CHAPTER XI

GOLD DISCOVERIES--REVOLTS--FRENCH ATTACKS

The early attempts to find gold and silver had not been successful. A

little gold was found in Sao Paulo in the sixteenth century, but no

great discoveries were made until nearly the end of the seventeenth. The

Paulistas, who scoured the interior in their slave-hunts, occasionally

came across indications of gold, and rumours constantly reached the

coast. But for a long time the Paulistas failed, either through

ignorance or design, to give sufficiently exact information. After 1670

the rumours became so circumstantial that no doubt was felt that the

mountain ranges around the headwaters of the Sao Francisco River were

gold-bearing. Stimulated by government promises of liberal treatment,

the Paulistas undertook the hunt in earnest. About 1690 they found the

rich gold washings of Sabara, where to-day is one of the great mines of

the world--the Morro Velho. This is three hundred miles directly north

of Rio. In 1693, Antonio Arzao, a Paulista, penetrated west from this

region to the seacoast at Victoria, bringing with him native gold in

large nuggets. These were sent to Portugal and created intense

excitement. The Paulistas followed up these first discoveries by soon

finding half a dozen other fields--all of them yielding gold in

abundance to the crudest processes. A rush started that threatened to

depopulate the seacoast and even Portugal itself. The find was the

greatest gold discovery which had been made in the history of the world

up to that time. The one province of Minas Geraes produced seven million

five hundred thousand ounces within the first fifty years, and its total

product to the present time has been twenty-five million ounces.

The Paulista discoverers of the mines soon became involved in quarrels

with the swarms of adventurers who poured in from Portugal. The

government at first did not establish any regular control over the

mining region, and disputes arose between the old and new comers as to

proprietorship of claims. Anarchy and civil war ensued, but the foreign

element, nicknamed the "emboabas," came out on top with a strong man,

Nunes Vianna, at the head of affairs. He became the virtual ruler of the

region, and the Portuguese authorities at Rio, seeing their perquisites

endangered, tried to get rid of him by force. They were unsuccessful,

but finally managed to seduce his followers and secure a recognition of

their own paramount authority by solemn promises to concede the

reasonable demands of the miners. These promises were not kept. Vianna,

though he had been induced to surrender on assurances that his life

would be spared, was assassinated.

The mining laws, at first liberal, were narrowed until exploration was

discouraged and production oppressed. For years the authorities tried to

collect a fixed amount for each slave employed--a provision which

discouraged searches for new deposits. Then the system of requiring all

gold to be taken to government melting-houses was enforced. Export in

dust or nuggets was forbidden, and no gold was allowed in circulation

except that which bore the government stamp showing it had paid the

king's fifth. This involved the searching of every traveller's pockets

and the posting of detachments of soldiers at every crossroads. So

oppressive and inconvenient was this that finally the chief miners and

municipal authorities agreed to be responsible for a lump sum yearly.

The war of the emboabas ended in 1709, but troubles broke out in the

mining regions from time to time down to the end of the colonial period.

These struggles for local self-government--for the right to exist--were

not confined to Minas. In various forms and at various times they were

repeated in most of the provinces, and a strong belief in local autonomy

never died out, though for long periods it was apparently crushed out of

existence.

Simultaneously with the overthrow of the semi-independent government of

Minas, which had been set up by the emboabas, a civil war broke out in

the old province of Pernambuco. This was a struggle of the oligarchy of

native Brazilian sugar-planters against the rigorous and corrupt rule of

the royal governors and against the encroachments of the newly arrived

Portuguese. Then, as now, foreigners conducted the trade of Brazil; the

Brazilian aristocrats remained on their plantations, disdaining the

small economies and anxieties of commerce. The Portuguese were the

peddlers, shopkeepers, and money-lenders for the community, as well as

the officials of the government. In both capacities they pressed hard on

the extravagant Brazilians. Olinda, the old capital, was the

headquarters of the latter. Recife, three miles south, was the port and

chiefly inhabited by native Portuguese. It had outrun Olinda during the

Dutch occupation, but was legally only an administrative dependency of

the older and smaller town. In 1709 the Portuguese government made

Recife a separate city--a step which was bitterly resented by the

Brazilians and especially by the close corporation of native families

who controlled the Olinda municipal government. Hostilities broke out

between them and the governor. Two thousand Pernambucanos invaded

Recife; the troops deserted and the governor fled for his life, while

the royal charter to Recife was torn to bits by the mob. The heads of

the insurrection met to determine what form of government should be

adopted. Bernardo Vieira, the best soldier in the colony, proposed that

a republic should be founded on the plan of Venice, probably the first

time a republic was ever advocated on American soil. The proposition met

with much favour, but the conservatives shrank from so radical a

departure. The bishop was made acting-governor, but his hand proved not

firm enough to control the divergent interests and ambitions. The

Portuguese--"mascates" they were called--revolted in their turn and

drove him from Recife. The Pernambucanos besieged the place, but the

loss of the seaport was a heavy blow. The Olinda oligarchy was not able

to secure the co-operation of the smaller municipalities, and civil war

spread throughout the province. When a new governor appeared with a

commission from the king, he had little difficulty, by promises of fair

treatment, in inducing all parties to lay down their arms. No sooner,

however, was he safely in power than he imprisoned and banished the

chiefs of the revolt, especially selecting those who had favoured an

independent republic.

All three great revolts--Beckman's in Maranhao, that of the emboabas in

Minas, and the Olinda rebellion of 1710--followed substantially the same

course. Local feeling was strong enough to sweep all before it for a

time, but lack of capacity for organisation, intestine quarrels, want of

persistency, soon enabled the Portuguese officials to re-establish

themselves more firmly than ever.

Meanwhile Portugal had become involved in the War of the Spanish

Succession. Colonia was again captured by the Spanish of Buenos Aires,

and though it was restored at the end of the war its trade was never so

prosperous afterwards. In the Upper Amazon Spanish Jesuits had come down

from Quito, but the Portuguese expelled them, thereby confirming

Portugal's title as far as the foothills of the Andes. The Spaniards of

the eighteenth century no more than the Peruvians and Bolivians of the

nineteenth were able to cope with the difficulties of transit from the

Pacific side of the mountains. Portugal's effective possession reached

to the 70th meridian from Greenwich--sixteen hundred miles west of the

Tordesillas line.

Rio was the only important Brazilian port which had escaped attack by

hostile fleets during the preceding century, and the discovery of the

gold mines gave a tremendous impetus to its prosperity and wealth. The

only gateway to the mining territory, its population of over twelve

thousand was soon one of the richest and busiest in all America. The

opportunity was too tempting to be neglected by the French

prize-hunters. A daring Frenchman, named Duclerc, appeared before the

city in 1710, but, seeing that he had not ships strong enough to force

the entrance, landed with a thousand marines forty miles down the coast.

They met with no resistance in their march through the woods and arrived

back of the city without loss. Thence they proceeded coolly to charge

into the narrow streets in the face of the artillery fire from the

hilltop forts that surround the city. The audacious enterprise was very

nearly successful. The Portuguese regulars offered no effective

resistance, and the main body of the French penetrated to the very

centre of the city. There they were checked by a little party of

students who had climbed into the governor's palace and were firing out

of the windows. The French finally took the palace by assault, but

meanwhile the city had risen behind them, their scattered detachments

were massacred in detail, and the main body in the palace had to

surrender at discretion. The Portuguese sullied their victory by acts of

mediaeval cruelty--killing most of the prisoners.

The victims did not long remain unavenged. As soon as the news reached

France, Admiral Duguay-Trouin, one of the ablest seamen his nation has

produced, volunteered to lead an expedition to Rio. Wealthy merchants of

St. Malo supplied the money, and in June, 1711, he sailed with seven

line-of-battle ships, six frigates, and four smaller vessels, manned by

five thousand picked men. Secretly as the expedition had been

despatched, the Portuguese had received warning. The garrison had been

re-enforced and the narrow-mouthed harbour and hill-commanded city were

defended by three forts and eleven batteries, besides four ships of the

line and four frigates. Favoured by a foggy morning he ran boldly in,

suffering little loss. Of the Portuguese men-of-war not one escaped.

Fort Villegagnon was blown up by the mismanagement of its garrison, the

Portuguese became demoralised, Trouin put a battery on an unoccupied

island within cannon-shot of the city, and disembarked troops to the

left of the town where a range of hills made it easy to dominate the low

ground. The poor governor knew no better tactics than to let the French

enter the streets and then overpower them in fighting from the houses.

But Trouin was too old a soldier to be caught like his fellow-countrymen

the year before. He coolly advanced his batteries and soon had the town

commanded on three sides; it was only a question of getting his cannon

into position when he could batter the place at his leisure. Panic

extended from the citizens to the soldiers, and a week after the French

had entered the harbour the governor fled ignominiously to the interior,

and the French took possession unopposed.

Revenge and plunder had been the objects of the expedition. It would

have been very difficult for the French to have remained in permanent

possession of the city, and a conquest of the interior, with its large

population and mountainous character, was not to be thought of. The city

was admitted to ransom on giving up the surviving prisoners of the

Duclerc expedition. Duguay-Trouin sailed triumphantly back to France

with a treasure which netted the Norman merchants who had fitted him out

ninety-two per cent. on their investment, in spite of the wrecking of

the biggest ship on the homeward voyage.

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