There is, nevertheless, a third order of causes, for, with the forces

within and without, there is the work these have already produced

together, which work itself contributes toward producing the ensuing

work; beside the permanent impulsion and the given environment there

is the acquired momentum. When national character and surrounding

circumstances operate it is not on a _tabula rasa_, but on one already

bearing imprints. According as this _tabula_ is taken at one or at

another moment so is the imprint different, and this suffices to

render the total effect different. Consider, for example, two moments

of a literature or of an art, French tragedy under Corneille and under

Voltaire, and Greek drama under Æschylus and under Euripides, Latin

poetry under Lucretius and under Claudian, and Italian painting under

Da Vinci and under Guido. Assuredly, there is no change of general

conception at either of these two extreme points; ever the same human

type must be portrayed or represented in action; the cast of the

verse, the dramatic structure, the physical form have all persisted.

But there is this among these differences, that one of the artists is

a precursor and the other a successor, that the first one has no model

and the second one has a model; that the former sees things face to

face, and that the latter sees them through the intermediation of the

former, that many departments of art have become more perfect, that

the simplicity and grandeur of the impression have diminished, that

what is pleasing and refined in form has augumented--in short, that

the first work has determined the second. In this respect, it is with

a people as with a plant; the same sap at the same temperature and

in the same soil produces, at different stages of its successive

elaborations, different developments, buds, flowers, fruits, and

seeds, in such a way that the condition of the following is always

that of the preceding and is born of its death. Now, if you no longer

regard a brief moment, as above, but one of those grand periods of

development which embraces one or many centuries like the Middle Ages,

or our last classic period, the conclusion is the same. A certain

dominating conception has prevailed throughout; mankind, during

two hundred years, during five hundred years, have represented to

themselves a certain ideal figure of man, in mediæval times the knight

and the monk, in our classic period the courtier and refined talker;

this creative and universal conception has monopolized the entire

field of action and thought, and, after spreading its involuntary

systematic works over the world, it languished and then died out,

and now a new idea has arisen, destined to a like domination and to

equally multiplied creations. Note here that the latter depends in

part on the former, and that it is the former, which, combining its

effect with those of national genius and surrounding circumstances,

will impose their bent and their direction on new-born things. It is

according to this law that great historic currents are formed, meaning

by this, the long rule of a form of intellect or of a master idea,

like that period of spontaneous creations called the Renaissance, or

that period of oratorical classifications called the Classic Age, or

that series of mystic systems called the Alexandrine and Christian

epoch, or that series of mythological efflorescences found at the

origins of Germany, India, and Greece. Here as elsewhere, we are

dealing merely with a mechanical problem: the total effect is a

compound wholly determined by the grandeur and direction of the forces

which produce it. The sole difference which separates these moral

problems from physical problems lies in this, that in the former the

directions and grandeur cannot be estimated by or stated in figures

with the same precision as in the latter. If a want, a faculty, is

a quantity capable of degrees, the same as pressure or weight, this

quantity is not measurable like that of the pressure or weight. We

cannot fix it in an exact or approximative formula; we can obtain or

give of it only a literary impression; we are reduced to nothing and

citing the prominent facts which make it manifest and which nearly, or

roughly, indicate about what grade on the scale it must be ranged at.

And yet, notwithstanding the methods of notation are not the same

in the moral sciences as in the physical sciences, nevertheless,

as matter is the same in both, and is equally composed of forces,

directions, and magnitudes, we can still show that in one as in the

other, the final effect takes place according to the same law. This is

great or small according as the fundamental forces are great or small

and act more or less precisely in the same sense, according as the

distinct effects of race, environment and epoch combine to enforce

each other or combine to neutralize each other. Thus are explained the

long impotences and the brilliant successes which appear irregularly

and with no apparent reason in the life of a people; the causes of

these consist in internal concordances and contrarieties. There was

one of these concordances when, in the seventeenth century, the social

disposition and conversational spirit innate in France encountered

drawing-room formalities and the moment of oratorical analysis; when,

in the nineteenth century, the flexible, profound genius of Germany

encountered the age of philosophic synthesis and of cosmopolite

criticism. One of these contrarieties happened when, in the

seventeenth century, the blunt, isolated genius of England awkwardly

tried to don the new polish of urbanity, and when, in the sixteenth

century, the lucid, prosaic French intellect tried to gestate a living

poesy. It is this secret concordance of creative forces which produced

the exquisite courtesy and noble cast of literature under Louis XIV.

and Bossuet, and the grandiose metaphysics and broad critical sympathy

under Hegel and Goethe. It is this secret contrariety of creative

forces which produced the literary incompleteness, the licentious

plays, the abortive drama of Dryden and Wycherly, the poor Greek

importations, the gropings, the minute beauties and fragments of

Ronsard and the Pleiad. We may confidently affirm that the unknown

creations toward which the current of coming ages is bearing up will

spring from and be governed by these primordial forces; that, if these

forces could be measured and computed we might deduce from them, as

from a formula, the characters of future civilization; and that

if, notwithstanding the evident rudeness of our notations, and the

fundamental inexactitude of our measures, we would nowadays form some

idea of our general destinies, we must base our conjectures on an

examination of these forces. For, in enumerating them, we run through

the full circle of active forces; and when the race, the environment,

and the moment have been considered,--that is to say the inner

mainspring, the pressure from without, and the impulsion already

acquired,--we have exhausted not only all real causes but again all

possible causes of movement.

VI

There remains to be ascertained in what way these causes, applied to

a nation or to a century, distribute their effects. Like a spring

issuing from an elevated spot and diffusing its waters, according

to the height, from ledge to ledge, until it finally reaches the low

ground, so does the tendency of mind or soul in a people, due to race,

epoch, or environment, diffuse itself in different proportions, and by

regular descent, over the different series of facts which compose

its civilization.[3] In preparing the geographical map of a country,

starting at its watershed, we see the slopes, just below this common

point, dividing themselves into five or six principal basins, and

then each of the latter into several others, and so on until the whole

country, with its thousands of inequalities of surface, is included

in the ramifications of this network. In like manner, in preparing the

psychological map of the events and sentiments belonging to a certain

human civilization, we find at the start five or six well determined

provinces--religion, art, philosophy, the state, the family, and

industries; next, in each of these provinces, natural departments, and

then finally, in each of these departments, still smaller territories

until we arrive at those countless details of life which we observe

daily in ourselves and around us. If, again, we examine and compare

together these various groups of facts we at once find that they are

composed of parts and that all have parts in common. Let us take first

the three principal products of human intelligence--religion, art, and

philosophy. What is a philosophy but a conception of nature and of its

primordial causes under the form of abstractions and formulas? What

underlies a religion and an art if not a conception of this same

nature, and of these same primordial causes, under the form of more

or less determinate symbols, and of more or less distinct personages,

with this difference, that in the first case we believe that they

exist, and in the second case that they do not exist. Let the reader

consider some of the great creations of the intellect in India, in

Scandinavia, in Persia, in Rome, in Greece, and he will find that art

everywhere is a sort of philosophy become sensible, religion a sort

of poem regarded as true, and philosophy a sort of art and religion,

desiccated and reduced to pure abstractions. There is, then, in the

center of each of these groups a common element, the conception of

the world and its origin, and if they differ amongst each other it is

because each combines with the common element a distinct element;

here the power of abstraction, there the faculty of personifying with

belief, and, finally, the talent for personifying without belief. Let

us now take the two leading products of human association, the Family

and the State. What constitutes the State other than the sentiment

of obedience by which a multitude of men collect together under the

authority of a chief? And what constitutes the Family other than the

sentiment of obedience by which a wife and children act together

under the direction of a father and husband? The Family is a natural,

primitive, limited state, as the State is an artificial, ulterior, and

expanded Family, while beneath the differences which arise from the

number, origin, and condition of its members, we distinguish, in the

small as in the large community, a like fundamental disposition of

mind which brings them together and unites them. Suppose, now, that

this common element receives from the environment, the epoch, and the

race peculiar characteristics, and it is clear that _all the groups

into which it enters will be proportionately modified_. If the

sentiment of obedience is merely one of fear,[4] you encounter, as in

most of the Oriental states, the brutality of despotism, a prodigality

of vigorous punishments, the exploitation of the subject, servile

habits, insecurity of property, impoverished production, female

slavery, and the customs of the harem. If the sentiment of obedience

is rooted in the instinct of discipline, sociability, and honor,

you find, as in France, a complete military organization, a superb

administrative hierarchy, a weak public spirit with outbursts of

patriotism, the unhesitating docility of the subject along with

the hot-headedness of the revolutionist, the obsequiousness of the

courtier along with the reserve of the gentleman, the charm of refined

conversation along with home and family bickerings, conjugal equality

together with matrimonial incompatibilities under the necessary

constraints of the law. If, finally, the sentiment of obedience is

rooted in the instinct of subordination and in the idea of duty, you

perceive, as in Germanic nations, the security and contentment of

the household, the firm foundations of domestic life, the slow

and imperfect development of worldly matters, innate respect for

established rank, superstitious reverence for the past, maintenance

of social inequalities, natural and habitual deference to the law.

Similarly in a race, just as there is a difference of aptitude for

general ideas, so will its religion, art, and philosophy be different.

If man is naturally fitted for broader universal conceptions and

inclined at the same time to their derangement, through the nervous

irritability of an over-excited organization, we find, as in India, a

surprising richness of gigantic religious creations, a splendid bloom

of extravagant transparent epics, a strange concatenation of subtle,

imaginative philosophic systems, all so intimately associated and so

interpenetrated with a common sap, that we at once recognize them, by

their amplitude, by their color, and by their disorder, as productions

of the same climate and of the same spirit. If, on the contrary,

the naturally sound and well-balanced man is content to restrict his

conceptions to narrow bounds in order to cast them in more precise

forms, we see, as in Greece, a theology of artists and narrators,

special gods that are soon separated from objects and almost

transformed at once into substantial personages, the sentiment of

universal unity nearly effaced and scarcely maintained in the vague

notion of destiny, a philosophy, rather than subtle and compact,

grandiose and systematic, narrow metaphysically[5] but incomparable

in its logic, sophistry, and morality, a poesy and arts superior to

anything we have seen in lucidity, naturalness, proportion, truth, and

beauty. If, finally, man is reduced to narrow conceptions deprived

of any speculative subtlety, and at the same time finds that he is

absorbed and completely hardened by practical interests, we see, as

in Rome, rudimentary deities, mere empty names, good for denoting the

petty details of agriculture, generation, and the household, veritable

marriage and farming labels, and, therefore, a null or borrowed

mythology, philosophy, and poesy. Here, as elsewhere, comes in the law

of mutual dependencies.[6] A civilization is a living unit, the parts

of which hold together the same as the parts of an organic body. Just

as in an animal, the instincts, teeth, limbs, bones, and muscular

apparatus are bound together in such a way that a variation of one

determines a corresponding variation in the others, and out of which

a skillful naturalist, with a few bits, imagines and reconstructs an

almost complete body, so, in a civilization, do religion, philosophy,

the family scheme, literature and the arts form a system in which

each local change involves a general change, so that an experienced

historian, who studies one portion apart from the others, sees

beforehand and partially predicts the characteristics of the rest.

There is nothing vague in this dependence. The regulation of all this

in the living body consists, first, of the tendency to manifest a

certain primordial type, and, next, the necessity of its possessing

organs which can supply its wants and put itself in harmony with

itself in order to live. The regulation in a civilization consists in

the presence in each great human creation of an elementary productor

equally present in other surrounding creations, that is, some faculty

and aptitude, some efficient and marked disposition, which, with its

own peculiar character, introduces this with that into all operations

in which it takes part, and which, according to its variations, causes

variation in all the works in which it coöperates.

VII

Having reached this point we can obtain a glimpse of the principal

features of human transformations, and can now search for the general

laws which regulate not only events, but classes of events; not only

this religion or that literature, but the whole group of religions or

of literatures. If, for example, it is admitted that a religion is

a metaphysical poem associated with belief; if it is recognized,

besides, that there are certain races and certain environments

in which belief, poetic faculty, and metaphysical faculty display

themselves in common with unwonted vigor; if we consider that

Christianity and Buddhism were developed at periods of grand

systematizations and in the midst of sufferings like the oppression

which stirred up the fanatics of Cevennes; if, on the other hand, it

is recognized that primitive religions are born at the dawn of human

reason, during the richest expansion of human imagination, at times

of the greatest naïveté and of the greatest credulity; if we consider,

again, that Mohammedanism appeared along with the advent of poetic

prose and of the conception of material unity, amongst a people

destitute of science and at the moment of a sudden development of the

intellect--we might conclude that religion is born and declines, is

reformed and transformed, according as circumstances fortify and bring

together, with more or less precision and energy, its three generative

instincts; and we would then comprehend why religion is endemic in

India among specially exalted imaginative and philosophic intellects;

why it blooms out so wonderfully and so grandly in the Middle Ages,

in an oppressive society, amongst new languages and literature; why

it develops again in the sixteenth century with a new character and an

heroic enthusiasm, at the time of an universal renaissance and at the

awakening of the Germanic races; why it swarms out in so many bizarre

sects in the rude democracy of America and under the bureaucratic

despotism of Russia; why, in fine, it is seen spreading out in the

Europe of to-day in such different proportions and with such special

traits, according to such differences of race and of civilizations.

And so for every kind of human production, for letters, music, the

arts of design, philosophy, the sciences, state industries, and

the rest. Each has some moral tendency for its direct cause, or a

concurrence of moral tendencies; given the cause, it appears; the

cause withdrawn, it disappears; the weakness or intensity of the cause

is the measure of its own weakness or intensity. It is bound to

that like any physical phenomenon to its condition, like dew to the

chilliness of a surrounding atmosphere, like dilatation to heat.

Couples exist in the moral world as they exist in the physical world,

as rigorously linked together and as universally diffused. Whatever

in one case produces, alters, or suppresses the first term, produces,

alters, and suppresses the second term as a necessary consequence.

Whatever cools the surrounding atmosphere causes the fall of dew.

Whatever develops credulity, along with poetic conceptions of the

universe, engenders religion. Thus have things come about, and

thus will they continue to come about. As soon as the adequate and

necessary condition of one of these vast apparitions becomes known to

us our mind has a hold on the future as well as on the past. We can

confidently state under what circumstances it will reappear, foretell

without rashness many portions of its future history, and sketch with

precaution some of the traits of its ulterior development.

VIII

History has reached this point at the present day, or rather it is

nearly there, on the threshold of this inquest. The question as now

stated is this: Given a literature, a philosophy, a society, an art,

a certain group of arts, what is the moral state of things which

produces it? And what are the conditions of race, epoch, and

environment the best adapted to produce this moral state? There is

a distinct moral state for each of these formations and for each of

their branches; there is one for art in general as well as for each

particular art; for architecture, painting, sculpture, music, and

poetry, each with a germ of its own in the large field of human

psychology; each has its own law, and it is by virtue of this law that

we see each shoot up, apparently haphazard, singly and alone, amidst

the miscarriages of their neighbors, like painting in Flanders and

Holland in the seventeenth century, like poetry in England in the

sixteenth century, like music in Germany in the eighteenth century.

At this moment, and in these countries, the conditions for one art and

not for the others are fulfilled, and one branch only has bloomed out

amidst the general sterility. It is these laws of human vegetation

which history must now search for; it is this special psychology of

each special formation which must be got at; it is the composition of

a complete table of these peculiar conditions that must now be worked

out. There is nothing more delicate and nothing more difficult.

Montesquieu undertook it, but in his day the interest in history was

too recent for him to be successful; nobody, indeed, had any idea

of the road that was to be followed, and even at the present day

we scarcely begin to obtain a glimpse of it. Just as astronomy, at

bottom, is a mechanical problem, and physiology, likewise, a chemical

problem, so is history, at bottom, a _problem of psychology_. There is

a particular system of inner impressions and operations which fashions

the artist, the believer, the musician, the painter, the nomad,

the social man; for each of these, the filiation, intensity, and

interdependence of ideas and of emotions are different; each has his

own moral history, and his own special organization, along with some

master tendency and with some dominant trait. To explain each of these

would require a chapter devoted to a profound internal analysis, and

that is a work that can scarcely be called sketched out at the present

day. But one man, Stendhal, through a certain turn of mind and a

peculiar education, has attempted it, and even yet most of his readers

find his works paradoxical and obscure. His talent and ideas were

too premature. His admirable insight, his profound sayings carelessly

thrown out, the astonishing precision of his notes and logic, were not

understood; people were not aware that, under the appearances and

talk of a man of the world, he explained the most complex of internal

mechanisms; that his finger touched the great mainspring, that he

brought scientific processes to bear in the history of the heart, the

art of employing figures, of decomposing, of deducing, that he was the

first to point out fundamental causes such as nationalities, climates,

and temperaments, in short, that he treated sentiments as they should

be treated, that is to say, as a naturalist and physicist, by making

classifications and estimating forces. On account of all this he

was pronounced dry and eccentric and allowed to live in isolation,

composing novels, books of travel and taking notes, for which he

counted upon, and has obtained, about a dozen or so of readers. And

yet his works are those in which we of the present day may find the

most satisfactory efforts that have been made to clear the road I have

just striven to describe. Nobody has taught one better how to observe

with one's own eyes, first, to regard humanity around us and life as

it is, and next, old and authentic documents, how to read more than

merely the black and white of the page, how to detect under old print

and the scrawl of the text the veritable sentiment and the train

of thought, the mental state in which the words were penned. In his

writings, as in those of Sainte Beuve and in those of the German

critics the reader will find how much is to be derived from a literary

document, if this document is rich and we know how to interpret it,

we will find in the psychology of a particular soul, often that of an

age, and sometimes that of a race. In this respect, a great poem, a

good novel, the confessions of a superior man, are more instructive

than a mass of historians and histories, I would give fifty volumes

of charters and a hundred diplomatic files for the memoirs of Cellini,

the epistles of Saint Paul, the table talk of Luther, or the comedies

of Aristophanes. Herein lies the value of literary productions. They

are instructive because they are beautiful, their usefulness increases

with their perfection and if they provide us with documents, it is

because they are monuments. The more visible a book renders sentiments

the more literary it is, for it is the special office of literature to

take note of sentiments. The more important the sentiments noted in a

book the higher its rank in literature, for it is by representing what

sort of a life a nation or an epoch leads, that a writer rallies to

himself the sympathies of a nation or of an epoch. Hence, among the

documents which bring before our eyes the sentiments of preceding

generations, a literature, and especially a great literature, is

incomparably the best. It resembles those admirable instruments of

remarkable sensitiveness which physicists make use of to detect and

measure the most profound and delicate changes that occur in a human

body. There is nothing approaching this in constitutions or religions;

the articles of a code or of a catechism do no more than depict mind

in gross and without finesse; if there are any documents which show

life and spirit in politics and in creeds, they are the eloquent

discourses of the pulpit and the tribune, memoirs and personal

confessions, all belonging to literature, so that, outside of itself,

literature embodies whatever is good elsewhere. It is mainly in

studying literatures that we are able to produce moral history, and

arrive at some knowledge of the psychological laws on which events

depend.

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