diverting her only supply of

water; for this, remember, was in those bitter, jealous days before

the Anglo-French _entente_. It was, indeed, the intelligence that the

Khalifa proposed, by doing this very thing, to bring Egypt to her

knees that caused the second Sudanese expedition to be pushed forward

so rapidly. (I should add that the idea, once so popular in France, of

turning the Sahara into an inland sea, has been proven impracticable,

if not impossible.) It is safe to say that England's prime reason for

clinging so tenaciously, and at such heavy cost, to the arid tract

known as the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, is to safeguard Egyptian prosperity

by keeping control of the head-waters of the Nile. To illustrate

how completely the Nile is the barometer of Egyptian prosperity, I

might add that the last time I was in Khartoum the officials of the

Sudanese Irrigation Service complained to me most bitterly that they

were being seriously hampered in their work of desert reclamation by

the restrictions placed upon the quantity of water which they were

permitted to divert from the Nile, a comparatively small diversion

from the upper reaches of the river causing wide-spread distress among

the Egyptian agriculturists a thousand miles down-stream.

Because the map-makers from time beyond reckoning have seen fit to

paint the northern half of the African continent a speckled yellow,

most of us have been accustomed to look upon this region as an arid,

sun-baked, worthless desert. But French explorers, French engineers,

and French scientists have proved that it is very far from being

worthless or past reclamation. M. Henri Schirmer, the latest and most

careful student of its problems, says: “The sterility of the Sahara is

due neither to the form of the land nor to its nature. The alluvium of

sand, chalk, and gypsum which covers the Algerian Sahara constitutes

equally the soil of the most fertile plains in the world. What causes

the misery of one and the wealth of the other is the absence or the

presence of water.” Now, an extensive series of experiments has

proven that the Sahara, like the Great American Desert, has an ample

supply of underground water, which in many cases has been reached at

a depth of only forty feet. There is, incidentally, hardly a desert

where the experiment has been tried, whether in Asia, Africa, or

America, where water has not been found within two thousand feet of

the surface. Though usually not sufficient for agriculture, enough

has generally been found to afford a supply for cattle, railroads,

and mines. Three striking examples of what can be accomplished by

scientific well-drilling in arid lands are the great wells of the

Salton Desert, the flowing wells at Benson, Arizona, and a supply of

seven hundred thousand gallons of water a day from the deep wells on

the mesa at El Paso, each of these supplies of water being obtained

from localities which were superficially hopelessly dry.

It should be borne in mind, in any discussion of North Africa, that

until the early '80's the Great American Desert was as primitive,

waterless, and sparsely settled a region as the Sahara. Its scattered

inhabitants practised irrigation and agriculture very much as the

people of southern Algeria and Tunisia do to-day, and, like them, they

constructed buildings of unburnt brick and stone. Though the Indian

was able to find a meagre sustenance upon the American desert, just

as the Arab does upon the African, it was of a kind upon which the

white man could not well exist. The unconquered Apaches plundered

wagon-trains and mail-coaches just as the Tuareg occasionally plunders

the Saharan trade caravans to-day, and the only white men were the

soldiers at scattered and lonely posts or desperadoes flying from the

law. There is, indeed, a striking similarity between the conditions

which prevail to-day along France's African borders and those which

existed within the memories of most of us upon our own frontier.

Then the railways came to the American West, just as they are coming

to North Africa to-day, and the desert was awakened from its lethargy

of centuries by the shriek of the locomotive. The first railroads

to be constructed were designed primarily as highways between the

Atlantic and the Pacific seaboards, with hardly a thought of revenue

from the desert itself. But hard on the heels of the railway-builders

followed the miners and the cattlemen, so that to-day the iron highway

across the desert is bordered by prosperous cities and villages, by

mines and oil-derricks and ranches and white farm-houses with green

blinds, this one-time arid region, which the wiseheads of thirty years

ago pronounced worthless, now yielding a wealth twice as much per

capita as that of any other portion of the United States.

What has already been accomplished in the American desert, French

brains, French energy, and French machinery are fast accomplishing

in the Sahara. Thanks to the recent invention, by a non-commissioned

officer of France's African forces, of a six-wheeled motor-sledge

driven by a light but powerful aeroplane engine, the problem of rapid

communication in these desert regions, which have hitherto been

impassable to any kind of animal or mechanical traction, has been

solved. As the new vehicle has proved itself capable of maintaining

a speed over sand dunes of twenty miles an hour, it promises to be

of invaluable assistance to the French in their work of opening up

the waste places. Not only have French expeditions explored and

charted the whole of the unknown regions, but they have thoroughly

investigated the commercial possibilities of the immense territories

which have recently come under their control. These investigations

have shown that the Sahara is very far from being the sandy plain,

flat as a billiard-table, which the pictures and descriptions in our

school geographies led us to believe, and which the reports of those

superficial travellers who had only journeyed into the desert as far

as Biskra, in Algeria, or Ghadames, in Tripolitania, confirmed, but

is, on the contrary, of a remarkably varied surface, here rising into

plateaus like those of Tibesti and Ahaggar, there crossed by chains of

large and fertile oases, and again broken into mountain ranges, with

peaks eight thousand feet high, greater than the Alleghanies and very

nearly as great as the Sierra Nevadas.

An oasis, by the way, does not necessarily consist, as the reading

public seems to believe, of a clump of palm-trees beside a brackish

well, many of them being great stretches of well-watered and

cultivated soil, sometimes many square miles in extent, and rich

in fig, pomegranate, orange, apricot, and olive trees. The oasis

of Kaouer, for example, with its one hundred thousand date-palms,

furnishes subsistence for the inhabitants of a score of straggling

villages, with their camels, flocks, and herds. There are said to be

four million date-palms in the oases of the Algerian Sahara alone, and

to cut down one of them is considered as much of a crime as arson is

in a great city, for its fruit is a sufficient food, from its leaves

a shelter can be made which will keep out sun and wind and rain, and

its shade protects life and cultivation. Many date plantations and

even vineyards have flourished for several years past in southernmost

Algeria by means of water from below the surface, while the chief of

the French geodetic survey recently announced that a tract in the very

heart of the Sahara, nine degrees in longitude by twelve degrees in

latitude, is already sufficiently watered for the raising of grain.

The reports of these expeditions and commissions bear with painstaking

thoroughness on the productivity of the soil, the suitability of

the climate, the existence and accessibility of forest wealth, the

presence and probable extent of mineral veins, and on transportation

by road, rail, and river over all that huge territory which comprises

France's African empire.

The story of French success in the exploration, the civilisation,

the administration, and the exploitation of Africa is one of the

wonder-tales of history. That she has relied on the resources of

science rather than on those of militarism makes her achievement

the more remarkable, for where England's possessions have largely

been gained by punitive expeditions, France has won hers by pacific

penetration. Look at Senegambia as it is now under French rule,

and compare its condition with what it was as Mungo Park describes

it at the end of the eighteenth century; contrast the modernised

Dahomey of to-day, with its railways, schools, and hospitals, with

the blood-soaked, cannibal country of the early '60's; remember that

Algeria has doubled in population since the last Dey, by striking

the French consul with his fan, turned his country into a French

department—and you will have a bird's-eye view, as it were, of what

the French have accomplished in the colonising field.

If French Africa becomes in time a rich and prosperous dominion—and I

firmly believe that it will—it is to her patient and intrepid pioneers

of civilisation—-desert patrols, railway-builders, well-drillers,

school-teachers, commercial investigators—that the thanks of the

nation will be due; for they are pointing the way to millions

of natives, on whose activities and necessities the commercial

development of Africa must eventually depend. So I trust that those

at home in France will give all honour to the men at work in the

Sahara, the Senegal, and the Sudan or rotting in the weed-grown,

snake-infested cemeteries of the Congo and Somaliland; men whose

battles have been fought out in steaming jungles or on lonely oases,

far away from home and friends and often from another white man's

help and sympathy; sometimes with savage desert raiders, or in action

against Hausa, Berber, or Moor; but oftenest of all with an unseen and

deadlier foe—the dread African fever.

[Illustration: THE TROGLODYTE TOWN OF MEDENINE, SOUTHERN TUNISIA.

Perhaps the strangest city in the world. The dwellings, known as

rhorfas, are built in the form of horseshoes to keep out thieves.

_Photograph by Soler, Tunis._]

The last frontier · 第 1 / 11 章