CHAPTER XIV

THE LAST YEARS OF THE STUART DYNASTY

The main sources of information for the period included in this

chapter are Pepys' _Memoirs relating to the State of the Royal Navy

of England for the Ten Years determined December 1688_, and the Diary

of his Journey to Tangier, included in Mr. Smith's edition of his

_Letters_. For the naval events of the Revolution we possess the

Memoirs of Lord Torrington, edited by Mr. Laughton for the Camden

Society.

The fourteen years between the conclusion of the third Dutch war and

the Revolution of 1688 saw no new war. The operations against the

pirates of the Barbary coast have already been described. The events

of this interval were first the fall of the navy to a disgraceful

pitch of weakness through pure corruption and mismanagement; then

its restoration to a sounder condition through the efforts of King

James II.; and lastly, those intrigues which deprived the king of his

fleet when the country rose upon him in the autumn of the year of

the Revolution. There was, it is true, an alarm of war in 1678, and

some show of preparation for hostilities was made. It was directed

against France. The country would have been willing enough to see

itself engaged in a war with France. It feared the ambition of the

French king, and would, moreover, have considered hostilities directed

against him as a guarantee against Roman Catholic intrigues at home.

Commercial disputes also embittered the relations of the two countries.

The third Dutch war had been very disastrous to English shipping. The

Dutch, having been compelled to suspend regular commerce, had taken

to privateering on a large scale, and in the general inefficiency of

our management little had been done to check them. Thus our trade had

suffered severely. At the close of the war the Government had allowed

English shipowners to buy foreign-built vessels, contrary to the

provisions of the Navigation Act. As the war between France and Holland

went on for years after England had made peace, it is probable that

many Dutch owners took the opportunity to make collusive sales. They,

in fact, pretended to sell the vessels when they were only transferring

them to an English name, in order to secure protection against French

privateers. The French, at anyrate, insisted in treating the transfer

of Dutch-built vessels as a mere manoeuvre, and in considering them

lawful prize. These captures caused great irritation in England, and

went to strengthen the general desire for war. But the king would not

quarrel with his cousin--at least he would not go further than was

necessary to induce the King of France to continue his allowance.

The war scare passed over, and the navy was left to rot to within a

measurable distance of complete destruction.

It would indeed have been wonderful if a service requiring at once the

regular expenditure of money and a constant vigilant administrative

control had not fallen into a thoroughly bad condition during the last

years of the reign of Charles II. The king never had enough money,

and he grew daily less capable of controlling his own Government. His

health was worn out for some years before his death, and he could no

longer give constant attention to the affairs of the State, even if he

had been willing to make the effort. It is true that the king was not

left wholly without pecuniary assistance from Parliament. He obtained

one grant by consenting to pass the Test Act, and in 1677 Parliament

gave him £700,000 to pay for the construction of thirty men-of-war. But

these aids were entirely insufficient. The Dutch war, adding to the

burdens already upon him, had swollen the king's debt to no less a sum

than four millions sterling. The closing of the Exchequer had made it

certain that the king could expect no assistance from the commercial

class. Thus he suffered from continual penury. It may be allowed that

it was his own fault he was not better supplied. It cannot be denied

that even what he had, the fixed revenue of the Crown and the pensions

doled out to him irregularly by the King of France, was wasted. At a

time when he was compelled to reduce the salaries of the servants of

his household, and when his troops and his fleet were being starved

for want of money, the Duchess of Portsmouth, and other less favoured

instruments of his pleasures, drew a very large sum of money. It is

a matter of record that they received among them not much less than

half of the sum--namely, £400,000 a year--estimated as necessary for

the support of the navy in peace. It would be rash indeed to affirm

that their gains were limited to the sums of money entered into the

accounts. When a treasury is made a prey to harpies of both sexes of

this order, there is hardly any limit to be placed to their rapacity.

Subordinate officers will profess to have received money for their

departments, when, in point of fact, it has really passed into the

hands of some courtier who has secured their compliance by a bribe.

Pepys, indeed, in his _Memoirs relating to the State of the Royal Navy

of England for Ten Years determined December 1688_, asserts that,

during the worst time of King Charles's reign, the Lord High Treasurer

did annually pay out £400,000 for the service of the navy. But Pepys

was a strong Royalist, and was writing in 1690, at a time when all

partisans of the House of Stuart had the most powerful motive for

making out a case for the dethroned royal family; and then Pepys could

only know that the money was formally paid for that service, and not

whether it ever reached the hand of the naval officers for any other

purpose than to be immediately returned, in part, if not in whole, to

the courtiers and the favourites and their agents.

Pepys' evidence is, at anyrate, conclusive as to this, that whoever

stole the money, or whatever sums were set apart for the service of

the navy, the king's ships did, during the last years of his reign,

sink into abject weakness. Between 1672 and 1679 the king took the

administration of the navy into his own hands. In practice, this meant

that he was keeping the office of Lord High Admiral open for his

brother, if ever the anti-papal excitement of the time made it safe to

restore the duke to his office. The king himself could not, even if he

would, give his navy the constant attention required from the chief of

an administration. What the king could not do was not done at all. The

Duke of York, though excluded from office by the Test Act, appears to

have exercised a species of informal control over the navy until 1679,

but by that year the country had been worked into a paroxysm of madness

by the supposed discovery of the Popish Plot in 1678, and the duke was

believed to be in so much danger that the king persuaded him to retire

to the Netherlands. In the same year, Pepys, who had continued to hold

his post on the Navy Board, was imprisoned in the Tower, on a charge of

being a convert to Popery and a favourite with the Papists. He lost his

office, and had no further connection with the navy for five years. The

king, who lived in terror while the Popish Plot was still believed to

be a real danger, and whose health began to fail about this time, rid

himself of even the appearance of trouble in connection with his navy.

He appointed a Commission to discharge the whole office of the Lord

High Admiral; in other words, he suspended both the office of Lord High

Admiral and the Navy Office, and gave the whole of the administration

of the service to such a Board as had ruled the navy for Charles I.

between the death of the Duke of Buckingham and the nomination of the

Earl of Northumberland.

Under the control of these men the navy was all but destroyed. It would

be perhaps unjust to lay the blame entirely on their deficiencies. The

king had not the money required to pay the expenses of his Government,

and what he had was pilfered on all hands by servants of all ranks and

both sexes. But if they cannot be made to bear the blame alone, they

certainly must share it. It is significant that during the years this

Commission lasted no accounts were kept, nor could any afterwards be

obtained. Where no accounts were kept, it was doubtless because nobody

concerned ventured to say what had really been done with the money:

that it was not spent in maintaining the fleet is certain. When Pepys

was committed to prison in 1679, the king had in commission seventy-six

ships, carrying 12,040 men. Those of the king's ships that were not

in commission could, it was estimated, be put to sea at an expense

of £50,000 sterling. The dockyards contained stores to the value of

£60,000 over and above the six months' provisions of war served out

to the ships in commission. The thirty ships designed to be built

out of the money granted by Parliament in 1677 were all in course of

construction, and eleven of them had just been launched.

This picture of the state of the navy in 1679 is possibly much

flattered. Pepys asserts that it must be accepted as trustworthy,

because in 1679 a report was made to the House of Commons which shows

the condition of the navy at the time, and is identical with his

account of it. He does not add that the report to the Commons was made

by the navy officers, and was not checked. It is probable that there

were a great many suppressions in Pepys' account. He had made out a

plausible case for the Navy Office in 1668, when it was found necessary

to throw dust in the eyes of the House of Commons. Yet at that very

time he was drawing up a confidential statement for the benefit of the

Duke of York, in which he shows that the members of the Board neglected

their duty, that the Lord High Admiral's instructions of 1661-62 were

disregarded, and that the department was in need of a thorough overhaul

if it was to escape falling into total inefficiency. There was exactly

the same reverse to the fine portrait which Pepys drew of the navy

in 1679. Yet, though it was wastefully maintained and suffered from

many defects, there at least was a navy in that year. Five years later

there was hardly any navy in existence. Twenty-four ships only were in

commission. They were all small, and carried among them only 3070 men.

The ships not in commission were so out of repair, not through service,

but through pure neglect, that £120,000 would have been required to fit

them for sea; while the whole of the stores in the magazines hardly

amounted in value to £5000. The state of the thirty new ships in hand

when Mr. Pepys was imprisoned was worse even than that of the old

vessels. Most of them had never even been in commission, and yet they

were ready to sink at their moorings from pure rottenness.

"The greatest part nevertheless of these _Thirty Ships_ (without

having ever yet lookt out of _Harbour_) were let to sink into such

Distress, through _Decays_ contracted in their _Buttocks_, _Quarters_,

_Bows_, _Thickstuff_ without _Board_, and _Spirkettings_ upon their

_Gun-decks_ within; their _Buttock-Planks_ some of them _started_

from their _Transums_, _Tree-nails_ burnt and rotted, and _Planks_

thereby become ready to drop into the _Water_, as being (with their

neighbouring _Timbers_) in many places perish'd to _powder_, to the

rendring them unable with safety to admit of being _breem'd_, for

fear of taking _Fire_; and their whole _sides_ more disguised by

_Shot-boards_ nail'd, and _Plaisters_ of _Canvas_ pitch'd thereon (for

hiding their _Defects_, and keeping them above _Water_) than has been

usually seen upon the coming in of a _Fleet_ after a Battle; that

several of them had been newly reported by the _Navy-Board_ itself, to

lye in danger of _sinking_ at their very _Moorings_."

The breeming or, according to modern spelling, breaming of a ship was

the act of cleaning the bottom by burning off the ooze, sedge, shells,

or seaweed which adhered to it during a long stay in harbour. When

vessels were not coppered, they easily became foul. The fire, applied

by faggots of wood or reed, melted the ship's coating of pitch, and

whatever adhered to it could easily be scraped off, and the ship

covered with a new coating of tar or tallow. Of course, if the ship

had been allowed to rot until she was in the condition of tinder,

this could not possibly be done without danger. This was the return

for £670,000 of money voted by the Parliament and actually paid into

the hands of the Treasurer of the Navy. "The strict provision made by

Parliament, the repeated injunctions of His Majesty, the orders of

the then Lord Treasurer and ampleness of the helps purposely allowed

(to the full of their own demands and undertakings) for securing a

satisfactory account of the charge and build of the said ships,"

were all useless. Such was the state of the navy when the king, just

before his death, in February 1685, resumed the administration into

his own hands, and decided to govern it once more by the advice of

his brother, the Duke of York. The duke brought back Pepys, who was

living in retirement at Windsor. Nothing could be done during the

brief remainder of the life of Charles II., and not much was effected

during the first year of King James's reign. In the January of 1686

the condition of the fleet, if not worse, was as bad as ever. Ninety

thousand pounds had been spent on the repair of ships, and yet the

navy officers were demanding as much more before they could undertake

to put the ships in a state of repair. Not a quarter of the ships

were graved, that is, docked and cleaned so as to be fit for service.

During Monmouth's rebellion the navy could hardly contrive to fit

out a squadron; nothing had been done to the thirty new ships, and

the magazines of stores were empty. It was clear that, unless strong

measures were taken, the navy would perish utterly. King James was

certainly not a great commander, and he was a very bad king. Still he

had so far a genuine interest in the navy, and the feelings becoming

an English king, that he was willing to save the fleet. To say that he

did the work himself would be going too far, but he did decide that it

should be done. He chose the men who could do it, and he supported them

in the discharge of their duty.

Following the precedent set by his grandfather, James I., after the

report of the Commission in 1618, the king decided to appoint a special

Commission. He did not entirely dismiss the members of the existing

naval administration, but he added four to their number. These four

were Sir Anthony Deane, the well-known shipbuilder, Sir John Berry, the

naval officer who has been mentioned already as serving against the

French and Dutch in the West Indies, Mr. Hewer, and Mr. St. Michael.

All four, if we may believe his word, were chosen on the recommendation

of Pepys. The real power was in the hands of the new members. The old

officers, Lord Falkland, Sir J. Tippets, Sir Richard Haddock, and Mr.

Southerne, were set apart to endeavour to reduce the accounts for the

past five years into some sort of order. They appear to have had no

other share in the administration. Lord Falkland, indeed, remained

Treasurer of the Navy, but in that capacity he would have little to do

except receive money from the Lord High Treasurer, and pass it on to

the other departments. Sir P. Pett and Sir R. Beach, who were on the

old Commission, were employed only at Chatham and Portsmouth. Sir John

Narbrough and Sir J. Godwin, also members of the old Commission, served

on the Board with Deane, Berry, and Hewer. St. Michael was commissioner

only at Deptford and Woolwich. Pepys did not resume his seat on the

Navy Board, but was appointed Secretary to the Admiralty, which, as the

king kept the office of Lord High Admiral to himself, meant that for

all practical purposes the government of the navy was in his hands. The

Commission was appointed in April 1686, and was determined on the 12th

of October 1688. During these two years the Commissioners brought the

navy into the condition which enabled it to be used as an effective

instrument after the Revolution. They did not succeed, and they did not

pretend to have succeeded, in removing all the defects caused by so

many previous years of corruption and mismanagement.

The sum for which the Commission undertook to do this work was £400,000

a year. It received the money for two years and a half, from the 25th

March 1686 till the 12th of October 1688. The total sum received was

£1,015,384, 12s. The money actually spent on the navy was not more than

£310,000 a year, leaving a balance of £307,570, 9s. 4d. to the credit

of the Commissioners. Pepys records, not without a certain wistful

regret, that if the work had been done by contract, the Commissioners

would have put all this money into their own pockets, while as a

matter of fact they got nothing but their modest salaries. It would be

pedantic to demand a too minute accuracy from Pepys or any Englishman

of his generation on such a point. Yet it does seem to be the case

that the work was thoroughly done. When the Commission was determined

in October 1688, amid the fall of the Stuart dynasty, there were 92

ships of the navy in commission, carrying 15,038 men. Its total force

was 173 vessels, of which 9 were of the first rate, 11 of the second,

39 of the third, 41 of the fourth, 2 of the fifth, and 6 of the sixth.

The fireships were 26 in number, and there were 14 yachts; a few

bombs hoys, hulks, ketches, and smacks made up the remainder. It was

estimated that 42,003 men were required to man these ships, and that

they carried 6930 guns. It is the boast of Pepys that at this date all

the officers and men of the navy were paid, nothing was owing to the

contractors, and the magazines were full to overflowing of stores.

There is a curious similarity between the fortunes of James II. and

his father. Both took a keen interest in their navy, both did much to

strengthen it, and it was the instrument which mainly served in the

ruin of both. Northumberland threw the navy of Charles I. into the

hands of Parliament, and thereby gave it the means of cutting the king

off from his friends over the sea. The navy went over to the side of

the Revolution in 1688, and was henceforth successfully engaged in

preventing the return of King James to England.

Great part of the work of the Commission consisted in reducing

administrative anarchy to order. The accounts were brought into a

proper condition mainly by Hewer. But there was another part of its

work, or of the work done through it by the king, which was designed

to effect a much-needed reform in the conduct of the naval officer. It

has been said already that the king's captains had from old been in

the habit of adding to their salaries by carrying cargoes for money.

They also seem to have taken money for carrying English merchants

abroad. The Parliament had endeavoured to check these practices, which

lent themselves to obvious abuses, by its orders in 1652. Under the

Council of State and the Protectorate they were kept down by vigilant

administrative control. But during the progressive degradation of the

reign of Charles II. they had revived till they became a crying abuse.

During the later years of the king they reached an intolerable point.

Whether they were worse among the ships appointed to protect the trade

in the Mediterranean than elsewhere is perhaps doubtful. But for this

squadron we have again the testimony of Pepys. In 1683 the king, being

now absolutely at the end of his resources, decided to withdraw the

costly garrison of Tangier. A squadron was sent out under the command

of George Legge, Lord Dartmouth, with orders to bring back the troops

and "destroy them all." Pepys accompanied Dartmouth, and the journal of

his voyage has been preserved. It contains an astonishing picture of

the condition of the squadron then serving in the Straits. This force

was commanded by Arthur Herbert, who had been left in command in the

Mediterranean by Narbrough. There is a general consensus of opinion

among all who knew him, that this man, though personally very brave,

was self-indulgent, debauched, and unscrupulous. Under his fostering

care the vices of the naval life of the time reached their height.

Though he had gone to sea young, he ranks among the gentlemen captains

and not among the Tarpaulins. The character of a gentleman captain was

this, that he exercised his command for his own pleasure and profit.

The Tarpaulin captain or admiral was often more of a gentleman by birth

than has commonly been supposed. Yet he was of humbler birth than such

a man as Herbert, and the tradition of his class was more wholesome.

The difference between them was, that the gentleman captain came of

that class of Cavaliers who after the Restoration consoled themselves

for the misfortunes of the Civil War by settling like a swarm of

bloodsuckers on the Treasury; or, if his family were not Cavaliers,

he at least endeavoured to obtain that distinction by assuming what

the satirist Butler, himself a Cavalier of the Cavaliers, called the

hypocrisy of vice of the time. The Tarpaulin captains were those men

whom Pepys had once seen, from Penn downwards, sober, valiant, and

loyal to their duty, and whom he saw at Tangier and Cadiz imitating the

excesses of the prevailing class.

It is impossible to dismiss the picture drawn by Pepys as a mere

exaggeration. It is too consistent with everything else we know. From

his account, then, we learn that the squadron at Cadiz was managed

for the personal profit of Herbert and his friends. A great part of

our trade at Cadiz consisted in the bullion imported by the Spaniards

from their silver mines in South America. According to Spanish law,

this ought not to have been exported, but as a matter of fact it was

generally transferred at sea to Dutch and English vessels. Merchants

naturally desired to send home cargoes of such value in armed ships as

a security against pirates. They were glad to find a king's ship that

would take it, and were ready to pay the captain a percentage. As no

captain could sail without leave of the commander of the squadron, it

will be seen what opportunities this system placed in Herbert's way.

No officer could get a cargo except by sharing the profits with him.

The captain who would toady and pay, who would attend the admiral "at

his rising and going to bed, combing his periwig, putting on his coat

as the king is served," got a cargo. The captain who would not, did

not. Herbert in the meantime lived on shore, keeping a harem, "his

mistresses visited and attended one after another as the king's are."

Drunkenness seems to have been, if Pepys is to be believed, one of the

least vices of the squadron.

It is probable that the report Pepys brought back from Tangier had

much to do with persuading the king to make an effort to cleanse the

navy of these excesses by so improving the pay of his captains as to

raise them above the temptation of seeking dishonourable profit. Bad

pay is certainly no excuse for the conduct described by Pepys, but an

officer who could not live on his salary was strongly tempted to make

the deficiency good by irregular means. The king decided to make an

allowance to his captains calculated on a very liberal scale. This is

the list as given by Pepys.

A Table of the Annual Allowance of a Sea-Commander of each Rate.

Rate. Present Wages. Present Victualling. Additional Grant for

Table.

£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d.

1 273 15 0 12 3 4 250 0 0

2 219 0 0 12 3 4 200 0 0

3 182 0 0 12 3 4 166 5 0

4 136 10 0 12 3 4 124 5 0

5 109 10 0 12 3 4 100 0 0

6 91 10 0 12 3 4 83 0 0

It will be seen that this grant of table-money had the effect of nearly

doubling the pay of every captain on active service. The object of

the king was to make it from henceforward unpardonable in any naval

officer to neglect his duty for the sake of profit. He did not confine

himself merely to increasing the salaries, but promised that in future

the captains engaged in service against his enemies should have the

whole benefit of the prizes taken from the enemy. They were to be

"divided between the commander or commanders of such our ship or ships

(with their officers and companies) as were concerned in the chase and

capture of the said prizes according to the law and practice of the

sea." In conclusion, the king promised to give special rewards to such

officers as gave "any signal instances of their industry, courage,

conduct, or frugality." This order was issued by the king at Windsor,

on the 16th of July 1686.

It was not without reason that the king thought he had attached his

navy firmly to himself, and that he could rely implicitly on its

loyalty. Yet before two years were past his fleet was turning against

him, and a few months later it failed him no less completely than his

army. The navy, no doubt, moved with the nation, but the men in command

might have been expected to prove personally loyal to the king, who

had treated them with signal kindness. Yet, as a body, and with few

exceptions, they deserted him in his need. Their motives were no doubt

similar to those of other Englishmen of the time. Some were frightened

by the favour he showed to the Roman Catholics, and rebelled out of

zeal to the Church. Others came, like Churchill, to the conclusion

that in the long-run no man who was not prepared to become an apostate

could expect favour from the king. There were certainly not a few who

remained perfectly loyal till they discovered the whole extent of the

king's danger, and who then hastened to make their peace with his

enemies. The sailors as a class were, as they had been in the Civil

War, strongly Protestant. The majority of them still came from the

southern and eastern counties, the most Puritan parts of England. So

soon as the opposition to the king's Government became general, and

leaders were found to appeal to the sailors, there could be very

little doubt that the fleet would go with the rest of the country.

During 1687 and the early months of 1688 the king was steadily

alienating the mass of his subjects. Sailors felt as other men did, and

they were conspicuous in the crowd which applauded the acquittal of

the Seven Bishops. There was no want of leaders to bring them over to

the side of those who were preparing to upset the king's Government.

The two chiefs of the sailors who played conspicuous parts in the

Revolution were gentlemen captains. Edward Russell was the grandson of

the Earl of Bedford, and the first cousin of the Lord William Russell

executed for his share in the Rye House conspiracy. He had gone to sea

young, and had seen much service. But the importance of the part he

played was due less to his personal influence and reputation than to

the dignity of his family. The part he took was natural enough, for

the Russells were leaders of the Whigs. The action of Arthur Herbert

was less to have been expected. His family were strong Royalists.

His father had been Attorney-General to Charles I., and his brother,

Sir Edward Herbert, was a very Royalist Judge. Sir Edward did indeed

lose the favour of his master by opposition to the king's arbitrary

treatment of the Fellows of Magdalen, but he remained loyal. Under a

similar provocation Arthur Herbert took a very different course. It is

said that the king, who at one time had been largely influenced by him

in the management of naval matters, had transferred much of his favour

to George Legge, Earl of Dartmouth. Dartmouth also was a gentleman

captain bred to the sea. It may be that the stories he brought back

from Tangier had done something to turn the king against Herbert. The

fact that Pepys (whose opinion of Herbert had already been given) was

Secretary of the Admiralty must also be allowed for. Yet the king

made him Master of the Robes and Rear-Admiral of England. In 1687,

when James was endeavouring to persuade all men of mark in England

to support his claim to be entitled to dispense with penal statutes,

he appealed to Herbert among others. The admiral, according to the

well-known story, replied that his honour and conscience would not

allow him to do what the king wished. The answer of the king, which

seems to have been really given, is one of the innumerable proofs that

he must have been a very silly man. He told Herbert that a gentleman

of his habits of life had no right to talk of his conscience, which,

coming from the master of the notorious Brouncker to a courtier who was

perfectly aware of the facts, was portentously foolish. Herbert made

the obvious reply that there were people whose lives were no cleaner

than his who made a much greater profession of religion. This in the

circumstances was a richly-deserved piece of impertinence. Provoked

perhaps as much by the snub as by the admiral's refusal to support his

policy, the king dismissed Herbert from his places, and caused his

accounts as Master of the Robes to be severely examined. The admiral

was not the man to submit to the displeasure of the king as his brother

Sir Edward had done. He applied himself to making the Lord's anointed

pay for depriving him of four thousand pounds a year. He went over to

Holland, and there organised the naval part of the conspiracy. Russell

remained in England, where he formed part of the Whig Council, but made

occasional trips in disguise across the North Sea.

Subordinate agents were required to work directly on the ships'

companies under the direction of these two chiefs. During the summer

of 1688 rumours that the Prince of Orange was about to intervene on

behalf of the Protestant interest were rife. A small squadron was armed

by the king and put under the command of Sir Roger Strickland, one of

the few Roman Catholic officers amongst the seamen. The king, with

characteristic folly, had chosen this gentleman to succeed Herbert as

Rear-Admiral of England. Strickland appears, from the little that is

known of him, to have had no more tact or practical faculty than his

master. He endeavoured to cause mass to be said in his ships, with

the immediate result that the crews threatened to throw the priests

overboard. This was too much even for the king. He did not indeed

remove Strickland from active service, but he appointed Dartmouth to

command over him. The disposition of the crews must have shown the

conspirators that it would be no very difficult task to make the fleet

useless to the king, and the history of the movements of the squadron

show that they were perfectly successful. The immediate agents of the

enemies of King James seem to have been two: the higher in rank, but

not the most effectual, was Captain Aylmer, afterwards Lord Aylmer; the

other was George Byng, the first lieutenant of the =Defiance=, then

commanded by Captain Ashby. Byng behaved in a manner to justify the

praise given him in Lord Hervey's Memoirs, namely, that "he had been in

his youth a resolute, able, enterprising fellow; mercenary and knowing

in his business."

Sir Roger Strickland hoisted his flag in August, and he had then with

him twenty-six vessels. They were very ill manned, and Strickland

asked that soldiers might be sent to fill up his crews. It may be that

Strickland distrusted the spirit of his command. At anyrate, the plan

of action he proposed was not one likely to occur to a bold man who

felt confident that his squadron would fight. After consulting with

his captains, he proposed to the king to lie at the Gunfleet, with an

advance squadron on the coast of Holland. This was rightly rejected by

King James. A squadron at the Gunfleet would have been nearly helpless

against a Dutch fleet standing across the North Sea with an easterly

wind, and it was only when the wind was from this quarter that an

attack was to be feared. Strickland was ordered to station himself

between the North Sands Head and Kentish Knock, to keep under sail by

day, and only to anchor at night. It was while on this station that he

nearly provoked a mutiny in his fleet, by causing mass to be performed.

A stronger squadron and a stronger admiral were both needed. Dartmouth

was sent to command, and the force of twenty-six ships was raised to

sixty-one, of which thirty-eight were of the line-of-battle class. They

were still ill manned, partly, no doubt, for the usual reasons, that

men could not be got except by the press, and the press acted slowly.

But there were other causes at work. The king's officers were loath to

attract ill-will at a time when their master's danger was patent to

everybody but himself. Then, too, numbers of English sailors had made

their way across the North Sea, and were preparing to man the ships of

the Prince of Orange under the command of Russell and Herbert. Even

if the ships had been well manned, there was a fatal cause of weakness

within. The Memoirs of Byng, published a few years ago, have enabled

us to get a glimpse of the means taken to bring the fleet over to the

side of the Revolution. His biographer, who was no doubt supplied with

information by himself, tells us that Byng had been early entrusted

with the knowledge of what was doing. At a meeting at which the Duke

of Ormonde, General Kirke, and Captain Aylmer were present in London,

Byng was especially charged with the duty of bringing over his own

captain, Ashby of the =Defiance=, and Captain Wolfran Cornwall. Byng

is honourably candid as to his own motives. Of the Protestant religion

and the liberties of England he says not one syllable, but confines

himself to telling us that "finding by further discourse that General

Kirke, Mr. Russell, and other particular persons were going over

to the Prince of Orange, he then became willing to agree to their

undertaking." In plain English, he found that the king's Government

was in great danger, and, being a resolute, able, enterprising fellow,

he very sagaciously resolved to be on the winning side. With a modest

distrust of his influence over his captain, he left Ashby to be dealt

with by Aylmer. Yet, when Aylmer failed, he exerted himself. Ashby was

finally persuaded to become a well-wisher to the cause. He had just

declared "that in their profession they were not taught to turn against

the king." It was only when Mr. Byng showed him "the dispositions of

the most considerable persons in the fleet," that Ashby was induced to

take up arms against the danger of Popish superstition. The conversion

of Captain Cornwall was somewhat more difficult.

"Mr. Cornwall was more difficult to be persuaded from [his violence of

temper and zeal for the king; and none but his most intimate friend

coud undertake to mention it to him]; and in their discourse, Cornwall

expressed the obligations of himself and family to the king, and

thought it a villany in those who attempted anything against him. But

when Mr. Byng named some persons that were engaged in it, that was his

most intimate and particular friends [as Mr. Herbert, Kirk, Russell,

etc., he was confounded, and upon his further naming a captain of the

fleet who was a most intimate friend of his, and of whom he had the

best opinion of as a very rightous person, he was surprised; but

being told so by himself as they were at supper at night, here met for

that purpose], he gave up his zeal for the king; and from that time

no man was more heartily in the cause, using his endeavour to bring

over severall in his own ship; and continued heartily attached to the

Revolution principles to the day of his death."

These captains--and there were doubtless many like them--would have

remained loyal to the king, if it had not been made clear to them that

his Government was undermined. Since the broom was to be used, they

decided that it was more prudent to be on the side of the handle.

Dartmouth, who took command of his squadron on the 2nd of October, was

personally loyal, but he was also weak. It may be that he was dimly

aware of the spirit of his squadron, and feared to put its loyalty to

the test. The obvious way to prevent the Prince of Orange from coming

over was to station the squadron on the coast of Holland, and attack

him as soon as he came to sea. In the westerly winds the English

could return to their own coast for provisions, knowing that the

Dutch could not put to sea; with the wind in the east it was safe for

them to lie close up to the Dutch coast. The next best course would

be to lie in the Downs, from which the English fleet could start in

pursuit of the prince, whether he attempted to go up the Thames or

down the Channel. Dartmouth was in favour of the bolder course, and

it is said that the majority of the captains were still loyal. The

minority had, however, sufficient influence to get it arranged that

the fleet should lie at anchor by the Gunfleet, inside the Shipwash, a

long, narrow, and dangerous sand stretching in front of Harwich. Here

it proved absolutely useless when the fleet of the Deliverer passed

it in a hard gale from the E.S.E. on the 3rd of November. Six of the

prince's ships were seen from Dartmouth's fleet. The king's fleet had

their top-gallant masts and yards down on the deck, and, even when

they got them up, were unable to clear the sand. The Prince of Orange

was allowed to run through the Straits of Dover, and reach Tor Bay

unmolested. Dartmouth at last followed. If he had still any delusions

as to the spirit of his squadron, they were soon dispelled. Some of his

captains, in fact, had already resolved to go over to the enemy, if

they met them. These men, working on the fears and weakness of others,

were able to induce a council of war, held on the 5th of November, off

Beachy Head, to decide not to fight, if an action could be avoided

"with honour." Next day the wind turned round to the west. It will be

remembered that this shift of the wind stopped the progress of the

prince's ships. Yet, when it once more swung round to the west, the

Deliverer stood on to Tor Bay, while the king's fleet, under Dartmouth,

returned tamely into the Downs. On the 18th he did stand to sea, and

made his way to the west, but fresh gales of wind scattered his ships.

Some of the captains were eager to take the opportunity of going over

to the prince. Captain Ashby of the =Defiance= would have carried

his vessel into Tor Bay, if he had not met Sir Roger Strickland, as

the gale died down. It was thought better to run no risks, and the

=Defiance= joined Dartmouth with the rest of the fleet at Spithead. In

truth, it mattered very little where the ships went now. The Prince

of Orange had landed, and was marching to London. The officers of

the ships at Spithead heard what was happening by rumour. Some of

them were eager to call attention to their zeal for the cause. At the

close of November, Byng was despatched with a message. He applied for

leave from Dartmouth to visit a relation in Huntingdonshire, and when

it was given, probably because the admiral thought it was useless to

refuse, went off in the disguise of a farmer. On the way he fell in

with a part of Oxford's regiment of horse, but, thanks to his disguise,

was not molested. At Salisbury he found the inn full of relations

and acquaintances of his own, officers of the army who had deserted

the king, and were making their way westward to join the Prince of

Orange. At Sherborne, Byng finally reached the prince, to whom he was

presented by Russell. William received him kindly, promised to reward

his services, and "sent him back with an answer to the officers of the

fleet, and with a letter to Lord Dartmouth to acquaint him with the

necessity of his coming over, and of his intentions to continue him at

the head of the fleet; with promises that Admiral Herbert [between whom

there was some variance] should not be advanced over him. This letter

the prince advised Mr. Byng to put into the stuffing of his saddle,

lest, in case he was seized, it should not be found upon him; but he

thought it best to quilt it in the rollers of his breeches. So Mr. Byng

taking his leave returned safely to the fleet again." The letter was

left on Dartmouth's dressing-table by Captain Aylmer. The biographer

does not inform us whether Aylmer had or had not just been engaged

in curling Dartmouth's periwig. The admiral is said to have been

influenced by this letter into taking a more favourable view of the

prince's cause. In truth, he had lost all control over his squadron. He

only escaped a scheme hatched by some of his captains to put him under

arrest, through the loyalty of Captain David Lloyd, a "plain strict

man," who remained faithful to the king, and was a noted Jacobite agent

in the coming years. When King James sent the little Prince of Wales

down to Portsmouth to be carried over to France, Dartmouth would have

been unable to execute his orders, even if he had wished to do so. He

ended by submitting to the Prince of Orange. On the 30th of December

the fleet at Spithead was broken up. Dartmouth sailed with a part of

the ships for the Nore, and the others were left at Spithead, under the

command of Sir John Berry.

The history of the navy under the House of Stuart ends here. The

motives of those who were most active in bringing it over to the side

of the Revolution have been sufficiently indicated in these extracts

from Byng's Memoirs. It completes the picture, that Byng was made very

angry when the vacant command of a sixth-rate was given to another

officer, and was only soothed by being appointed to the command of

the =Constant Warwick=. It cannot be said that any great zeal for a

cause animated these men. The navy followed the country in deserting a

worn-out and incapable dynasty. No doubt it did well, but we cannot say

that it acted magnanimously. The later Stuarts were punished where they

sinned. They came back making a great parade of cynicism, declaring

that any man who professed to act on any higher motive than a regard

for his own interests was a canting rogue. They were taken at their

word. The time came when it was nobody's interest to fight for James

II., and not a sword was drawn for him in his fleet. They set the

example of making the gratification of their own pleasures the one rule

of their conduct. Their servants did the same. The king had no right to

complain. But the spectacle of a master deserted by those to whom he

had been kind, and who had been loudest in professing loyalty, so soon

as they found that he was giving the places to others, has something

in it, which, even when we recognise that the nation benefited by the

action, cannot well be called other than ignoble.

The moral of so plain a story as this ought surely to be obvious. Yet

the failure of the fleet to bar the road to the Prince of Orange has

been quoted in support of the contention that a strong navy is not

the sufficient defence of this country against invasion. A moment's

consideration ought to show any unprepossessed mind that the events of

the autumn of 1688 prove nothing of the sort. If the navy failed then,

it was for precisely the reasons which caused the army to be useless to

King James, namely, active treason on the part of the officers, and an

acquiescent want of loyalty in the ranks. Neither sailor nor soldier

wished to win, and therefore the invasion succeeded. We may see the

story of 1688 repeated again when Englishmen consider the Government

their enemy, and its assailant from abroad their friend--but not till

then.

INDEX

Admiral, first, of title, 13;

of Northern Fleet, of Western Fleet, of Irish Sea, _ibid._

Admiral, Lord High, power of his office, 37.

Admiral's Regiment. See Marines.

Admiralty, origin of, 37;

Commission of, 174.

Aguila, Juan del, Spanish commander, 136.

Alards of Winchelsea, Admirals, 14.

Algiers, expedition against pirates of, 165-169.

Allen, Sir Thomas, commands in Straits, 336, 337;

commands White Division, 372;

commands against Barbary pirates, 399.

Amsterdam, New, Dutch colony seized by Sir R. Holmes, 329.

Appleton, Captain Henry, at Leghorn, 266-273.

Aquitaine, ships of, used by kings of England, 15.

Armada, Invincible, 91-115.

Armament of ships, 40, 75-77.

Arundel, Earl of, why put in command of Western Fleet, 14.

Arundel, Sir John, his shipwreck, 31.

Ashby, Captain John, how persuaded to betray king, 459;

proposes to go to Torbay, 461.

Ashley, Lord, afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury, Commissioner of

Prizes, 381.

Axon, captain of =Garland=, 247.

Aylmer, Captain, share in revolution, 458, 459.

Ayscue, Sir George, blockades Rupert, 200;

appointed to reduce Plantations, 210;

reduces Barbadoes, 212, 213;

returns home, 230;

at Plymouth, 235;

in Downs, 236;

attacks De Ruyter's convoy, 239;

removed from command, 240;

in Blue Squadron, 338;

surrenders to Dutch, 359;

reported ill-treatment of, by Dutch, 365.

Badiley, Captain Richard, succeeds Penn in Mediterranean, 266;

at Zante, 268;

his action with Dutch, 269;

and operations near Elba and Leghorn, 269-273.

Bahuchet, French admiral, 22.

Ball, Captain, sent to coerce Danes, 265.

Bankert, Dutch admiral, 371;

at battle of Texel, 434, 435.

Barbadoes, Island of, held for king, 210, 211;

Penn and Venables at, 283.

Barbary pirates, 292;

Lawson cruises against, 322, 323;

expeditions against, 398-408.

Barbavera, Genoese in French service, 21.

Barton, Andrew, Scotch pirate, 48.

Baskerville, Sir Thomas, commands soldiers in expedition of 1594, 125;

brings home squadron, 127.

Batten, William, surveyor, 181;

fires on queen at Bridlington, 185;

removed from command, 188;

escapes from London, and joins Prince of Wales, 191;

discontent of Royalists with, 192;

goes back to Parliament, 193.

Batten, captain of =Bonaventure=, 247.

Bazan, Alonso de, takes the =Revenge=, 120-122.

Bazan, Álvaro de, Marquess of La Cruz, Spanish admiral, 92, 93.

Beach, Captain, destroys the Algerines, 399.

Beale, Governor of St. Helena, 441.

Beauchamp, Sir John, K.G., first Admiral for all the Seas, 14.

Beaufort, Duke of, his squadron, 377.

Beggars of Sea, what were, 80.

Bergen, attack on Dutch at, 346-348.

Berkeley, Sir W., killed in Four Days' Battle, 355;

story of Dutch insult to body of, 365;

his body embalmed and sent home, 383.

Berry, John, story of, 388;

takes command at Spithead, 462;

on Commission of 1686, 450.

Bertendona, Martin de, commands squadron of Italy in Armada, 101.

Black Oliver, serves in retaking of St. Helena, 441, 442.

Blackburn, admiral for north, 29.

Blagg, Ensign, gallant death of, 287.

Blake, Benjamin, accused of misconduct, 247.

Blake, Colonel Robert, admiral and general at sea, 196;

blockades Rupert, 200;

ordered to pursue, 201;

services against Rupert, 202-205;

returns to England, 213;

helps in reduction of Channel Islands, 214;

action with Tromp, 232, 233;

sails north, 236;

replaces Ayscue in Channel, 240;

brush with French, 242;

defeats Dutch near Kentish Knock, 243-245;

fights battle of Dungeness, 246, 247;

offers to resign, and makes complaint of officers, 247;

in battle of Portland, 249;

wounded, 251;

commands squadron in Thames, 257;

joins fleet, 260;

health breaks down, 261;

prepares to sail to Mediterranean, 278;

cruise in Mediterranean, 291-294;

returns, _ibid._;

blockades Cadiz, _ibid._;

attacks Spanish ships at Santa Cruz, 295, 296;

greatness of the achievement, 297;

his death, _ibid._

Board, Navy. See Navy Office.

Bocanegra, Ambrosio, Genoese admiral of Castile, 28.

Bombay taken possession of, 321.

Bougie, Sir E. Spragge attacks pirates at, 401, 402.

Bourne, Nicholas, rear-admiral, afterwards Commissioner, at Harwich;

in battle of Dover, 232, 233.

Boyle, Mr., killed, 342.

Brackel, Captain, breaks the chain at Gillingham Reach, 394.

Breda, negotiations at, 384.

Brest, battle of, in 1512, 49.

Bridge, Sir Tobias, cruises in West Indies, 440.

Bridlington, Queen Henrietta Maria lands at, 185.

Brouncker, Mr., brings order to shorten sail, 343.

Brown paper stuff, what was, 161.

Brunsvelt, Schoutbynacht, 371.

Buckingham. See Villiers, George.

Byng, George, exertions in Revolution, 458, 459;

carries message from fleet, 461;

appointed to command of =Constant Warwick=, 462.

Cabal, how composed, 411.

Cadiz, attack on, 128-130;

second attack on, 170;

bullion trade at, 453, 454.

Calais, possession of, by England gives command of Straits, 16.

Camperdown, English and Dutch fleets anchor near, 262.

Cárdenas, Don Alonso de, Spanish ambassador, his answer to Cromwell, 278.

Carteret, Sir George, expelled from Navy Office, 411.

Castle, Mr., shipbuilder, 332.

Catharine of Braganza, Queen of Charles II., 320.

Catz, Dutch officer in command near Leghorn, 266.

Cecil, Sir Edward, commands expedition to Cadiz, 170.

Chalmer, Mr., 247.

Charles I., King, reasons for defects of navy in his reign, 171;

desire to strengthen fleet, 172;

tries to extort money from Spanish fleet, 177;

fleet turns against, 179;

execution of, 195.

Charles, Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles II., joined by part of

navy, 190;

comes on coast of Norfolk and into Thames, 191.

Charles II., King, his character and interest in navy, 299, 300;

reasons for disliking Dutch, 325;

decides to reduce fleet, 378;

becomes tired of war, 379;

his secret plans, 380;

joins Louis XIV. in attack on Holland, 408, 409;

accepts Test Act, 427;

decline of navy in his last years, 445.

Chatham, attack on, by Dutch, 389-397.

Chips, what were, 312.

Cinque Ports, men of, at Dover, 5;

their quota, 11;

services and decline, _ibid._

Clerk of Ships or of Navy. See Navy Office.

Clifford, George, Earl of Cumberland, his voyages, 137-144.

Clifford, Sir George, joins the fleet, 356;

describes sailing of fleet, 370.

Closing of the Exchequer, 412.

Clytherow, Richard, admiral for south and west, 29.

Commission to inquire into state of navy proposed, 156;

appointed, 157;

its report, 157-161.

Comptroller. See Navy Office.

_Cordelier_, French ship, burnt, 49.

Cormat, or Cormac, associate of pirates, 151-154.

Cornwall, Captain Wolfran, how induced to betray king, 459.

Courtenaer, Dutch admiral, 339.

Coventry, Sir William, secretary to Duke of York, 338;

criticises Sandwich, 349;

attends funeral of Sir C. Myngs, 362.

Cox, Captain Owen, sent to warn Badiley, 268.

Cromwell, Oliver, government of, 276, 277;

resolves to attack Spain, _ibid._;

orders to Penn and Venables, 281, 282;

death of, 298.

Cromwell, Richard, sends fleet to north, 318.

Cubitt, captain of =Tulip=, quoted, 220.

Cumberland. See Clifford, George, Earl of.

Cuttins, in Blue Squadron, 338.

Dakins, Rear-Admiral, 283.

D'Annebault, French admiral, commands at St. Helens, 59-61;

his retreat, 62;

anchors at Shoreham, 69.

Darcy, Mr. Thomas, first-known King's Letter boy, 303.

Dartmouth, Lord. See Legge, George.

Dead Pays, what were, 43.

Deane, Sir Anthony, shipbuilder, 332;

on Commission of 1686, 450.

Deane, Colonel Richard, admiral and general at sea, 196;

summoned from Scotland to fleet, 234;

in battle of Portland, 249;

wounded, 251;

his death, 259.

Descharges of Brest invented portholes, 9.

D'Estrées, French admiral, 417;

conduct of, at Solebay, 421, 422;

in Downs, 429;

at battle of Texel, 434-439.

De Liefde, Dutch vice-admiral, 371.

Denbigh, Earl of, commander in Channel, 170.

Denmark, King of, agrees to plunder Dutch, 346.

De Ruyter, Michael Adrianzoon, appointed to succeed Tromp, 236;

defends convoy, 240;

outmanoeuvres Penn, 241, 242;

in battle of Kentish Knock, 243-245;

commands van of Dutch fleet, 259;

in Mediterranean, 323;

sails in pursuit of Sir R. Holmes, 330;

with convoy, 339;

appointed admiral, 344;

relieves Dutch at Bergen, 348, 349;

at sea, 353;

in Four Days' Battle, 354-360;

cruises at mouth of Thames, 369;

at Boulogne, 377;

directs attack on Chatham, 389-397;

his attack on Chatham, 389-397;

appointed to command of Dutch fleet, 417;

masterly management at Solebay, 420-425;

his great qualities of command, 428;

his conduct of campaign of 1673, 429-438.

De With, Cornelius Witte, appointed to succeed Tromp, 238;

in battle of Kentish Knock, 243-245;

quoted, 261.

De Witt, Cornelius, delegate with Dutch Fleet at Chatham, 389, 397.

De Witt, John, Grand Pensionary, 227;

orders to De Ruyter, 324;

retaliates for Sir R. Holmes's cruise, 329, 330;

severe measures, 343;

joins fleet as deputy, 344;

eager for peace, 383;

endeavours to secure allies, 412;

murdered with his brother Cornelius, 420.

Dover, battle of, 6, 7;

battle near, 232, 233;

Treaty of, 409, 410.

Downing, Sir George, ambassador in Holland, 324-329.

Drake, Sir Francis, with Hawkins, 87;

his expeditions to West Indies, 87, 88;

commands expedition of 1585 to West Indies, 89;

expedition to Cadiz, 93, 94;

captures Don Pedro de Valdes, 106;

in expedition to Portugal, 117;

last expedition to West Indies, and death, 124-127.

Dudley, Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, commands at Havre, 88.

Dungeness, battle of, 246.

Dutch, our disputes with, as to flag, and blockade, 148;

war, causes of first, 215, 216;

defects of their naval administration, 226, 227;

preliminaries of second war with, 324-330;

third war with, infamous character of, 408;

English declaration of war with, 415;

war with, unpopular in England, 420, 421.

Earl of Salisbury, William Longsword, burns French ships at Damme, 5.

East India Company, Dutch, 324.

Echyngham, Sir Edward, report to Wolsey, 44;

reports death of Sir E. Howard, 53, 54.

Edward III., King, at Sluys, 21-23;

at Espagnols sur Mer, 24-26;

decline of navy at end of his reign, 27, 28.

Effingham, Lord Howard of, Lord High Admiral, his character, 97;

his fleet scattered by storm, 99;

offers to pay for great ships, 100;

sends defiance to Spanish fleet, 105;

follows but does not attack Spaniards, 112;

neglects administration of, 156, 157;

resigns office, 161.

Elizabeth, Queen, revives the navy, 73, 74;

her poverty, and love of tricks, 96;

rebukes Hawkins, 119.

Elliot, Captain, commands advance squadron, 370.

Espagnols sur Mer, battle of, 23-25.

Essex county, story of gentlemen of, 366, 367.

Essex, Earl of, commands an attack on Cadiz, 128;

voyage to Isles, 134, 135.

Essex, Earl of, the young, serves in second expedition to Cadiz, 170.

Eustace the Monk, who was, 5;

his defeat and death, 6, 7.

Evertsen, Dutch admiral, 339.

Evertszoon, Jan, Dutch admiral, 354-360;

commands Dutch van, 371;

commands Dutch squadron in West Indies, 440.

Evertszoon, Schoutbynacht, 371.

Falkland, Lord, Treasurer of Navy, 450.

Falmouth, Earl of, killed, 342.

=Fan-Fan=, story of, 373.

Fireships, use of, at Calais, 109.

Fishermen's war, 18, 19.

Flags, used in 1545;

used by Parliament, 195.

Flores de Valdes, Diego, commands squadron of Castile in Armada, 100;

his character, 101.

Four Days' Battle, 343-360.

Francis I., King of France, efforts to form fleet, 57.

Frobisher, Sir Martin, voyage to Isles with Hawkins, 118.

=Gabriel=, her crew, 41, 42.

Gage, Thomas, author of _New Survey of the West Indies_, 281;

in attack on Jamaica, 289.

Galen, Jan van, succeeds Catz, 269;

operations near Leghorn, 269-272.

Garde, Baron de la, commands French galleys, 59.

Gillingham Reach, chain in, 393, 394.

Godwin, J., Commissioner of Navy, 451.

Gomez de Medina, Juan, has command in Armada, 101.

Goodson, Vice-Admiral, 284;

his regiment, 285;

gallant conduct of regiment, 288;

remains at Jamaica, 290;

dismissed, 302.

Gravelines, battle of, 110.

Grenville, Vice-Admiral Sir Richard, his action in the =Revenge=, and

death, 120-122.

Guard, Winter and Summer, what was, 56, 149.

Haddock, Sir Richard, account of, 416;

Commissioner of Navy, 450.

Hall, Captain Edward, commands squadron, 207;

letter quoted, _ibid._

Harman, Sir John, captain of flagship, 342;

wounded in Four Days' Battle, 355;

his cruise to West Indies, 385-389;

rear-admiral of Red, 418;

at battle of Texel, 434.

Harold, King, disbands his fleet, 4;

why, _ibid._

Hastings, John, Earl of Pembroke, defeated at Rochelle, 28.

Hawkins, Sir John, Treasurer and Comptroller of Navy, 78;

first voyage to West Indies, 81, 84;

third voyage, 85, 87;

voyage to Isles, 118;

story of, 119;

his death, 126.

Hawkins, Sir Richard, serves in expedition to Algiers, 168.

Haynes, Major-General, killed, 257.

Helvoetsluys, English ships at, 192, 193.

Henrietta, Queen Maria, lands at Bridlington, 185.

Henry VIII., interest in his navy, 46, 47;

at Portsmouth, 49.

Herbert, Arthur, serves against Barbary pirates, 408;

his command in Straits, 453, 454;

appointed Rear-Admiral of England, 456;

dismissed by king, 457;

goes over to Prince of Orange, _ibid._

Hewer, Mr., on Commission of 1686, 450.

Hiddes de Vries, Tjerk, Dutch admiral, 371.

Hoen, G't, Shoutbynucht, 372.

Holdfast, Tom, at St. Helena, 442.

Holland, invasion of, in 1672, 417;

restoration of Stadtholderate in, 423, 424.

Holmes, Sir Robert, serves with Prince Rupert, 209;

cruise against the Dutch, 328, 329;

rear-admiral of Red, 372;

attacks Smyrna convoy, 412-414.

House of Commons. See Parliament.

Howard, Lord Charles. See Effingham.

Howard, Lord Thomas, commands voyage to Isles, 120, 122.

Howard, Sir Edward, 41;

report to king 47, 48;

ravages coast of France, 49;

at Plymouth, 50;

urges king to join fleet, 51;

his death, 54.

Hubert de Burgh, who was, 5;

his victory at Dover, 6, 7.

Hurtado de Mendoza, Antonio, his command in Armada, 101.

Impressment. See Press.

Isle of Wight, French land on, 61, 62.

Isles, voyages to the, 119.

Jamaica, capture of, 289;

early history of settlement, 290.

James I., King, his love of peace, 147;

protects Pett, 155;

corruption in navy under, 156;

his death, 169.

James II., King, resolves to restore navy, 450;

appoints Commission, _ibid._;

increases pay of captains, 454;

sends Prince of Wales to Portsmouth, 462.

See York, James Duke of.

James's Valley in St. Helena, 442.

John, King of Portugal, harbours Rupert, 202.

John, King, in what sense naval history begins with, 4.

Jordan, Sir Joseph, vice-admiral of Red, 372;

vice-admiral of Blue, 418;

able movement at Solebay, 422.

Keigwen, Richard, at retaking of St. Helena, 442.

Kempthorne, Sir John, rear-admiral of Blue, 372;

his famous action, 400;

rear-admiral of Blue, 418.

Kempthorne, Morgan, captain of =Kingfisher=, 401.

Kentish Knock, battle of, 243, 245.

King's Letter boy, what was, 304.

Kiriet, French admiral, 22.

Knevet, Sir Thomas, captain of =Regent=, his death, 49.

Koenders, Dutch admiral, 371.

Lawlessness of sea, 20.

Lawson, Sir John, commands Blue Squadron on June 2, 1653, 259;

rear-admiral with Monk, 261;

early life, adheres to king, 319;

serves against Barbary pirates, 320, 322, 323;

vice-admiral of Red Squadron, 338;

his death, 342.

Legge, George, Lord Dartmouth, withdraws garrison of Tangier, 453;

is appointed to command of fleet at sea, 457;

anchors behind Shipwash, 460;

enters Channel, 461;

anchors at Spithead, _ibid._;

resigns command, 462.

Leghorn, conflict of English and Dutch at, 266-273.

Leiva, Alonzo de, his advice to Medina Sidonia, 184;

drowned in shipwreck of _Rata_, 113.

Levison, Sir Richard, commands in Isles and on coast of Ireland and

Portugal, 135, 136.

Ley, James, Earl of Marlborough, takes possession of Bombay, 321;

his death, 342.

Lindsey, Earl of, in command at sea, 170.

Line of battle, 218, 221.

Linschoten, John Huighen van, account of loss of =Revenge=, 123.

Lisle, Lord, afterwards Duke of Northumberland, admiral, 58;

quoted, 64;

his order, 65, 66;

quoted, 67, 70.

=Little Victory=, fireship at Bougie, 403.

Lloyd, Captain David, his loyalty to King James II., 462.

Longland, Charles, agent of Commonwealth at Florence, 268.

Longsand, Dutch fleet seen at, 258.

Louis XIV., King of France, his relations to Dutch, 353;

why did, not invade England 365;

scheme of aggression on Holland, 383;

attack on Holland, 408, 409.

Louis, Prince, of France, invited over by barons, 5;

defeated at Lincoln, _ibid._

Lowestoft, battle of, 340-342.

Lynn, lieutenant of =Bonaventure=, 272.

Mansel, Sir Robert, commands expedition against Algiers, 167.

Marines, first engagement of, 318.

Marlborough, Earl of. See Ley, James.

Martel, M. de, French admiral, 435.

Martinez de Recalde, Juan, commands squadron of Biscay in Armada, 101.

=Mary Rose=, her speed, 47;

loss of, 61;

Kempthorne's ship, 400.

Medina Sidonia, Duke of, appointed to command Armada, 96;

sails from Lisbon, 98;

his instructions from king, anchors at Corunna, 99;

leaves Corunna, 100;

refuses to attack at Plymouth, 104;

sends message to Parma, 108;

driven from Calais, 109;

his obstinacy, 110;

Captain General of Andalusia, 130.

Medrado, Diego de, commands galleys in Armada, 101.

Meppel, Dutch vice-admiral, 372.

Modyford, Col. Thomas, assists in reduction of Barbadoes, 212, 213.

Moncada, Hugo de, commands galleasses in Armada, 101;

death of, 109, 110.

Monk, George, Duke of Albemarle, succeeds Popham as admiral and general

at sea, 249;

reports condition of wounded, 254;

at Yarmouth, 257;

covers Deane's body, 260;

renews action on 3rd June, 260; in sole command, 261;

in pursuit of Dutch, 262;

breaks the Dutch, 263;

made Duke of Albemarle, his reasons for war with Holland, 324;

succeeds Sandwich, 353;

divides fleet, 354;

in Four Days' Battle, 354, 360;

takes fleet to sea and defeats Dutch, 369-375;

recalled to London, 377;

at Chatham, 391-395;

justifies himself to Parliament, 410.

Monson, Sir William, quoted, 127;

service at Zizembre, 136;

admiral in Narrow Seas, 146;

account of service, 148, 149;

his expedition against the pirates, 150-154.

Montagu, Edward, afterwards Earl of Sandwich, accompanies Blake, 294;

goes to north, 318;

sails to Mediterranean, 320;

occupies Tangier and brings home queen, 321, 322;

commands Blue Squadron, 338;

succeeds Duke of York in command of fleet, 345;

directs attack on Dutch at Bergen, 346-348;

affair of the prize ships, 349, 350;

he is dismissed, 351;

admiral of Blue Squadron, 418;

story of, 419, 420;

his death, 424.

Montagu, Edward, cousin of Earl of Sandwich, killed at Bergen, 348.

Morgan, Sir Pierce. See Primauguet, 49.

Morley, Colonel, 247.

Munden, Sir Richard, retakes St. Helena, 441, 442.

Muskerry, Lord, killed, 342.

Myngs, Sir Christopher, vice-admiral of White Squadron, 338;

his death and funeral, 362, 363.

Narbrough, Sir John, voyage to South Seas, 404;

services against Barbary pirates, 405-408;

Commissioner of Navy, 451.

Nassau, Justinus of, blockades Parma's ships, 107, 108.

Naval stores drawn from Baltic, 265.

Navigation Acts suspended, 336, 416.

Navy, conditions required for formation of, 2;

successful use of, by King John, 4;

mediæval organisation of, 10-12;

how manned and officered, 12-14;

decline of, at end of reign of Edward III., 26-28;

decadence under Henry IV., 29;

and Henry VI., 30;

revival of, under Tudor dynasty, 33-36;

organised by Henry VIII., 38;

crews of, 42, 50;

decline of, under Edward VI. and Mary, 71, 72;

state of, under Elizabeth, 73, 74;

employed on coasts of Scotland and France, 88, 89;

efficiency of, in 1588, 97;

growth in reign of Elizabeth, 145;

duties of, in peace time, 154;

corruption under James I., 156;

committee appointed to report on, 157;

condition of, in 1618, 158-160;

scheme of reform, 161;

scale of food and pay, 163;

state of navy at death of James I., 169;

elements of, in reign of Charles I., 171;

measures taken to strengthen, 172;

turns against king, 179;

used by Parliament, 181;

share in Civil War, 183;

how administered by Parliament, 184;

force of, employed in 1643, 186;

in second Civil War, 187, 188;

part of, joins Prince Charles, 189, 190;

Parliamentary Committees for, 196;

a real increase of, _ibid._;

increased pay, 197;

vigorous use of, by Council of State, 206;

how prepared for first Dutch War, 218-225;

unpopularity of service in, 253;

measures taken to improve, by increased pay, 255;

submits to Cromwell, 256, 257;

attention paid to, by Charles II., 299, 300;

beginning of corps of regular officers, 303;

"Laws of War," 306;

orders of Duke of York, 307, 308;

state of, in second Dutch War, 330-333;

ships in commission, 335;

gentlemen volunteers in, 338;

pay in arrears, 339;

corrupt administration of, 352, 353, 363;

extended service, and improved organisation of, in reign of

Charles II., 443;

decline in king's last years, 445, 446;

restored by James II., 451, 452;

pay of captain increased, 454.

Navy Office, founded by Henry VIII., 36;

rules for, made by Queen Elizabeth, 77;

suspended under James I., 162;

restored, 176;

under Charles II., 309;

economy of, _ibid._;

treasurer of, 310;

surveyor, _ibid._;

comptroller, 311;

clerk of, or clerk of Acts, _ibid._;

storekeeper, 312;

clerk of cheque, _ibid._;

master attendant, master shipwright, clerk of ropewalk, porter,

boatswain, gunner, purser, 313;

precautions against fraud, 314;

why ineffectual, _ibid._, and 315, 316;

sick and hurt, and pay office, 317, 318;

defended by Pepys, 410;

Commission of 1679;

new Commission of 1686, 450.

Nes, Van, Dutch lieutenant, 371;

defends Smyrna convoy, 413, 414.

Nore, fleet at, 367.

Norris, Sir John, commands soldiers in expedition of 1589, 117, 118.

Northumberland, Earl of. See Percy, Algernon.

Nottingham, Earl of. See Effingham.

Nugent, Lieutenant, tries to fire pirates, 402.

Oeconomy of Navy. See Navy Office.

Old Mucks, what were, 161.

Opdam de Wassanaer, Baron, commands Dutch fleet, 339.

Oquendo, Antonio de, Spanish admiral, attacked by Tromp in Downs, 176,

177.

Oquendo, Miguel de, commands squadron of Guipuzcoa in Armada, 101;

his flagship damaged, 105.

=Orange= frigate takes French prize, 366.

Orange, Prince of, his invasion of England, 458-463.

Orders of Duke of York. See Navy.

Ossory, Lord, joins fleet, 356;

rear-admiral of Blue, 434.

Overton, Colonel, and the press at Hull, 253.

Papachino, Spanish privateer, 400.

Parliament, increase of power under Charles II., 301;

votes money for war, 335;

money voted by, 378;

discontent of, 379;

Bill for examination of Public Accounts, 381;

turbulence of, in 1667-1669, 410;

refuses money, 411;

grants money for navy in 1677, 445.

Parma, Prince, afterwards Duke of, Spanish commander in Low

Countries, 9.

Pay Office. See Navy Office.

Penn, William, sent with squadron to Mediterranean, 206;

quoted, 219, 220;

recommends increase in number of lieutenants, 225;

urges Cromwell to appoint captains, 234, 235;

serves in Channel, 241, 242;

vice-admiral with Monk, 261;

appointed to command expedition to West Indies, 278;

offers to go over to Royalists, 282;

begs grant of confiscated land from Cromwell, 283;

in attack on San Domingo, 285-288;

at taking of Jamaica, 289;

returns home, _ibid._;

imprisoned and dismissed, 290;

adviser to Duke of York, 338;

called before House of Commons, 410.

Pennington, Sir John, 165;

serves against Algerines, 168;

hands over ships to French, 170;

fails to protect Spaniards in Downs, 177;

king wishes to name, vice-admiral, 178;

fails to secure fleet for king, 182.

Pepys, Samuel, Clerk of Acts, evidence as to affair of prize ships, 351;

on Four Days' Battle, 361, 362;

attends funeral of Sir C. Myngs, 362;

account of fears of Navy Office, 381;

reports saying of Duke of York, 384, 385;

describes effects of Dutch attack on Chatham, 390-392;

his _State of the Royal Navy_ quoted, 446;

imprisoned, 447;

his account of decline of navy, 448-450;

of its restoration, James II., 450-454;

Secretary of the Admiralty, 451;

goes to Tangier, 453;

his account of squadron in Straits, 453, 454.

Percy, Algernon, Earl of Northumberland, commands ship, money,

fleet, 175;

named Lord High Admiral, 176;

anger with king, 177;

opposes him in Long Parliament, _ibid._;

appoints Warwick vice-admiral, 178;

dismissed by king, 180.

Perez de Guzman, Alonso. See Medina Sidonia.

Periods of naval history, 2, 3.

Pett, Peter, Commissioner, complains of Badiley's crew, 274;

report on pressed men, 335;

runs away from Chatham, 393;

his excuse to Parliament, 394;

called before House of Commons, 410.

Pett, Phineas, his family and services, 153;

family of, 197.

Philip II. prepares Armada, 92.

Philipot, John, citizen of London, defeats pirates, 29.

Plantagenet, Arthur, 52.

Plague in fleet at Spithead, 63.

Plunder, why different from prize, 131.

Popham, Colonel Edward, admiral and general at sea, 196;

blockades Rupert, 200;

appointed to pursue, but retained in Channel, 201;

his death, 231.

Portland, action with Spaniards near, 107;

three days' battle begins near, 249.

Porto Longone, English ships at, 270.

Portugal, expedition to, 117, 118.

Pregent, Perye John, Preter John, Pierre Jean le Bidoulx,

French admiral, 50;

at Conquet, 53.

Press, early use of, 12;

difficulty of enforcing, 248;

in 1665, 336;

corrupt working of, 364, 365.

Primauguet, French admiral, 49.

=Prince= flagship surrendered to Dutch, 359.

Privateers in reign of Elizabeth, 79.

Prize, meaning of, 131.

Prosperous Bay in St. Helena, 441.

Rainsborough, Colonel, appointed to command at sea, 188.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, quoted, 75;

voyage to Isles with Essex, 134, 135.

Rawlings, John, his escape from Barbary pirates, 166.

=Regent= burnt, 49.

=Revenge=, fight of, at Azores, 120, 121.

Rich, Robert, Earl of Warwick, appointed vice-admiral, 178;

secures place for Parliament, 182;

suppresses revolt of fleet, 189, 190;

refuses to strike flag, 191;

blockades revolted ships at Helvoetsluys, 192;

removed from command, 196.

Richard, bastard son of King John, kills Eustace the Monk, 7.

Rochelle, defeat of English at, 28.

=Royal Charles= taken by Dutch, 392.

Royal Guinea Company, 325.

Rupert, Prince, appointed to command ships by Prince of Wales, 199;

goes to Kinsale, 199;

blockaded, 200;

escapes, and sails for Lisbon, _ibid._;

at Lisbon, and on coast of Spain, 202-205;

his cruise in the Atlantic, 207-210;

commands White Squadron, 338;

declines to serve with Sandwich, 345;

joined in command with Monk, 352;

detached, 354;

rejoins fleet, 359;

story of =Fan-Fan=, 373, 374;

in sole command, 377;

succeeds Duke of York, 427;

at battle of Schooneveldt, 430-433.

Russell, Edward, his share in Revolution, 456.

Rust, John, of Blakeney, master to Sir John Arundel, 31;

his death, 32.

Sanders, Captain, report to Penn, 242.

San Domingo, unsuccessful attack on 285-288.

Sandwich, Earl of. See Montagu, Edward.

San Juan de Ulloa, Hawkins attacked by Spaniards at, 86, 87.

Sansum, Robert, rear-admiral of White Squadron, 338;

killed, 342.

Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Blake attacks Spanish ships at, 295.

Schooneveldt, Dutch fleet at, 249;

battles near, 430-433.

Schram, Van, Dutch vice-admiral, 372.

Scotch sailors in Dutch fleet, 336.

Seymour, Lord Henry, commands in Straits, 1588, 97, 107.

Seymour, Sir Edward, stopped by pressmen, 364.

Ship, early mediæval, 8;

improvements in, 9;

growth in 16th century, 38, 39;

money, 172, 173;

money fleets, 175.

Shish, Mr., shipbuilder, 332.

Shoreham, French fleet at, 69.

Schoutbynacht, rank in Dutch Navy, 371.

Shovell, Cloudesley, services with Sir J. Narbrough, 405, 406.

Sluys, battle of, 21, 22.

Sick and Hurt Office. See Navy Office.

Smith, Sir Jeremy, admiral of Blue, 372;

fights separate action with Tromp, 373-375;

commands Light Squadron, 385.

Smyrna convoy attacked by Sir R. Holmes, 412-414.

Smyrna convoy, Dutch, Allen captures, 337.

Solebay, fleet leaves; battle of, 419-424, 339.

Southerne, Mr., Commissioner of Navy, 450.

Sovereignty of seas, 15-17.

Spragge, Sir Edward, vice-admiral of Blue, 372;

commands fort at Sheerness, 393;

action with Dutch ships, 397;

services against Barbary pirates, 401-403;

passes Smyrna, 414;

his quarrel with Holmes, _ibid._;

vice-admiral of Red, 418;

admiral of Blue, 429;

at battle of Schooneveldt, 432;

his last action with Tromp, and death, 436-438.

Stayner, Sir Richard, takes Spanish treasure ships, 295;

letter to, 303.

St. Helena taken and retaken, 440-442.

St. Helens, French fleet at, 59, 61.

St. Michael, Mr., on Commission of 1686, 450.

Strickland, Sir Roger, appointed rear-admiral, 457;

his squadron, _ibid._

Strozzi, prior of Capua, commanding French galleys, 60.

Surveyor. See Navy Office.

Sveers, Dutch vice-admiral, 372.

Talbot, Sir Gilbert, English minister in Denmark, 346.

Tangier garrison withdrawn, 452, 453.

Taylor, Captain, reports discontent at Chatham, 253.

Teddiman, Sir T., vice-admiral of Red, 372.

Tello, Don Pedro, captures English ship, 126.

Terschelling, English attack on, 375, 376.

Test Act, 427.

Texel, Dutch at anchor by the, 262;

Dutch fleet escape to, 343;

battle of, 434-438.

Thames, shallows and channels of, 367, 369.

Tippetts, Sir J., Commissioner of the Navy, 450.

Treasurer. See Navy Office.

Trevelyan, Sir William, captain of =Gabriel=, 42.

Trinity House established, 46.

Triple Alliance, 409.

Tromp, Cornelius van, appointed to command against English, 270-272;

covers retreat of Dutch at Lowestoft, 343;

his discontent, 344;

in Four Days' Battle, 354-360;

commands rear, 372;

separate action with Smith, 373;

escapes, 375;

reconciled with De Ruyter, 431;

at battle of Schooneveldt, 432;

action with Spragge, 436-438.

Tromp, Martin Harpertz, attacks Oquendo in Downs, 176;

at Dover, 232;

threatens Dover, 236, 237;

follows Blake, resigns command, 238;

restored to command, 246;

at battle of Dungeness, 246, 247;

in Channel, story of broom, 248;

in battle of Portland, 250;

at sea, 257;

plan of battle on 2nd June, 1653, 258;

manoeuvres before last battle, 262, 263;

death, 264.

Tudor dynasty, its interest in navy, 33, 34.

Tunis, Blake burns ships at, 293.

Tuscany, Grand Duke of, difficulties with neutrality of his port of

Leghorn, 266-273.

Utbar, Captain, rear-admiral of Red, 372.

Valdes, Pedro de, commands squadron of Andalusia, 101;

he is deserted by Medina Sidonia, and surrenders to Drake, 106.

Van Ghent, Dutch admiral, in Firth of Forth, 390;

co-operates with Allen, 399.

Venables, General George, at taking of Jamaica, 289;

returns home, _ibid._;

imprisoned and dismissed, 290;

in attack on San Domingo, 285-289;

to command troops in expedition to West Indies, 278;

his character, 282;

offers to go over to Royalists, _ibid._

Victuallers, what were, 51.

Villiers, George, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, becomes Lord High

Admiral, 161;

his incapacity, 171;

his death, 174.

Walton, Colonel, 247.

Ward, English pirate, in Algiers, 166.

Warwick, Earl of, Robert Rich. See Rich, Robert.

Warwick, Earl of, King-maker, admiral and captain of Calais, 14.

West Indies, invasion of, in 1585, 89-91;

state of, in 1654, 279, 280;

state of, in 1667, 386.

Whistler, Dr. Daniel, report on state of wounded at Portsmouth, 254.

Willoughby of Parham, commands ships for Prince Charles, 190;

named Governor of Barbadoes, 211;

surrenders to Ayscue, 213.

Wimpel, Dutch flag, 371, 372.

Winkfield, Sir John, killed at Cadiz, 130.

Winter, Sir William, commands fleet on coast of Scotland, 88;

command in the Downs, 107.

Wrenn, lieutenant of =Kingfisher=, 401.

York, James Duke of, intended to be Lord High Admiral, 176;

instrument of his brother in government, 300;

hoists flag as Lord High Admiral, 301;

advises building of bigger ships, 333;

complains of want of men, 336;

in North Sea, 338;

wins battle of Lowestoft, 342;

affair of the order to shorten sail, 342, 343;

retires from command, 345;

anger with Sandwich, 351;

approves of fortifying Chatham, 384;

quotes Turenne, 385;

again in command of fleet, 418;

sails from Downs, 418;

anchors at Solebay, 419;

at battle of Solebay, 419-424;

driven from command by Test Act, 427;

driven abroad by fear of popular violence, 447.

Young, Captain, brush with Dutch, 231.

Young, lieutenant of =Leopard=, 272.

Zaan, W. van der, Schoutbynacht, 372.

A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS

AND ANNOUNCEMENTS OF

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