any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the Spaniards
with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person
entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor." In return
for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, Legazpi
promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other
submission until after their harvests, "for the king of Castilla had
no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize
him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation." In token
of submission, Tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee
before Legazpi, "offering themselves as vassals of his majesty," whom
the governor ... received as such vassals of the crown of Castilla,
and promised "to protect and defend as such." As a climax, presents
of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were
given to the various chiefs. Then Legazpi told them of the necessity
of the king's having "a strong house, wherein could be kept and
guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither,
and his artillery and ammunition;" as well as a town-site for the
soldiers. These the natives should assign, where it best pleased them,
"because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them;
and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point
occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he
wished it to be with their universal consent." This place was granted
by the natives, whereupon Legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the
fort and Spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. Ail
outside this line "was to remain to the Indians, who could build their
houses and till the fields." After ordering the natives "to go to the
other side or the line which he had assigned to them, and the Spaniards
... within the line ... the governor passed from one part to the other,
cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty's name he took,
and he did take; possession of that site, ... and in token of true
possession he performed the said acts." Besides not being allowed
to enter the Spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at
night, unless by special permission. Legazpi promised that "if any
wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence
from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father
and protector," and that all wrongs would be punished according to
Castilian laws. In conclusion a collation was given to the natives,
and Simaquio's wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the
other hostages set free, "whereat they expressed great wonder and
joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any
ransom." "The next day ... the same chiefs returned ... and said that
they had come to make merry with the governor. The latter gave them
a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor,
in which consists their way of making merry." They brought other
chiefs who submitted to the Spaniards, and later still other chiefs
came in. Trade began to flourish as the natives recovered from all
fear and returned to their former haunts. Among other things the
natives traded "a great quantity of palm wine, to which the Spaniards
gave themselves with good appetite, saying that they did not miss
the wine of Castilla. But because of the risk and trouble that
might arise therefrom, the governor ordered that wine should not be
brought or sold within the camp, and that the Spaniards should not
buy it. He told Tupas and the chiefs that, as the Spaniards were
not accustomed to this land, and were but recently come thither,
it was not good for them to drink this wine, and that some of them
had become sick. And he asked that Tupas neither consent to it, nor
bring wine to the Spaniards." The traffic still went on nevertheless,
"secretly and at night," and the Spaniards gave themselves up to it
entirely, saying "that it was better than that of Castilla." Moreover,
the women prostituted themselves freely throughout the camp, an
evil which Legazpi, although he posted sentinels, was unable to
stamp out. Finally he announced to the native chiefs that only men
should do the trading in the camp; and if the women did any trading
he would assign them a public place as a market, and the latter
should enter none of the Spanish houses. The chiefs replied "that
those who came to sell and trade were slaves and not married women,
and that he should not concern himself about it nor take it ill,
for such was their custom, and that married and honorable women
did not go to the camp; although the contrary of this was seen and
understood afterwards. For the Indians going outside the village, as
they do continually, to trade beside the sea, many of the wives and
daughters of the chiefs came to the camp along with the other women,
and thus went through the camp, visiting with as much freedom and
liberty as if all the men were their own brothers. Thus it was seen and
discovered later that this is one of their customs, and is exercised
with all strangers from the outside. The very first thing they do is
to provide them with women, and these sell themselves for any gain,
however slight" The natives are described as covetous and selfish,
without neatness and not cleanly. "It has not been ascertained whether
they have any idols. They revere their ancestors as gods, [71] and
when they are ill or have any other necessity, they go to their graves
with great lamentation and commendation, to beg their ancestors for
health, protection, and aid; They make certain alms and invocations
here. And in the same manner they invoke and call upon the Devil, and
they declare that they cause him to appear in a hollow reed, and that
there he talks with their priestesses. Their priests are, as a general
rule, women, who thus make this invocation and talk with the Devil,
and then give the latter's answer to the people--telling them what
offerings of birds and other things they must make, according to the
request and wish of the Devil. They sacrifice usually a hog and offer
it to him, holding many other like superstitions in these invocations,
in order that the Devil may come and talk to them in the reed: When
any chief dies, they kill some of his slaves, a greater or less number
according to his quality and his wealth. They are all buried in coffins
made out of two boards, and they bury with them their finest clothes,
porcelain ware, and gold jewels. Some are buried in the ground, and
others of the chief men are placed in certain lofty houses." [72]
Legazpi ordered that in future no slaves be killed at the death
of their chiefs, an order which they promised to obey. The natives
desired to procure iron in their trading, but Legazpi ordered that none
be given them by anyone. However, the trade was continued secretly,
the iron being concealed in clothing, even after some of the men had
been punished. By various dealings with the natives Legazpi discovered
that they were deceiving him in regard to other natives of Cebú and
the island of Matan; they had said that these men would make peace
and friendship, but they never appeared. The inhabitants of Matan
had always been hostile to the Spaniards, "saying that they would
kill us, or at least would drive us away by hunger." One day Tupas
told the governor that "his wife and daughters would like to come
to see him, because they had a great desire to know him. He replied
that he would be very glad and that Tupas should bring them whenever
he wished; accordingly, Tupas did so after a few days. Their manner
of coming was such that the women came by themselves in procession,
two and two, the chief one last of all. After this manner came the
wife of Tupas with her arms on the shoulders of two principal women,
with a procession of more than sixty women, all singing in a high
voice. Most of them wore palm-leaf hats on their heads, and some of
them garlands of various kinds of flowers; some were adorned with
gold, and some with clasps on their legs, and wearing earrings and
armlets, and gold rings on their hands and fingers. They were all
clad in colored petticoats or skirts and shawls, some of them made of
taffety." The usual good cheer followed, and presents were made to
all the women. The same good treatment was accorded to the wives of
other chiefs who visited the settlement in the same manner. Legazpi
"after his arrival in these islands, tried always to put the minds of
the natives at rest, not allowing them to receive any wrong or hurt,
or permitting that anything belonging to them should be taken from
them without being paid for ... principally in this island of Zubu,
where he thought to live and dwell permanently among the natives." A
few days after the coming of Tupas's wife and the other women, he sent
his niece to Legazpi. She was the first native to receive baptism,
"although the father prior made her wait some days, enforcing upon her
mind what it meant to be a Christian, and what she must believe and
observe after her baptism." She was named Isabel, and married Master
Andrea, a Greek calker, a few days after. Her son, aged three, and two
children, a boy and a girl, of seven and eight years respectively,
also received baptism. Other Indians came, in imitation of Isabel,
asking baptism; and seven or eight infants who died received the holy
rite that ensured them entrance into heaven. After being two months
in Cebú, Legazpi, although pushing the work on the fortifications as
rapidly as possible, sent out, in order to keep his part of the treaty,
contingents of men with the natives, at two different times, to aid
the latter against their enemies. The weapons and warlike qualities
of the Spaniards gained them great prestige and inspired great terror
throughout all the islands. About this same time "seven or eight Moros,
whose chief was called Magomat, [73] came in a canoe to the camp,
declaring themselves to be natives of the island of Luzon; and asked
the governor for permission to come to this village to trade with a
_prau_ which was stationed near this island. They said that if the
Spaniards would trade with them, they would be very glad to have junks
come from Luzon with much merchandise for the Spanish trade." They had
learned of the Spanish settlement through a Moro who had been sent to
Panay to buy rice for the fort, and that "they did no harm to anyone,
and were possessed of a great quantity of silver and small coins;
therefore they had come to find out our manner of trading." One of
the Moros happening to sneeze while trading for pearls, said "that
they could not buy; that that was their custom, and if they did, they
would sin therein." Through these Moros the natives of Cebú learned
to demand _tostones_ [a small coin] in exchange for their articles
of trade, which was a loss to the Spaniards; but the latter laid in
a good supply of provisions, by the aid of these same Moros. By the
latter, Legazpi sent word to the king of Luzon of his residence in
the islands and his desire to meet him and "deliver the message he
bore to him from his majesty; and requested that he send him for this,
a trustworthy person, or allow him to send some Spaniards thither to
treat with the same king." These Moros induced two small "junks from
Venduro [Mindoro] which is an island near Luzon" to come to trade at
Cebú, having told them of the good treatment afforded them. These
latter carried "iron, tin, porcelain, shawls, light woolen cloth
and taffety from China, perfumes, and other knick-knacks." The
master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent with a body of men to
obtain provisions among the neighboring islands, in the month of
September of 1565. Guided by certain chiefs of Cebú, they visited an
island to the west, inhabited by blacks who lived in a town called
Tanay, stopping on the way at a village, hostile to Cebú, where they
obtained some food. The people of Tanay fled at their approach, and
the little food found there was sent to Legazpi; while the two leaders
remained at the island some days in a fruitless endeavor to make peace
and friendship with the natives. On All Saints' Day "about the hour
of mass" some twenty houses were burned in the Spanish settlement,
"among others that where the religious slept, and the hut where mass
was said," and many goods were burned. "It could not be proved whether
this fire was set, or happened through carelessness." It having been
discovered that the inhabitants of Matan and Gavi who would not make
peace with the Spaniards, but were friendly to the natives of Cebú,
came freely to that island, and even entered the Spanish settlement,
the master-of-camp and Goyti were despatched to Matan to receive the
homage of the chiefs or to make war upon them. Warned by the natives
of Cebú, those of Matan fled. The invaders burned their village, for
which the natives threatened retaliation, saying they would burn the
houses of the Spanish settlement. Meanwhile the food problem assumed
threatening dimensions, and the men became discontented and began to
grumble because they were not allowed to take anything from the natives
without pay. "And although the governor and captains, the religious
and other chief persons ... tried to encourage them with good words
and promises," a mutiny was arranged among certain men, which, "if
God in his infinite mercy had not caused it to be discovered, might
have caused great loss and trouble." Certain of the petty officers
(some of them foreigners), and some of the soldiers and servants,
conspired to seize the "San Juan," and, making first a cruise through
the islands, to seize "the junks of Borneo, Luzon, and Venduro, trading
among these islands." Then they planned their course by way of the
Strait of Magellan to New Spain, Guatemala, or Peru, or to Spain or
France. If the weather were contrary then "they would go to Malaca,
where the Portuguese would receive them with open arms ... because
they had fled from this camp and settlement." All officers had been
selected. The mutiny had every appearance of succeeding, for the master
of the "San Pablo" had in his care all the artillery, powder, and
ammunition aboard the ship. The twenty-seventh of November was set for
their desertion, and to avoid pursuit the "San Pablo" and the frigates
that had been built were to be sunk. The date, for some unknown reason,
was postponed until the twenty-eighth. On that day the master of
the "San Pablo" divulged the conspiracy to the master-of-camp, who
immediately informed Legazpi. Pablos Hernandez, a native of Venice,
the head of the conspiracy, fled, first making an ineffectual attempt
to assume the ecclesiastical garb, in order that he might escape with
his life. Finally "he determined to die as a Christian, in order that
his soul might not be lost;" he gave himself up, and was hanged. The
French pilot Pierres Plin, and a Greek were also hanged. The others
were pardoned after being severely reprimanded. More than forty
persons were implicated in this conspiracy. "The governor imposed
only one order upon the foreigners, namely that none of them should
speak any other language than Spanish." It was discovered that some
of these men had conspired while at Puerto de la Navidad to make off
with the "San Lucas," and that one night the sails had been lowered
on the "San Pablo" under pretext that Legazpi's ship had done the
same, the intention being to desert. Through the promptness of the
master-of-camp, who threatened to hang the pilots if they lost
sight of the "San Pedro," the conspiracy was foiled. The mutiny
suppressed, attention was given to securing food. Five _praus_ of
natives set out for the province of Baybay, taking with them articles
of barter--Legazpi preferring that natives should go on this errand,
as he feared that the Spaniards would wrong the islanders. These men
delayed, as well as those who went to Panay, and it was thought,
purposely, believing that the Spaniards would be driven from the
island by hunger. So great was the famine that cats and rats were
eaten by some of the soldiers. Goyti was sent with a number of small
boats and a detachment of one hundred men to the villages hostile to
those of Cebú, with orders to buy food and try to procure peace and
friendship with the natives. He sent back several boat-loads of food,
and on his own coming announced peace with five villages. Finally
the natives who had gone to Panay returned, after three months'
absence, bringing many excuses and but little food. Meanwhile news
came from Baybay, where many of the former inhabitants of Matan
and Gavi had sought refuge, of hostile excursions against the town
of Mandam, an ally and friend of the Spaniards. These people from
Baybay carried their insolence so far as to say they would burn the
Spanish settlement. Legazpi sent two chiefs to Baybay to demand the
release of the prisoners taken at Mandam. The messengers were scoffed
at, and the marauders returned to Mandam in greater force, where
they committed many depredations and made many prisoners. Legazpi
determined to teach these arrogant natives a lesson, and ordered the
master-of-camp to go thither; but granted a few days' delay at the
petition of the Cebú natives, who said that many of their men were at
Baybay, as well as those despatched thither to secure food. During
this delay the master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent to the
islands where the latter had been shortly before, and where he had
made peace with certain villages. This peace was confirmed and the
inhabitants of fifteen or sixteen other villages "offered themselves
as vassals of his majesty, some of whom gave millet and rice ... and
others gave earrings of little weight ... and this was the first gold
that was given in these islands to his majesty." All the natives of
these islands have no idea of honor among themselves, always being
ready to take advantage of each other's misfortunes--as was apparent
by those of Cebú, who were friendly to the inhabitants of Mandam,
robbing and sacking that town, when its people fled from the raiders
of Baybay. The master-of-camp having returned from his expedition
among the friendly villages, set out for Baybay, under guidance of
Simaquio. This latter guided them, not to the chief city, where the
prisoners from Mandam had been taken, but to the small and unimportant
village of Caramucua, which was found deserted. At the town of
Calabazan the Spaniards were duped by the few natives found there,
who claimed to be natives of Cebú, and asked the invaders to wait two
days and they would bring the chiefs of this town to make peace and
friendship. The two days having elapsed, and no natives appearing,
the Spaniards marched inland, being deserted by all the natives of
Cebú, who said that "these were their friends, from which it was quite
apparent that they were all hand in glove with one another." A three
or four leagues' march resulted only in the killing of a few hogs,
the firing of the native huts, and the capture and hanging of several
natives. The only salutary result of the expedition was the return
of a number of the inhabitants of Cebu who had migrated to Baybay
because they did not wish to acknowledge the Spanish rule; asking
pardon of Legazpi, these natives of Cebú were permitted to return,
but the same favor was denied those from Matan and Gavi. Legazpi's
policy was always to treat the people of Cebú with more than fairness,
in order to retain their friendship, although he was fully aware of
their duplicity toward him. Numerous expeditions in search of food
were organized. The master-of-camp with seventy men, and accompanied
by Juan de la Isla and the king's factor was despatched to the coasts
of Butuan in search of sago, whence they returned after a long delay,
and after they were half given up as lost; having failed to obtain
provisions at Butuan, the commander of the expedition had gone on
farther, over-staying his limit of forty days. On his return he brought
more than one thousand _fanégas_ [74] of rice. He brought cheering
news of the friendliness of the natives, and of the taking possession
in the king's name of "Vindanao [Mindanao], and the coast of Botuan,
Negros, and Panay." Another expedition under command of Goyti was
despatched to Negros with additional orders to procure news of the
former expedition, but his quest was useless. Meanwhile a messenger
brought word that the master-of-camp was going to Panay, and would
return as soon as possible. Before the return of the master-of-camp,
Goyti was sent on another expedition to the coasts of Cabalian
and Abuyo, taking with him sixty men. He was successful, sending
back several boat-loads of rice, and news that the people of these
districts were friendly,--although not much confidence could be placed
in their friendship, for only a league from Cabalian five of his men
had been treacherously murdered, and another time two more had shared
the same fate. The master-of-camp having returned meanwhile, Legazpi
sent a reenforcement of thirty men to Goyti with orders to explore
the strait between Abuyo and Tandaya. At the mouth of this strait,
news was had of a Christian "named Juanes, who had lived with the
Indians for more than twenty years, and had married the daughter of
a chief, and that he was painted like the other natives." Although
an effort was made to obtain definite news in regard to this man,
it was unsuccessful; and Goyti, falling ill of fever, was obliged to
return without ransoming him. He brought as captives two chiefs whom
he caused to be seized. While the camp was weakened by the absence of
so many men on these expeditions, the malcontents at the settlement
took occasion to attempt another mutiny. The ringleader was a certain
soldier named Carrión, who had been pardoned by Legazpi after being
"condemned to death by the master-of-camp for a certain crime." He was
exposed by a Frenchman, who, like Carrión, had been implicated in the
previous mutiny. It was planned to get to the Moluccas, "where they
would receive all courtesy." A boat was to be seized from certain Moros
of Luzon, and other depredations, to ensure sufficient food, etc.,
were to be committed. Carrión and one other were hanged. The former
"knew but little, but presumed to know it all, and talked too much, so
that the majority of his acquaintances shunned his conversation." The
master-of-camp was sent with a number of men to attempt the ransom of
Juanes from the natives, with orders to stop on the way at Eleyti to
ascertain the cause of the delay of a certain Pedro de Herrera who
had been sent thither to obtain resin for pitching the ships. When
this latter returned he bore a letter from the master-of-camp to the
effect that Herrera had gone beyond his instructions. The latter was
thereupon arrested and tried. This man brought news of three Spaniards
who were held in the island of Tandaya who had been captured from a
vessel within fourteen or fifteen months. Legazpi immediately sent
this information to the master-of-camp, in order that he might ransom
those men as well as Juanes, but the messengers failed to find that
officer. Juanes proved to be not a Spaniard, but a Mexican Indian who
had accompanied Villalobos. This Indian declared the three men to be
of the same expedition, and Herrera had made a mistake in the time,
which should be years, not months. The men despatched under Juan de la
Isla to take the information of Herrera to the master-of-camp, fell in
with the ship "San Gerónimo," which had been sent from New Spain with
aid to Legazpi. The ship itself arrived at Cebú on October 15, 1566,
with a doleful story of "bad management, mutinies, want of harmony,
deaths, hardships, and calamities." The captain, by name Pericon,
was not a suitable officer for such a voyage, setting sail from
"Acapulco with more haste and less prudence than was needful." A
conspiracy to mutiny was formed under the leadership of the master,
the pilot, Lope Martin--the pilot of the vessel that had deserted
Legazpi--and others. After various insubordinations, of which the
captain, in his blindness, took no notice, the latter and his son
were murdered. Soon afterward the two chief conspirators quarreled;
and the pilot, forestalling the intention of the master to arrest
him, hanged the latter. Then the pilot resolved to return to Spain by
the Strait of Magellan, promising to make rich men of all who would
follow him, but intending to abandon on some island those who were
not favorable to him. Under pretext of wintering at a small islet
near the island of Barbudos, he contrived to have the greater part of
the men disembark. The ecclesiastic Juan de Viveros, who accompanied
the expedition, discovering the pilot's intention to abandon some of
the party, remonstrated with the latter's chief adviser, saying that
"it was inhuman, and he should take them to the Filipinas, and leave
them where there were provisions," but to no purpose. Each man lost
all confidence in his fellows, and certain of the men, forming a
counter mutiny in the king's name, seized the vessel and set their
course for the Philippines, abandoning Lope Martin and twenty-six
men on this island. The leader of this second mutiny hanged two men
who were concerned in the death of the captain. Finally, after many
hardships, the Ladrones and later the Philippines were reached. The
notary of the ship was tried and executed by Legazpi as an accomplice
in the captain's death. The others concerned in the mutiny were all
pardoned. This new contingent "made homage anew, and swore to obey his
majesty and the governor in his royal name." [75] The master-of-camp
having been sent about this time to Panay to collect the tributes
of rice, returned on November 16, without having accomplished his
object, and having been compelled to leave his vessel, the "San Juan,"
at Dapitan. He brought news that the Portuguese were coming to the
island, sent thither by the viceroy of India "in search of Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi, who had left Nueva España with four ships." One
ship of the Portuguese fleet was encountered near Mindanao and four
others about thirty leagues from Cebú, and two more at a distance
of ten leagues out. On the following day the two Portuguese vessels
last seen made their appearance, but almost immediately stood off
again, and soon disappeared. The Spaniards began to fortify their
settlement as strongly as possible, and the vessels were stationed
in the best positions. Legazpi bade the Spaniards not to forget
that they were Spaniards, and reminded them of the "reputation and
valor of the Spanish people throughout the world." The natives in
terror abandoned their houses, "removing their wives and children
to the mountain, while some took them in canoes to other villages;
and others took their children, wives, and possessions to our camp,
placing them in the houses of soldiers who were their friends,
saying they would die with us." On the nineteenth of November the
two vessels reappeared; and Martin de Goyti was sent to talk to them,
and if they "were in need of anything," to invite them to anchor in
the port. The Portuguese said that they had become separated from the
rest of their fleet by a storm. They were bound from India to the
Moluccas, and thence to Amboina to take vengeance upon the natives
for various depredations. After a mutual salute with the artillery,
the Portuguese vessels withdrew. Each carried about thirty-five or
forty Portuguese soldiers and crews of Indians from Malabar. Legazpi
despatched the same captain with a letter to the Portuguese captain,
Melo, expressing his regret that they had not stopped to accept
his hospitality, because "at this port they would have been well
received and aided with whatever was necessary for their voyage; for
his majesty's command was that, wherever he should meet Portuguese,
he should give them every protection and aid." He sent presents of
food and wine, etc., to the Portuguese, who expressed their thanks
verbally, saying "they had no paper or ink." They promised to do
no wrong to the natives, at the request of Goyti, "because they
were vassals of his majesty, and our friends." A comet seen next day
"nearly above the town of Zebu," was taken by the soldiers as an omen
of war and bloodshed. Affairs with the natives continued to improve
steadily, and several chiefs came to offer themselves as vassals to
the governor, promising to pay tribute. The Moro interpreter, his wife,
and one child received baptism, a conversion that was of great moment
because this Moro had much influence with the natives. The ship "San
Gerónimo" was judged totally unseaworthy; and, in a council called by
Legazpi to consider the question, it was decided to take the ship to
pieces, and to construct a smaller vessel from what could be saved
of it. The carpenters and others having made an examination of the
vessel announced that it was so rotten that no smaller vessel could
be made from it. Legazpi ordered also a large frigate to be built,
as there was a great necessity for it to bring provisions to the
settlement. The deaths of the Mexican Indian and a sailor and the
sickness of several others, were attributed to poison, and Legazpi
called Tupas to strict account, telling him that his treatment of the
Spaniards was the reverse of what was to be expected for such good
treatment on their part. Finally it was discovered that a woman had
poisoned wine that had been sold to these men. She was executed, after
having made a full confession and embraced the Christian religion. In
consequence a stringent order was issued by the governor that no one
should buy the native wine. On the same night of the execution of this
woman one of the chiefs implicated in the murder of Pedro de Arana
was captured upon information furnished by Tupas; he was executed
on the following day, in the place of the murder. Expeditions sent
out to explore and gather provisions, learned of gold and mines. On
March 5, 1567, the large frigate was completed and launched, and it
was named "Espíritu Santo." An expedition was despatched to the island
of Gigantes in search of pitch for the boats. [76] "What we call pitch
in this region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order
to use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of Nueva
España, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell,
and taste; but it is very scarce, and occurs in but few places, and
is found with great trouble." None was found here, and a boat-load
of rice was brought instead from Panay, On the anniversary of the
finding of the child Jesus in Cebú, the twenty-eighth of April, one
of the two boats that had been despatched to the coasts of Mindanao
under command of the master-of-camp returned with news of his death
from fever, and anger at an attempted mutiny. Two soldiers who were
supposed to be ringleaders were sent back with the frigate and the
"San Juan" was following as rapidly as possible. The attempted mutiny
was due to the master-of-camp's prohibiting any trading or buying of
cinnamon. Martin Hernandez, a Portuguese, was the leader and the mutiny
was smothered by his hanging. Martin de Goyti was appointed to the
vacant position of master-of-camp, "for he was entirely trustworthy,
and had much experience in matters of war." Besides the master-of-camp,
fifteen or sixteen others died, which the physician declared was the
result of eating too much cinnamon. The new master-of-camp executed
two soldiers and one sailor, who were found to be, after Hernandez,
most concerned in the mutiny.
The "San Juan" was despatched to New Spain to carry despatches and to
beg aid. At the same time, July 10, came two boats from the Moluccas
with letters to Legazpi from the Portuguese commanders inviting the
Spaniards to their islands. From these Portuguese it was learned that
they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. The Spaniards were
but ill prepared for such a thing. "All this risk and danger has been
caused by the delay in receiving aid from that Nueva España. May God
pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many
hardships!" [77] (Tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91-225). Cebú, _circa_
1566. A petition to the king bearing signatures of Martin de Goiti,
Guido de Labezari, Andres Caúchela, Luis de la Haya, Gabriel de
Rribera, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Joan de la Isla, and Fernando
Rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. That ecclesiastics be
sent to Cebú, "for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion
of the natives," as only three of those first sent remain, namely,
Fray Diego, Fray Martin de Herrada, and Fray Pedro He Gamboa. 2. More
men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if
the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled
to it by force of arms. 3. That due rewards be granted Legazpi for
his faithful service. 4. The confirmation and perpetuation of the
appointments made by the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco,
in the expedition of Legazpi. 5. That the king grant to all those
of the expedition and their descendants forever exemption from
_pecho_ [78] and custom duty, as well as exemption from tax on ail
merchandise that they might trade in these islands for the period
of one hundred years. 6. That transferable _repartimientos_ [79]
be granted to the conquerors and new discoverers. 7. That the wives
and children of the conquerors, whether in Spain or New Spain, be
sustained from the royal estate until the _repartimientos_ be made;
and that in case of the death of any of those of the expedition this
sustenance be continued. 8. That land be apportioned to them. 9. That
the conquerors alone, outside of the king, be allowed to trade in
the Philippines. 10. That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our
trade with the natives, and preach to them the religion of Mahomet,"
may be enslaved and lose their property. 11. That the offices of
the royal officials appointed by Velasco be granted for life, and
to one heir after them, and that they be allowed to share in the
_repartimientos_. 12. An increase of salary because of the high cost
of living in these islands. The petitioners beg further: 1. That
slave traffic be allowed, "that the Spaniards may make use of them,
as do the chiefs and natives of these regions, both in mines and other
works that offer themselves." 2. The remittance of the king's fifth
of all gold and silver found for fifty years. 3. That the natives
be distributed in _encomiendas_. Legazpi in a separate petition
makes the following requests: That the Philippines be conquered,
colonized, and placed under the dominion of the crown, in order
that the gospel may be preached to more advantage and the tributes
collected from the natives, who are "changeable, fickle, and of but
little veracity." That religious of good life be sent who may serve as
examples, and that they may "try to learn the language of this land,
for thereby they will obtain good results." That certain Moros, who,
under pretext of being traders, preach the Mahometan faith and hinder
Spanish trade with the natives, be expelled from the islands, and that
they be not allowed to marry or settle therein. That his office of
governor and general be confirmed for life and extended to one heir,
as promised by Velasco. That the four thousand ducats promised him by
Velasco be granted him from the royal estate, inasmuch as he has made
the expedition without any personal aid from the king. That he and
two heirs be allowed to hold all the forts established by him, with
the salary agreed upon with Velasco, and that such holding and salary
commence with the fort of Cebú. That the title of high constable,
for himself and heirs, of all lands discovered and colonized by him,
be confirmed. That he may have two of the Ladrone Islands, with the
title of _adelantado_, provided he conquer and colonize them at his own
cost; these islands will be of great service as a way-station between
New Spain and the Philippines. That Felipe de Salcedo, his grandson,
be granted the habit of the order of Santiago for his great services
in the voyage to the Philippines, and his discovery of the return
route to New Spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid
from the crown. That the king favor Mateo del Saz, the master-of-camp,
for his excellent services. (Tomo iii, no. xlv, pp. 319-329.)