The publication at this time of a speech of the Presidential Canvass of
1860, may seem uncalled for, and be imputed to other than the motives
that influence me. I nevertheless submit it to the candid consideration
of the public, and especially of such as having heretofore entertained
wrong views on the chief question involved in the canvass of 1860 and
the position of the lamented DOUGLAS, may desire truthful information.
The speech at the time of its delivery was intended as a vindication of
that noble-hearted, but then much-abused and misrepresented patriot. The
grave of DOUGLAS now shields him from the shafts of partisan animosity.
Even his enemies concede, that in his last and self-sacrificing efforts
to unite the Democracy of the North in support of an insulted government
and outraged constitution, he earned the meed due to eminent patriotism.
A perusal of the following pages may, perhaps, convince some, before
doubting, that DOUGLAS was as wise a statesman and as true a patriot in
November, 1860, as he was in May, 1861, when the people of Chicago with
one accord united in a grand ovation to do him honor, not as a partisan
leader, but as a pillar and hope of the Republic in its day of mortal
peril. If what I have written shall induce but even a few candid men to
think better of the departed DOUGLAS, as a statesman and patriot, than
they were wont to think, I will be more than rewarded for my own labor
in his vindication. But I have other motives than this.
The time is not far distant, and I would gladly accelerate its advance,
when the conservative sentiment of the nation will revive and have
utterance, and demand the re-enthronement of the spirit of compromise
and peace--the guardian genius of the unity of the nation. Men of
extreme and violent opinions, both North and South, whose fanaticism,
folly and ambition have brought our great American Republic to its
present sad estate, must give way before the incoming tide of a just
public opinion on the relations of the Federal government to slavery.
The people of the United States have neither the heart nor the means for
a protracted warfare with each other in regard to negro slavery. The war
is mainly the result of misunderstandings and erroneous opinions in both
the slaveholding and non-slaveholding sections of the Union, which
dispassionate investigation will remove. When the deluded men of the
South shall come to understand by abundant evidence, which the good
sense and patriotism of true Union men will furnish, that the spirit of
the war on the part of the loyal States is one springing not from hatred
to the Southern people and their institutions, but from earnest love of
the Federal Union, and a determination to defend and re-establish it in
all the integrity of its principles, they will gladly return to their
first love and welcome the protection of the banner which has ever been
the symbol of the power and glory of the United American people. If,
however, the war on the part of professedly loyal men shall be guided by
any other feeling than love for the Union and a sacred regard for all
the obligations of its Constitution, the preservation of the Union will
be impossible. The non-slaveholding States may, perhaps, bind the
seceded States to them by the stern power of military subjugation, as
Poland is bound to Russia, or Hungary to Austria, but the subjugation of
one section of the Republic by another will never unite their people in
the fraternal bonds of a true Federal Union.
The traditions and historic glory that surround the Federal Government
as our fathers formed it, are yet dear to the hearts of the whole
American people. That government still belongs to them--it is their
heritage, and they, I trust, will yet restore and preserve it. The
horoscope of the future daily brightens with hopeful signs, not the
least of which is the fact that the President of the United States, who
was elected to his high office upon a declaration of political
principles logically involving the extermination of slavery as existing
in fifteen States of the Federal Union, and which could not therefore be
carried out without making the Union "a divided house," has himself
become the supporter of a constitutional and conservative policy in
regard to slavery. Let us thank God and take courage. If the government
will but stand firmly on constitutional ground, we will not despair of
the Republic.
It is also due to truth to say that one object I have in the present
publication is to disabuse the minds of some of my fellow-citizens,
whose good opinion I value, who have been misled by false statements
charging me with sympathy with the Southern rebellion. The opinions now
published were the result of patient investigation, and are still held
with earnest conviction, confirmed by the events of the past year. Of
their justice and patriotism, and whether or not they are the opinions
of a sympathizer with rebellion, candid men will judge.
The speech is published with a few verbal alterations, as it was
delivered, for the reason that in that form its true spirit can best be
understood. Due allowance will therefore be made for its style, which is
that of a popular address.
JOSEPH K. EDGERTON.
FORT WAYNE, IND., December, 1861.