The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803
explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
beginning of the nineteenth century
Volume II, 1521-1569
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
Contents of Volume II
Preface
Expedition of García de Loaisa--1525-26
[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--1522-37]
Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra--1527-28.
[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--1527-28]
Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos
[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--[1541-48]
Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi--1564-68.
[Résumé of contemporaneous documents--1559-68]
Warrant of the Augustinian authorities
in Mexico establishing a branch of their
brotherhood in the Philippines--1564
Act of taking possession of Cibabao, Fernando
Riquel; Cibabao, February 15, 1565
Proclamation ordering the declaration of
the gold taken from the burial-places of the
Indians. M.L. de Legazpi; Çubu, May 16, 1565
Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de
Legazpi and others; Cubu, May 27 and 29,
and June 1, 1565
Letter from the royal officials of the
Filipinas to the royal Audiencia at Mexico,
accompanied by a memorandum of the necessary
things to be sent to the colony. Guido de
Labecares and others; Cubu, May 28, 1565
Relation of the voyage to the
Philippines. M. L. de Legazpi; Cubu, [1565]
[1]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a
Miguel Saluador de Valencia. (Barcelona,
Pau Cortey, 1566)
Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de Legazpi;
Cubu, July 12, 15, and 23, 1567 and June
26, 1568
Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira
regarding the Spanish settlement at
Cebú. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69
Bibliographical Data
Illustrations
Portrait of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; photographic
reproduction from painting in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar,
Madrid. _Frontispiece_
Portrait of Fray Andrés de Urdaneta; photographic reproduction
from painting by Madrazo, in possession of the Colegio de
Filipinas (Augustinian), Valladolid.
Signatures of Legazpi and other officials in the Philippines;
photographic facsimile from original MS. of their letter of
June 1, 1565, in the Archivo general de Indias, Seville.
The Santo Niño of Cebú (image of the child Jesus found there
by Legazpi's soldiers in 1565); from a plate in possession
of the Colegio de Filipinas, Valladolid.
Preface
The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre
de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented:
discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions
offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping
expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his
subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their
voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and
ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his
ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary
supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of
South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long
and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally
succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is
detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial
log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell
the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by
Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be
sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead--one
of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June
30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out
of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of
Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets
which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation
of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many
interesting details.
Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra
is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters
which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that
written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full;
he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with
hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks
the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power,
and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account
of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain
was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three
Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhães left at
Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.
Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to
gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands--that commanded
by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most
powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men
and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters
give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were
conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists
who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred
on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants,
hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective
rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to
Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad
Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22,
1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil
their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos
is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the
natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized,
like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban
to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from
hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men
who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to
reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the
acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned
children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left
by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is
written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1,
1548. Like Santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other
privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the
Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and
the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546)
for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.
Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is
made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this
is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history
of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents
are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has
its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24,
1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake
"the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those
who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation
Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico,
to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his
early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks
(May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the
Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he
safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the
purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same
mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request
that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership
of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and
thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the
king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco
makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise;
the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has
been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that
Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient
and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for
the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and
practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent
from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October,
1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the
responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco
explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's
departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following
September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death
(July 31) makes it necessary for the royal _Audiencia_ of Mexico to
assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi
(September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress
is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the
Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent
back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12,
the members of the _Audiencia_ inform the king of the instructions
they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct
his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging
to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión,
recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting
(as does the _Audiencia_) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring
New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly
to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by
Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching
departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of
similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave
port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to
turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This
displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go
with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning,
they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at
Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and
treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses
are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi
takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the
Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various
journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food,
which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty,
from the natives--often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A
Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate
engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly
to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the
commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide
to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28)
by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish
workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize,
and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and
a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives,
but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.
On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report
of their proceedings to the _Audiencia_ of New Mexico. They have
ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty
and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five
hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask
for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain
their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens
them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other
way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.
Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot
of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On
June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with
letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian
friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot
Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower
California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief
pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1,
and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great
hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the
"San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were
able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.
The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes
a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain
as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence
in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the
foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and
licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not
annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly
low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke
through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers
justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them
with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and
soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other
natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their
enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They
find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of
provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern
islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails,
except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish
camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards
experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually
deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even
among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food,
and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another
mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from
New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a
record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives
in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from
it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese
ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the
infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.
A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials
in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and
muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise,
they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi,
exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants
of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi,
asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still
other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who
claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain,
without receiving any reward therefor.
Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's
enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document--first
published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think,
in English--is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in
Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines
(1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent
at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English
translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The
other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February
15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the
natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters
written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials
to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the _Audiencia_
at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added
a specially valuable and interesting document--hitherto unpublished,
we believe--Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines,
and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for
New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found,
or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.
Next is presented (in both original text and English translation)
a document of especial bibliographical interest--_Copia de vna carta
venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia_. It is the earliest
printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona
in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it
is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements
of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements
regarding the islands and their people.
In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568)
mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the
early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and
commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his
faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has
been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need
of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in
the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends
(1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send
much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi
advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to
prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection;
and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.
The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by
the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed
expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace,
the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war,
but carried on protracted negotiations--a detailed account of which is
here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's
chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims
that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate
the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the
heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as
being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he
will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with
two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes
vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira
summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to
transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if
they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals,
and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents
are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities
current in international difficulties of this sort.
_The Editors_
Documents of 1525-1528
_Expedition of García de Loáisa_
1525-26
_Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra_
1527-28
[Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1522-37]
Translated and synopsized by James A. Robertson, from Navarrete's
_Col. de viages_, tomo v, appendix, pp. 193-486.
Expedition of García de Loaisa
1525-26
[These documents are all contained in Navarrete's _Col. de viages_,
tomo v, being part of the appendix of that volume (pp. 193-439). They
are here summarized in even briefer form than were the documents
concerning the voyage of Magalhães, indicating sources rather than
attempting a full presentation of the subject. Navarrete precedes
these documents with an account of Loaisa's voyage covering one
hundred and ninety pages--compiled, as was his account of Magalhães,
from early authors and the documents in the appendix.]
A memorandum without date or signature [2] describes to the king
the advantages that would arise from establishing the India House of
Trade at Corunna rather than at Seville: the harbor of Corunna is more
commodious; it is nearer the resorts of trade for the northern nations;
much trade now going to Portugal will come to Corunna; larger ships can
be used and better cargoes carried; it is nearer to sources of supply,
and expeditions can be fitted out better from this place; and it will
be impossible for the captains or others to take forbidden merchandise,
or to land articles on the return voyage--as they could do at Seville,
because of having to navigate on the river. (No. i, pp. 193-195.)
1522. The king and queen, after the return of the "Victoria" issue
a document with thirty-three concessions to natives of their kingdom
who should advance sums of money, etc., for fitting out expeditions
for the spice regions; these privileges are to cover the first five
expeditions fitting out. The interests and rights of the sovereigns
and of the contributors are clearly defined. These fleets are to trade
in the Moluccas, or in any other lands and islands discovered within
Castile's demarcation. The House of Trade for the spice regions is
to be established at Corunna. (No. ii, pp. 196-207.)
Madrid, April 5, 1525. Fray García Jofre de Loaisa, a commander of
the order of St. John, [3] is appointed captain-general of the fleet
now fitting out at Corunna for the Moluccas, and governor of those
islands. His powers are outlined, being such as were usually given
in such expeditions. As annual salary he is to have, during the
voyage, "two thousand nine hundred and twenty ducats, which amount
to one million, ninety-four thousand five hundred maravedis." He
is to have certain privileges of trade, being allowed to carry
merchandise. Rodrigo de Acuña is appointed captain of the fourth ship,
with a salary of three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedís. He
may invest fifty thousand maravedís in the fleet, such sum being
advanced from his salary. The accountant for the fleet, Diego Ortiz de
Orue, is instructed to fulfil the duties incident to his office (these
are named), and to keep full accounts. Instructions are issued also
to the treasurer, Hernando de Bustamante, who is ordered "to obey our
captain and the captain of your ship, and try to act in harmony with
our officials, and shun all manner of controversy and discord." He must
discuss with the captains and officials questions pertaining to his
duty, for the better fulfilment thereof. (Nos. iii-vi, pp. 207-218.)
Toledo, May 13, 1525. The crown reserves the right to appoint persons
to take the place of any officials dying during the expedition. In
case Loaisa should die, his office as governor of the Moluccas is to
be filled in the following order: Pedro de Vera, Rodrigo de Acuña,
Jorge Manrique, Francisco de Hoces. His office as captain-general falls
first to Juan Sebastian del Cano; then to those above named. Further,
the chief treasurer, factor, and accountant are next in succession; and
after them a captain-general and other officers shall be elected by the
remaining captains, treasurers, factors, and accountants. Instructions
are given to Diego de Covarrubias as to his duties as factor-general
of the Moluccas. He is to exercise great care in all matters connected
with trade, selling at as high rates as possible. (Nos. vii, viii,
pp. 218-222.)
A relation by Juan de Areizaga [4] gives the leading events of
Loaisa's voyage until the Strait of Magellan is passed. The fleet
leaves Corunna July 24, 1525, and finishes the passage of the strait
May 26, 1526. On the voyage three ships are lost, the "San Gabriel,"
"Nunciado," and "Santi Spiritus." The "Santiago" puts in "at the coast
discovered and colonized by. . . Cortés at the shoulders of New Spain,"
to reprovision. Loaisa is thus left with only three vessels. (No. ix,
pp. 223-225.)
The deposition of Francisco Dávila--given (June 4, 1527) under oath
before the officials at Corunna, in order to be sent to the king--and
several letters by Rodrigo de Acuña, dated June 15, 1527, and April
30, 1528, give the interesting adventures of the ship "San Gabriel"
and its captain after its separation from Loaisa's fleet. The vessel
after various wanderings in the almost unknown seas near South American
coasts, and exciting adventures with French vessels on the coast of
Brazil, finally reaches Bayona May 28, 1527, in a wretched condition
and very short of provisions. She carried "twenty-seven persons and
twenty-two Indians," and is without her proper captain Acuña, who had
been left in the hands of the French. Abandoned by the latter on the
Brazilian coast, he was rescued by a Portuguese vessel and carried
to Pernambuco "a trading agency of the King of Portugal," where he
was detained as prisoner for over eighteen months. In his letter to
the King of Portugal, Acuña upbraids him for treatment worse than the
Moors might user "but," he adds, "what can we expect when even the sons
of Portuguese are abandoned here to the fare of the savages? There are
more than three hundred Christians, the sons of Christians, abandoned
in this land, who would be more certain of being saved in Turkey than
here.... There is no justice here. Let your majesty take me from this
land, and keep me where I may have the justice I merit." Late in the
year 1528, Acuña is ordered to Portugal, as is learned from another
document, dated November 2 of that year. Before leaving Pernambuco he
desires that a testimony of everything that has happened since his
departure from Spain until his arrival at Pernambuco be taken down
by the notary-public, this testimony being taken from the men who had
come with him, "and the Frenchmen who were present at my undoing, and
others who heard it from persons who were in the ships of the French
who destroyed me." Acuña desires this in case any accident befall him
while on the way to Portugal, and "that the emperor may be informed of
the truth, and that I may give account of myself." This testimony is
much the same as that contained in the other documents. (Nos. xxiii,
pp. 225-241; and no, xv, pp. 313-323.)
June 11, 1528. Hernando de la Torre, captain-general and governor
in the Moluccas, sends the king a log of the fleet up to June 1,
1526, followed by the adventures of the flagship, "Sancta Maria de
la Victoria," after its separation from the rest of the fleet, with a
description of the lands and seas in its course. The log was made by
the pilot of the "Victoria," Martin de Uriarte. De la Torre prefaces
these accounts with a letter in which he asks for aid, "of which we are
in sore need." He says "all the captains of the ships, caravels, and
the tender, seven in number; the treasurer, accountants, and officials,
both general and private, ... are dead or lost, until now only the
treasurer of one of the ships is left" and he [de la Torre] has been
elected captain, "not because they found in me any good qualifications
for the office, but only a willing spirit." He gives account to the
king "of all that has happened, as I am obliged to do, and because
of my office it is more fitting for me than any other to do so." Some
notable events mentioned in the log are: the entrance into the Santa
Cruz River on January 18, 1526; their arrival on the twenty-fourth at
the cape of Las Virgines, near which Juan Sebastian del Cano's ship
founders in a storm; and the passage of the strait, beginning March 29,
by three ships and the tender, the last-named being lost on Easter
Day. A detailed description of the strait follows. On September 4,
"we saw land, and it was one of the islands of the Ladrones which the
other expedition had discovered," where they find a Spaniard who had
fled from the ship of the former expedition. On September 10 they
depart from this island for the Moluccas. October 8 they land at
an island where the friendly advances of the natives are checked by
a native from Malacca, who declares that the Castilians would kill
all the inhabitants. On the tenth, "the eleven slaves we had seized
in the island of the Ladrones fled in the same canoe that we had
seized with them." On the twenty-first they anchor at "Terrenate,
one of the Malucos, and the most northern of them." November 4,
they have news that the Portuguese are fortified in other islands
of the archipelago. Negotiations with the Portuguese are detailed at
some length. "The islands having cloves are these: Terrenate, Tidori,
Motil, Maquian, Bachan." A description of these islands follows, and
then the pilot adds, "All these islands of Maluco and those near by
are ... mountainous." March 30, 1528 a Castilian vessel anchors at
Tidore, one of three sent by Cortes [5] to seek news of Loaisa. The
two others had been blown from their course five or six days before
reaching the Ladrones. This ship, under command of Captain Saavedra
Ceron, had ransomed three men of the caravel "Santa Maria del Parral,"
one of Loaisa's ships, on an island to the north of Tidore. These men
declare that their ship had been captured by the natives, the captain
and most of the crew killed, and the remainder made prisoners. The
accusation is made that these three men, in company with others, had
themselves killed their captain. The document closes with various
observations as to recent events, and states various needs of the
Spaniards. The governor praises Saavedra, declaring that because of
his diligence he is worthy of great rewards. (No. xiv, pp. 241-313.)
Letters and documents follow which give details of the voyage of
Loaisa, and events in the Moluccas until the year 1535. From a letter
written (May 3, 1529) by Hernando de Bustamante and Diego de Salivas
it is learned that Jorge Manrique, captain of the "Santa Maria del
Parral," had been killed by his own men; and that sixty-one of those
sailing in the fleet died a natural death, nine were drowned when the
"Santi Spiritus" was wrecked, nine were killed by the Portuguese,
and four were hanged. A writ handed to the king from the Council of
the Indies says that German factors denied the report of the death
of Loaisa; and it is advised that one or two caravels be sent from
New Spain--from Colima, or Guatemala, or Nicaragua--to find out the
truth of this report.
A letter from Hernando de la Torre states that "Juan Sebastian del
Cano, who was captain of the ship wrecked in the strait," became
captain-general at Loaisa's death and "died a few days afterwards;"
and that of the one hundred and twenty-three men of the "Victoria,"
and twenty-five others who came with Saavedra, only twenty-five men
were left. In an investigation concerning matters connected with
Loaisa's expedition, Juan de Mazuecos declares (September 7, 1534)
that Loaisa had died of sickness, four hundred leagues from the Strait
of Magellan; and that all who ate at his table had died within the
space of forty days. Like depositions concerning this expedition are
taken from several others, among them being Fray Andres Urdaneta. A
document made up from the above investigations says that Loaisa's
death was in the last of July, 1526, and that the Ladrones number
in all thirteen islands, "in which there are no flocks, fowls, or
animals." (Nos. xvi-xxv, pp. 323-400. These documents are much alike.)
The noted Augustinian Urdaneta [6] wrote an account of this disastrous
enterprise, and of subsequent events, covering the years 1525-1535;
this relation is the best and most succinct of all the early documents
regarding Loaisa's expedition. It bears date, Valladolid, February 26,
1537; and the original is preserved, as are the majority of the Loaisa
documents, in the Archivo general dé Indias in Seville. Urdaneta,
as befits an actor in the events, uses the first person, and gives a
very readable and interesting account of the expedition. He describes a
Patagonian thus: "He was huge of body, and ugly. He was clad in a zebra
skin, and on his head he bore a plume made of ostrich feathers; [7] he
carried a bow, and on his feet had fastened some bits of leather." He
describes, briefly and graphically, the storms that scattered the
ships and caused the foundering of the "Santi Spiritus." Shortly after
entering the strait, "a pot of pitch took fire on the commander's
ship, and the ship began to burn, and little was lacking that we did
not burn in it, but by God's help, and the great care exercised,
we put out the fire." "We left the strait in the month of May,
five hundred and twenty-six [_sic_] [8]--the commander's ship,
two caravels, and the tender. A few days afterward we had a very
great storm, by the violence of which we were separated from one
another, and we never saw each other again.... In these adversities
died the accountant Tejada and the pilot Rodrigo Bermejo. On the
thirtieth of July died the captain-general Fray Garcia de Loaisa,
and by a secret provision of his majesty, Juan Sebastian del Cano
was sworn in as captain-general ... On the fourth of August ... died
Juan Sebastian del Cano, and the nephew of the commander Loaisa,
[9] who was accountant-general." When they reached the Ladrones "we
found here a Galician ... who was left behind in this island with
two companions from the ship of Espinosa; and, the other two dying,
he was left alive.... The Indians of these islands go about naked,
wearing no garments. They are well built men; they wear their hair
long, and their beards full. They possess no iron tools, performing
their work with stones. They have no other weapons than spears--some
with points hardened with fire, and some having heads made from the
shin bones of dead men, and from fish-bones. In these islands we took
eleven Indians to work the pump, because of the great number of sick
men in the ship." The trouble with the Portuguese in the Moluccas
is well narrated. Of the people of Java, Urdaneta says: "The people
of this island are very warlike and gluttonous. They possess much
bronze artillery, which they themselves cast. They have guns too,
as well as lances like ours, and well made." Others of their weapons
are named. Further details of negotiations with the Portuguese are
narrated, as well as various incidents of Urdaneta's homeward trip in
a Portuguese vessel by way of the Cape of Good Hope. He disembarks at
Lisbon on June 6, 1636, where certain papers and other articles are
taken from him. The relation closes with information regarding various
islands, and the advantages of trading in that region. He mentions
among the islands some of the Philippines: "Northwest of Maluco lies
Bendenao [Mindanao]...in this island there is cinnamon, much gold,
and an extensive pearl-fishery. We were informed that two junks come
from China every year to this island for the purpose of trade. North
of Bendenao is Cebú, and according to the natives it also contains
gold, for which the Chinese come to trade each year." (No. xxvi,
pp. 401-439.)
Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra
1527-28
[These documents are printed in the latter part of the appendix to
volume v of Navarrete's _Col. de viages_; and although the voyage
of Saavedra is connected so intimately with that of Loaisa, it
is thought better to present it separately therefrom, as a whole,
inasmuch as this was the first expedition fitted out in the New World
for the islands in the far East. It is evident thus early that the
vantage point of New Spain's position as regards these islands was
clearly recognized. The letter from Cortés to the king of Cebú is
given entire, as being somewhat more closely within the scope of this
work than are the other documents.]
Granada, June 20, 1526. By a royal decree Cortés is ordered to despatch
vessels from New Spain to ascertain what has become of the "Trinidad"
[10] and her crew that was left in the Moluccas; to discover news of
the expedition of Loaisa, as well as that under command of Sebastian
Cabot which had sailed also to the same region. [11] He is advised to
provide articles for trade and ransom, and to secure for the expedition
the most experienced men whom he can find--it is especially desirable
that the pilot should be such. The king has written to Ponce de Leon
and other officials to furnish all the help necessary. (No. xxvii,
pp. 440-441.)
May, 1527. Following the custom of the king in fitting out expeditions,
Cortés issues instructions to the various officers of the fleet. Alvaro
de Saavedra, a cousin to Cortés, is appointed to the double office
of inspector-general and captain-general of the fleet. Two sets of
instructions are given him, in each of which appears the following:
"Because as you know you are going to look for the captains Frey
Garcia de Loaisa and Sebastian Caboto, and if it is our Lord's will,
it might happen that they have no ships; and if they have a supply
of spices, you shall observe the following, in order that it may be
carried on these ships. You shall note what they give, and to whom it
is delivered, and you shall have the said captains and the officials
they took with them sign this entry in your book." The first matter
is to look for the above-mentioned captains. If they have discovered
any new lands he must make careful note of that fact, and of their
location and products. He is to go to Cebú to ascertain whether the
pilot Serrano [12] and others made captives there are still alive,
and, if so, to ransom them. He is to use all diligence in seeking
information as to all men of Magalhães's expedition who were left in
those regions. Antonio Guiral is appointed accountant of the fleet; and
the same general injunction contained in the other two instructions
is also specified in his. Cortés writes in an apologetic vein to
those of Cabot's fleet, asking them to inform him fully of events
"in order that he may serve his majesty." He writes also to Cabot
himself informing him of the purpose of Saavedra's expedition, adding,
"because, as his Catholic majesty considers the affairs of that spice
region of so much importance, he has a very special care to provide
everything necessary for it." He mentions the arrival in New Spain of
the tender that had accompanied Loaisa and become separated from him
shortly after leaving the strait. [13] He assures Cabot that Saavedra
goes simply to look for him and the others and will be subservient to
him in all that he may order. A letter is written also to the king
of the land or island at which Saavedra should anchor assuring him
of only good intentions, and asking friendship and trade. Another
letter to the king of Tidore thanks him in the name of the emperor
for his good reception of Magalhães's men who remained in that
island. (Nos. xxix-xxxiii, pp. 443-461; No. xxxv, pp. 463, 464.)
_Letter from Hernán Cortés to the King of Cebú_ To you the honored and
excellent King of Cebú, in the Maluco region: I, Don Hernando Cortés,
Captain-general and governor of this New Spain for the very exalted and
most powerful Emperor, Cæsar Augustus, King of the Spains, our Lord,
send you friendly greeting, as one whom I love and esteem, and to
whom I wish every blessing and good because of the good news I have
heard concerning yourself and your land, and for the kind reception
and treatment that you have given to the Spaniards who have anchored
in your country.
You will already have heard, from the account of the Spaniards whom
you have in your power--certain people sent to those districts by the
great emperor and monarch of the Christians about seven or eight years
ago--of his great power, magnificence, and excellency. Therefore, and
because you may inform yourself of what you most wish to know, through
the captain and people, whom I send now in his powerful name, it is
not needful to write at great length. But it is expedient that you
should know, that this so powerful prince, desiring to have knowledge
of the manner and trade of those districts, sent thither one of his
captains named Hernando de Magallanes with five ships. Of these ships
but one, owing to the said captain's lack of caution and foresight,
returned to his kingdoms; from its people his majesty learned the
reason for the destruction and loss of the rest. Now although he was
sorely afflicted at all this, he grieved most at having a captain who
departed from the royal commands and instructions that he carried,
especially in his having stirred up war or discord with you and
yours. For his majesty sent him with the single desire to regard you
all as his very true friends and servants, and to extend to you every
manner of kindness as regards your honor and your persons. For this
disobedience the Lord and possessor of all things permitted that he
should suffer retribution for his want of reverence, dying as he did
in the evil pretension which he attempted to sustain, contrary to
his prince's will. And God did him not a little good in allowing him
to die as he did there; for had he returned alive, the pay for his
negligence had not been so light. And, in order that you and all the
other kings and seigniors of those districts might have knowledge of
his majesty's wishes, and know how greatly he has grieved over this
captain's conduct, some two years ago he sent two other captains with
people to those districts to give you satisfaction for it. And he gave
orders to me--who, in his powerful name, reside in these his lands,
which lie very near yours--that I too despatch other messengers for
this purpose, in order that he might have greater assurance, and that
you might hold more certain his embassy, ordering and charging me
especially that I do it with much diligence and brevity. Therefore
I am sending three ships with crews, who will give the very full and
true reason of all this; and you may be able to receive satisfaction,
and regard as more certain all that I shall say to you, for I thus
affirm and certify it in the name of this great and powerful lord. And
since we are so near neighbors, and can communicate with each other in
a few days, I shall be much honored, if you will inform me of all the
things of which you wish to be advised, for I know all this will be
greatly to his majesty's service. And over and above his good will,
I shall be most gratified thereat and shall write you my thanks;
and the emperor our lord will be much pleased if you will deliver
to this captain any of the Spaniards who are still alive in your
prison. If you wish a ransom for it, he shall give it you at your
pleasure and to your satisfaction; and in addition you will receive
favors from his majesty, and reciprocal favors from me, since, if you
wish it so, we shall have for many days much intercourse and friendship
together. May twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and twenty-seven.
_Hernando Cortes_.
(No. xxxiv, pp. 461-462.)
A relation of the voyage was written by Saavedra and set down in the
book of the secretary of the fleet. The two ships and one brig set
sail in October, 1527, from the port of "Zaguatenejo, which is in
New Spain, in the province of Zacatala," on the western coast. When
out but a short distance his surgeon dies and is buried at sea. Soon
after this one of the ships begins to take water, and so rapidly
that it is necessary to bring men from the other vessels to keep her
afloat. On December 29 the Ladrones are sighted; and soon afterward
they anchor at an island (not of this group), whose inhabitants show
previous contact with Castilians by crying as a signal "Castilla,
Castilla!" He relates the finding of one of the three men at the island
of Vizaya. This man relates that after a year's captivity his master
had taken him to Cebú, where he learned from the natives that they had
sold to the Chinese the eight companions of Magalhães who were left
on that island. The natives of Cebú "are idolaters, who at certain
times sacrifice human beings to their god, whom they call Amito,
and offer him to eat and to drink. They dwell near the coast and they
often voyage upon the sea in their canoes, going to many islands for
plunder and trade. They are like the Arabs, changing their towns from
one place to another. There are many fine hogs in this island, and
it has gold. They say that people from China come hither, and that
they trade among these islands." Another relation of this voyage
was presented by Vicente de Nápoles in 1634, in an investigation
at Madrid. Early in the voyage the ships become separated, and
Saavedra's vessel never again sees its companions. [14] He tells of
seeing "an island which is called Mondaña, and which the Portuguese
call Mindanao." The finding of the three Castilians is narrated,
also the meeting with the survivors of Loaisa's expedition; their
negotiations with the Portuguese; and their final return to Europe
in a Portuguese vessel are recounted. [15] (No. xxxvii, pp. 476-486.)
Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos--1541-46
[Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1541-48.]
Translated and synopsized, by James A. Robertson, from
_Col. doc. inéd.,_ as follows: _Ultramar_, ii, part i, pp. 1-94;
_Amér. y Oceania,_ pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.
The Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos--1541-46
[The expedition of Villalobos, [16] although productive of slight
immediate result, paved the way for the later and permanent
expedition and occupation by Legazpi. For this reason--and, still
more, because this was the first expedition to the Western Islands (in
contradistinction from the Moluccas), which included the Philippine
group, and because these latter islands received from Villalobos
the name by which history was to know them,--these documents, which
for lack of space cannot be here fully presented, deserve a fuller
synopsis than do those pertaining to the preceding expeditions of
Magalhães, Loaisa, and Saavedra. The documents thus abstracted are to
be found in _Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar,_ ii, part 1, pp. 1-94; and in
_Col. doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía,_ v, pp. 117-209, xiv, pp. 151-165.]