2. As it hath been still supported and defended at the Charge of
_England_.
3. As it hath received equal Advantages with the other Plantations from
the Expence _England_ hath been at in carrying on Wars Abroad and
Revolutions at Home; And on this last there is greater Reason against
_Ireland_ than any of the rest, we having lately paid more Money for the
Purchase of that Trade than the Profits thereof may bring to us and our
Posterities for many Generations; so that 'twould be a piece of great
Ingratitude for the Free-holders of _Ireland_ unwillingly to submit to
any thing whereby the Interest of _England_ may be advanced, to the
Inhabitants whereof they are indebted for their Lands, who have laid down
their Lives and spent their Treasures to reinstate them in their
Possessions.
As for Corn, Fish, and Horses, whither a Liberty may not be allowed to
transport them thence direct for other Markets on Ships first entring
here in _England_ is a point worth serious Consideration.
But the main objection as to _England_ is yet behind, a great part of the
Gentlemen of this Kingdom thinking it will sink the Rents of their Lands
if _Irish_ Cattle are admitted to be brought over alive, others that the
Importation of Provisions thence will fall the Price of our own; and
though in the former they do not so generally agree, differing according
as their Lands are Scituated, and proper for Breeding or Feeding, yet in
the latter they more unanimously consent, and cry out, _This is the great
Diana of the Ephesians_, the less Provisions are brought in, the more our
own will be expended, whereas if they did impartially consider, they
would find it an empty _Idol_; Nothing will advance their Lands like
Trade and Manufactures, therefore what-ever turns the Stream of these
elsewhere lessens the Number of Inhabitants who should consume their
Provisions, and when those increase so do the others, which (besides a
home consumption by People engaged in Imployments distinct from
Husbandry) doth always invite many Foreigners hither, who being Temporary
Residents spend our Product, it being a sure Maxim that _where the
Carcass is there will the Eagles be gathered together_.
Besides, when the _Irish_ Provisions are broughr hither, those Markets
which were supply'd with them thence before will then have them hence,
tho' perhaps at dearer Rates, and with them great Quantities of our own;
No Man can imagine what Expence there would be of _English_ Cattle were
we once fallen into the Trade of making Provisions here, _England_ as
well in its Beef as Manufactures exceeding all other Countrys, with this
farther Advantage, that the former for Goodness and Price cannot be
supplied from any other place save _Ireland_; nor do I suppose it so much
the Interest of this Kingdom when Provisions are advanced only by a Home
Expence, as when 'tis done by a Foreign Export, the first makes
particular Men grow Rich by preying on their Neighbours, but the Nation
grows Rich by the latter, when we vend them abroad at good Prices; nor
would our Plantations which now take off the greatest part of the Cattle
slaughter'd in _Ireland_ spend one Barrel less if kill'd here.
All Trade had a beginning, occasioned by some lucky Accident which put
People on new Projects, and why _England_ which hath so many Plantations
depending on it should suspect a consumption for its Cattle I cannot
imagine; we might then set the Rates of Provisions there, and the
Merchants afford to give better Prices for them here, when they shall
load them at Home, and save the Charges of going to _Ireland_, without
fear of having their early Markets forestall'd thence; and the Planters
being now grown rich are likewise able to give greater Rates for them
than they could at their first Settlement; _England_ had never a fairer
Opportunity of making an Entry on this Trade than now it hath, which
would soon consume great Numbers of Cattle, and consequently give
Encouragement to our Breeding Countrys as well as the Feeding.
But if a Manufactury is thought fit for _Ireland_, and its Circumstances
will admit thereof, let that of Linnen be encouraged, this may draw over
Multitudes of _French_ Refuges, and put them upon an Imployment wherewith
they were formerly acquainted, which we must assist by the benefit of
Importation Custom free, and the Advantage of Fashion; and then these two
Kingdoms encouraging different Manufactures will be serviceable to each
other, for which Stocks would not be wanting even from the People of
_England_, who would delight to see _Ireland_ thrive when their
Manufactures crost not ours; This would in time alter the Ballance of our
Trade with _France_, when we shall send thither more Woollen, and receive
thence less Linnen.
If the wisdom of the Parliament shall think fit by these or any other
Methods to make _Ireland_ more serviceable to the Trade of _England_ it
will advance both the Lands and Traffick of this Kingdom, and so make us
all better able to pay the Charge of this long and expensive War.
[Sidenote: Scotland.]
I shall next say something to the Trade of _Scotland_, which hath
formerly consumed more of our Woollen Manufactures than now it doth,
since that Nation is fallen on making them there, which they do out of
their own Wool, with the help of what they get from us, also of
_Spanish_, both from hence and from _Holland_.
But their chief Manufactures are Linnen, Butter, and Herrings; 'twere to
be wish'd the former was more encouraged by this Government, with Liberty
to bring it hither Custom free, provided they would send us also their
Wool, and then our Manufactures would not justle with each other; King
_James_ the II. limited their Trade to his Pleasure by Act of Parliament,
which I take to be a great reason why that People were so much at his
Devotion, but the Liberty of a free Trade was made one of the Terms
whereon his present Majesty received the Crown, who hath since given them
Encouragement to settle Plantations abroad, such as they shall either
plant, or buy from Foreign Princes, which he hath promised to enfranchise
with the same Rights and Priviledges he doth grant in like Cases to the
Subjects of his other Dominions.
They have also fallen lately on the thoughts of Codd-Fishing, whereof
they have great shoals about their Coasts, which formerly they used to
pickle and send away in Casks, but now intend to cure after the manner
'tis done in _Newfoundland_.
And doubtless these three things would much encourage Trade had they
Stocks to manage them, but those they want; I have heard it discours'd
that the Cash of that Kingdom amounted to One Million of Pounds Sterling,
but I scarce believe it does to One Half, perhaps not one Third which
properly belongs to its Inhabitants; therefore they propose to carry on
the Woollen Manufactures Plantations and Fishery by _English_ Stocks, the
two last by Companies, which will consist chiefly of _Londoners_, who
first promoted the Designs, and will furnish Monies for managing them;
Now I cannot think any Nation can settle Plantations abroad to advantage
which wants Stock and Manufactures of its own to supply them, the great
Profit of Plantations being to encourage Manufactures at Home, and the
means to settle them is by giving long Credits to the Planters abroad,
and when this is done by Money taken up at Interest from another Nation
the whole Profit will redound to the Lenders, so that the _Scotch_ may
make Settlements abroad, but if neither the Stock nor Manufactures are
their own, they will have only the name of being Proprietors whilst
others carry away the Profits, like a Gentleman who pays as much for
Interest yearly as the Rents of his Lands bring in, he may have the
Possession, but the Userer has the Income of his Estate; so for their
Fishing, which being managed on _English_ Stocks will bring them only so
much as shall pay for the labour of those imployed about it; The same for
their Woollen Manufactures.
On the other side if the Trade to these Plantations is driven by an
_English_ Corporation, the _Scotch_ indeed will get Imployments for their
Saylors, but all the Product will be other Men's, who will take care for
their own advantage to keep the Planters poor abroad, and the Inhabitants
from inspecting into it at home.
Besides, that Kingdom being now supplied from _England_ with _West-India_
Commodities at cheaper Rates than they can expect to raise them, will
want vent for their new Product when brought Home, unless absolutely
prohibited to be imported thither from hence, which will be a new Tax on
the Spender, paid only to a Foreign Monopoly; neither can they Export
them to sell on equal Terms with the English; so that on the whole I
cannot see what advantage the _Scotch_ can make at this time of day by
setling Plantations, which if they do attempt, we must besure to take
care of _Ireland_, and by reducing it to the terms of a Colony prevent
their selling the Product there, which I am apt to think is the main
thing they aim at.
[Sidenote: Canarys.]
The _Canary_ Trade brings us nothing but what we consume, and takes from
us little of our Product or Manufactures, we chiefly purchase those Wines
for Money therefore if it was reduced to the same Terms I have proposed
for _Maderas_ it would do very well: By this means we should at least buy
_Wines_ cheaper there, and then their Prices must be limited at Home,
both on the Importer and Retailer; 'twill be convenient to regulate this
Trade, but not to discourage it, for since we must drink Wines, 'twere
better we had them from the _Spaniard_ than the _French_, the first takes
off much of our Manufactures, the other little, and tho' perhaps the
_Canary_ Islands may not, yet I am apt to think those Wines are paid for
out of what we send to the Continent of _Spain_.
[Sidenote: Spain.]
This brings me to the _Spanish_ Trade, which I take to be very profitable
to this Kingdom, as it vents much of our Product and Manufactures, and
supplies us with many things necessary to be used in making the latter; I
shall divide it into three parts, _Spain_, _Biscay_, and _Flanders_.
To begin with _Spain_; by which I mean that part from the _Bay of Cadiz_
Eastward into the Streights of _Gibralter_; whither we send all sorts of
Woollen Manufactures, Lead, Fish, Tin, Silk and Worsted Stockings,
Butter, Tobacco, Ginger, Leather, Bees-Wax; and in Returns we have some
things fit only for Consumption, such as are Fruit and Wines; others for
our Manufactures, such as are Oyl, Cochineal, Indigo, Anato, Barilia;
with some Salt; but the greatest part is made in Bullion, both Gold and
Silver, with which this part of the Kingdom abounds, being supplied
therewith from their large Empires on the Main of _America_, whither they
again Export much of the Goods we carry thither.
The _Spaniards_ are a Stately People, not much given to Trade or
Manufactures themselves, therefore the first they drive on such
Chargeable and Dilatory terms both for their Ships and Ways of
Navigation, that other trading Nations, such as the _English_, _French_,
_Dutch_, and _Genoese_, take advantage thereby, only that to the
_West-Indies_ is on strict Penalties reserved to themselves, but having
no Manufactures of their own, the Profit thereof Returns very much to
those who furnish them; indeed of late they have made a small beginning
on _Bayes_, but will not be able to hold it when the War is ended; Nor
have they so well secured the _West-Indies_ but that it is very
plentifully supply'd by us with Manufactures, and many other things from
_Jamaica_, which is accompanied with greater Advantage than when sent
first to _Cadiz_; for whereas we generally sold them there at Twenty _per
Cent_ advance, we do by this Means make at least _Cent per Cent_, all
paid for in Bullion, which adds to the Wealth of the Nation; this I take
to be the true Reason why our Vent for them at _Cadiz_ is lessened,
because we supply _New-Spain_ direct with those things they used to have
thence before.
By _Biscay_ I mean all that part under the _Spanish_ Government which
lies in the _Bay_ of that Name; the Commodities we send thither are
generally the same; likewise formerly great Quantities of Refined Sugars,
till we gave the _French_ and _Dutch_ leave to undermine us, partly by
the Advantages they had by the late Imposition on _Muscovadoes_, and
partly by the Imprudence and ill Management of our _Sugar-Bakers_, who
would not take Pains to comply with the humours of that People as the
others did; but I hope if due care be taken, that profitable Trade may be
recovered again.
The Commodities we have thence are very advantageous, such as Sheeps
Wool, Iron, and Bullion, whereof the first is the best, as being the
subject Matter of a great Manufacture, which could we secure wholly to
our selves (tho' it cost all Bullion) 'twould be of great Advantage to
the Nation, but both the _Dutch_ and _French_ come in for their Shares.
The third part of our _Spanish_ Trade is that to _Flanders_, whereby I
mean all that part of the low Countrys now under its Government; whither
we send Commodities much of the same nature with those we send to the
other Parts, tho' not in so great Quantities; and among our Woollen
Manufactures more course Medlys; also Coals from _Newcastle_; but not so
much Leather, being supplied freely with raw Hides from _Ireland_, which
are tann'd there; This might be prevented were that Kingdom reduced to
the State of a Colony, and the Profit thereof would then return hither;
We have thence Linnens, Thread, and other things, which are used at home,
and shipp'd off to the Plantations.
[Sidenote: Portugal.]
The next is the Trade we drive to the Kingdom of _Portugal_; where we
vend much of our Product and Manufactures, little different in their
Kinds from what is sent to _Spain_; and from thence we have in Returns
Bullion, Salt, Oyl, Woad and Wines; of the latter we have lately imported
great Quantities, which as they take well with the People of _England_,
so its more our Interest than to have them from _France_, whence our
Imports are more than our Exports, and to this Kingdom our Exports are
greater than the Product thereof can make us Returns, especially since we
have desisted from bringing home their Sugars, a Commodity wherewith we
are more advantageously supplyed from our own Plantations, and did before
the War furnish Foreign Markets cheaper than they could.
This People were formerly the great Navigators of the World, to whom we
are indebted for their many Discoveries both in the _East_ and
_West-Indies_, besides the several Islands of the _Azores_, _Cape de
Verde_, and also _Maderas_; to these Islands they admit us a free Trade,
but their remoter Settlements on the Continent of _America_ they reserve
more strictly to themselves, whither they Export many of the Commodities
we send them, and in Returns have, Sugars, Tobacco, with some other
things, which are again Transported to the _European_ Markets, tho'
little of them hither; Their Islands we supply direct from _England_ with
our Manufactures, and from the _Azores_ load Corn, Woad, some Sugars,
Wines and Bullion, all received in Barter for them, but chiefly the
first, which we carry to _Maderas_, where 'tis again Barter'd for Wines,
shipp'd thence to our Plantations in _America_; in all these the
Inhabitants live well, and are very rich, but those residing on the _Cape
de Verd_ Islands are generally a poor despicable People, made up of
_Negroes_, _Molattoes_, and such like, who having but little Product to
give in Returns are therefore but meanly supplyed with Commodities, and
those very ordinary, so that they have scarce wherewith to cover
themselves, much less for Luxury; Asses Bieves and Salt being all we have
from them, which we generally carry to our Plantations in _America_;
Beife might be made very cheap there could it be saved, being purchased
for little, and Salt for less, but the Climate will not admit it; the
chief of which Islands is St. _Jago_, very rich, well governed, and a
Bishops Sea, where they are well supplied, because they have Money to pay
for what they buy.
The _Portugueze_ as they are now become bad Navigators, so they are not
great Manufacturers; some sorts of course Cloth they do make, and did
once attempt _Bayes_, for which they drew over some of our Workmen, but
it soon came to an end, and they returned home again by Encouragements
given them hence, so prudent a thing it is to stop an Evil in the
beginning.
Since this War they have had great Advantages in their Navigation, for
being engaged on neither side they have by that means drawn Imployments
from all; _Lisbon_ hath also been as it were a free Port for several
Commodities to be thence Transported to _France_, whence among other
things it hath been supply'd with Lead, which occasioned once an Order of
Council here for stopping all Ships bound thither with that Commodity,
esteem'd so useful to them in carrying on the War, but on second Thoughts
it was recall'd, for which Order there seem'd to be no good Ground at
first, as if the _French_ King, who doubtless would not refrain taking
the Plate out of his Churches to support the Charge of his War, should
out of Reverence spare the Lead that covered them if he wanted it, and
could not elsewhere be supplyed with it, which was not probable, since
'twas so plenty in every part of his Kingdom, one Tun whereof according
to a moderate Computation making above Thirty Thousand Bullets; I wish he
were better furnish'd with our Product and Manufactures, and we had his
Money for them, which would much more weaken him, than the other would
enable him to carry on the War; _Ireland_ supplies _Portugal_ with tann'd
Leather and Woollen Manufactures, which would be sent hence if the Trade
of that Kingdom was well regulated.
[Sidenote: Turky.]
The Trade driven to _Turkey_ is very profitable, which affords us Markets
for great Quantities of our Woollen Manufactures and Lead, shipt hence to
_Constantinople_, _Scandaroon_ and _Smyrna_, and from thence disperst
over all the _Turkish_ Dominions, also to _Persia_: The Commodities we
have thence in Returns are Raw Silk, Cotten Wool and Yarn, Goats-Wool,
Grogram-Yarn, Cordivants, Gaules, Potashes, and some other things, which
are the foundations of several Manufactures different from our own, by
the variety whereof we better suit Cargoes to Export again; and though it
must be allowed that the _Turky_ Merchants carry thither Bullion, and
'twas to be wish'd the Trade could be driven without it, being better for
this Nation if we bought all things in Barter for our Product and
Manufactures, (which above the Foreign Materials they are made off are
all Profit) yet if we rightly consider, we shall find great difference
between Buying for Mony Commodities already manufactured, which hinder
the use of our own, such as those brought from the _East-Indies_, or
things to be spent on our Luxury, such as Wines and Fruit, and buying
therewith Commodities to keep our Poor at work, these must be had though
purchased with all Bullion, and therefore we ought highly to esteem that
Trade wherein we receive so great a part of them in Barter for the other.
[Sidenote: Italy.]
To the several Ports of _Italy_ we ship great Quantities of Lead and
other our Product, and many sorts of Woollen Manufactures, but chiefly
those made of Worsted, also Fish, and Sugars both White and Brown, the
last principally to _Venice_, but more thereof in times of Peace than we
do in this time of War, Freights being high, and the Commoditie dear at
home; we bring thence Raw and Thrown Silk, and Red Wool, which are
wrought up here; also Oyl and Soap, used in working our Wool; some Paper
and Currants.
Both _Venice_ and _Genoua_ have made some Progress in a Woollen
Manufacture, being furnished with Wool from _Alicant_ and those Eastern
parts of _Spain_; wrought Silks and Glass are not so much Imported thence
as they were, since we have fallen on making them at home.
[Sidenote: Holland.]
The _Dutch_ do likewise buy many of our Manufactures, and some of our
Product, as Coals, Butter, Lead, Tin, besides things of smaller value,
such as Clay, Redding, &c. which are all Exported to _Holland_, not only
for their own use, but being a Mart of Trade for _Germany_ they disperse
them for the Expence of those Countrys, among whom also they vent our
_West-India_ Commodities, as Sugars, Tobacco, Indigo, Logwood, Fustick,
Ginger, Cotten Wool, besides what they use themselves; These are an
industrious People, but having little Land do want Product of their own
to trade on, except what they raise by their Fisheries, and bring from
the _East-Indies_, whereof Spices and Salt-Peter are many times admitted
to be brought hither, though contrary to the _Act of Navigation_; Indeed
the Trade of the _Dutch_ consists rather in Buying and Selling than
Manufactures, most of their Profits arising from that and the Freights
they make of their Ships, which (being built for Burthen) are imployed
generally in a Home Trade for Bulky Commodities, such as Salt from St.
_Ubes_ to the _Sound_, Timber, Hemp, Corn, Pitch, and such things thence
to their own Country, which Ships are Sailed with few Hands, and this
together with the lowness of Interest enables them to afford those
Commodities at such Rates that many times they are fetch'd thence by
other Nations cheaper than they could do it from the Places of their
Growth, all Charges considered; 'tis strange to observe how those People
buz up and down among themselves, the vastness of whose Numbers causes a
vast Expence, and that Expence must be supply'd from abroad, so one Man
gets by another, and they find by Experience that as a Multitude of
People brings Profit to the Government, so it creates Imployment to each
other; besides, they invent new ways of Trade, by selling not only things
they have, but those they have not, great quantities of Brandy being
disposed of every Year, which are never intended to be delivered, only
the Buyer and Seller get or lose according to the Rates it bears at the
time agreed on to make good the Bargains; such a Commerce to _England_
would be of little Advantage, no more than jobbing for _Guineas_, this
Nation would no way advance its Wealth thereby, whose Profits depend on
our Product and Manufactures; But that Government raising its Incomes by
the Inhabitants, (who pay on all they eat, drink, or wear) cares not so
much by what means each Person gets, as that they have People to pay,
which are never wanting from all Nations, for as one goes away another
comes, and every Temporary Resident advances their Revenue; therefore to
increase their Numbers they make the Terms of Trade easie; contrary to
the Customs of Cities and private Corporations with us, the narrowness of
whose Charters discourages Industry and Improvements both in Handecrafts
and Manufactures, because they exclude better Artists from their
Societies, unless they purchase their Freedoms at unreasonable Rates.
[Sidenote: Hamburgh.]
Another great Market for our Manufactures in _Hamburgh_: This City vents
great Quantities of our Cloth, Sugar, Tobacco, and other Plantation
Commodities, which are thence sent into _Germany_; from whence we have
Linnens, Linnen Yarn, and other Commodities, very necessary both for the
use of our selves and our Plantations, and no way thwarting with our own
Manufactures.
[Sidenote: Poland.]
_Poland_ also takes off many of our Manufactures, wherewith it is
supply'd chiefly from _Dantzick_ within the _Sound_, whither they are
first carry'd, and thence disperst into all parts of that Kingdom, which
hath but little Wool of its own, and that chiefly in _Ukrania_; but the
Expence of our Cloth hath been lessened there, since _Silesia_ and the
adjoyning parts of _Germany_ have turned their Looms to that Commodity,
occasioned by our disusing their Linnens, and wearing Calicoes in their
room; We have thence some Linnens, also Potashes.
[Sidenote: Russia.]
_Russia_ is likewise supplyed both from _Dantzick_, and also by way of
St. _Angelo_ with our Woollen Manufactures, and in Returns we have
Linnen, Potashes, Hemp, Leather, and many other Commodities, both useful
at Home, and fit to be carry'd Abroad.
[Sidenote: Sweden.]
_Sweden_ and its Territories take off great quantities of our
Manufactures both fine and course, besides Tobacco and Sugars; but the
Sale of our Broad Cloth hath been much lessened there of late, occasioned
by their loading it with great Duties, on purpose to encourage a
Manufacture of their own, their Wool is course, but _Scotland_ sends them
finer to mix with it, so consequently the Cloth made thereof must be
ordinary, however the King encourages its wearing by his own Example, and
thinks it his Interest so to do, as it advances his Revenue by better
enabling his People to pay it, yet this Manufacture must fall, especially
if _Scotland_ sets up any themselves, however all sorts of Serges,
Stuffs, and Perpets, are carry'd thither as freely as before; whither we
formerly sent also great Quantities of Calamy, till by a late Act its
Exportation was loaden with a Duty above its value, occasioned by a wrong
Information given the _House of Commons_, that it could not be supplyed
from any other place, the smart whereof those concerned in the raising
and calcining that Commodity have felt, none being Shipt off ever since,
_Sweden_ being furnished therewith from other Countrys, who formerly sent
it thither, tho' they could not do it on such reasonable Terms as we did,
whereby we beat them out of the Trade, but by this means having the
Market wholly to themselves will thereby receive such Encouragement as to
put an end to ours, unless that Act be soon repealed.
[Sidenote: Denmark and Norway.]
_Denmark_ hath no Supply of Woollen Manufactures but from us, yet takes
no great Quantities, and _Norway_ less, the People of the latter being
generally very poor are content with any thing they can get to cover
themselves; some Tobacco and Sugar is also Shipt hence, and spent amongst
them.
From these Northern Kingdoms we are supply'd with Pitch, Tar, Hemp,
Masts, Timber, Iron, all very useful in our Navigation, and without which
we cannot carry it on, Commodities which we must have though purchased
with Money; I look on any thing which saves our Timber at Home to be
advantageous to this Nation, which the great quantities of Baulks and
Boards imported thence do.
[Sidenote: France.]
The _French_ Trade hath every age grown less and less profitable to our
Woollen Manufactures, not only as the Inhabitants make wherewith to
supply themselves, but also other Nations, which they could not do were
they not furnished with Wool from hence and _Ireland_, their own being
unfit to work by it self; if the latter were reduced to the Terms of a
Colony it would put a stop to it there, and then ways might be found out
to prevent it here; nor doth _France_ spend much of our other
Manufactures, or of the growth of this Kingdom, or Product of our
Plantations, some Tobacco it doth, also Coals, Butter, Calve-Skins,
Bottles, and a few other things; it also furnishes us with nothing to be
manufactured here; so that the Trade we drive thither turns rather to
their Advantage than ours, which being generally for things consumed
amongst us, and our Imports exceeding our Exports, must needs be loss to
this Kingdom; But if Linnen Manufactures can be setled in _Scotland_ and
_Ireland_, Distilling, Paper, and Silk Manufactures, encouraged here, the
Ballance will soon be altered, especially if the _Portuguese_ make
Improvements in their Wines, for which they now receive great
Encouragement, the People of _England_ being not so fond of the _French_
as they were.
[Sidenote: What Foreign Trades are profitable, and what are not to our
Manufactures.]
And thus I have run thro' most of the Trades driven from this Kingdom,
and shew'd how they advance its Interest by taking off our Product and
Manufactures, and supplying us with Materials to be manufactured again,
wherein `tis a certain Rule that so far as any Nation furnishes us with
things already manufactured, or only to be spent among our selves, so
much less is our Advantage by the Trade we drive thither, especially if
those Manufactures interfere with our own; therefore I think the
_East-India_ Trade to be unprofitable to us, hindring by its Silks and
Calicoes the Consumption of more of our Manufactures in _Europe_ than it
doth take from us; the _Spanish_, _Turky_, and _Portugal_ Trades are very
advantageous, as they vend great Quantities of our Product and
Manufactures, and furnish us with Materials to be wrought up here, and
disperse our Commodities to other places where we could not so
conveniently send them our selves; This _Spain_ doth to all parts of its
Settlements in _America_, _Turkey_ to the _Black Sea_, _Persia_, and all
its Territories both in _Europe_ and _Asia_; _Portugal_ doth the same to
_Brazile_; the _Dutch_, _Hamburgh_, and _Dantzick_ Trades are very
useful, as they supply _Germany_, _Poland_ and _Russia_, with our
Manufactures, and little interfere with us therein; _Sweden_ and
_Denmark_ are profitable, both in what they take from us, and what they
supply us with again; _Ireland_ as now managed is destructive to us;
_Scotland_, for want of Stock is not capable of making any Advance either
in Manufactures or Plantations to our Prejudice; _Italy_ takes off great
Quantities of our Worsted Manufactures, and sends us little of its own
save wrought Silks, whereof we shall every Year Import less as we
encrease that Manufacture here; but above all I esteem the _African_ and
_West-India_ Trades most profitable to the Nation, as they imploy more
People at home, and encourage Navigation abroad, all their Product is our
Wealth, and hath been a means to ballance our Losses this War, and yet
they might be better improved to our Advantage; but the _French_ Trade is
certainly our Loss, _France_ being like a Tavern, with whom we spend what
we get by other Nations; 'tis strange we should be so bewitch'd to that
People, as to take off their Growth which consists chiefly of things for
Luxury, and receive a value only from the Esteem we put on them, whilst
at the same time they prohibit our Manufactures, in order to set up the
like amongst themselves, which we encourage by supplying them with
Materials; and not only so, but they lay a Tax on our Ships for fetching
away their Product, which must else perish on their Hands.
[Sidenote: The Ballances of Foreign Trades.]
The Ballance of that Trade is always against us, from whom we have in
Goods more than we Ship them; The Ballance of _Spain_ and _Portugal_ is
always in our Favour; as for the _Dutch_, _Germany_, and _Hamburgh_,
their Ballances in Trade are not yet agreed on, some think we ship them
most, others that we receive most from them, I encline to the former, the
Exchange at all times seems to confirm me therein, and tho' a Pound in
_Holland_ is now worth above a Pound sterling, yet I judge it to proceed
from the great Remittances we are forced to make for our Armies, which
the Exchangers know how to improve to their own Advantage; the Northern
Crowns supply us with more than they take from us, but the Commodities we
have from them are better than Money; _Turky_ takes Money from us, yet is
very beneficial; _Italy_ will grow more and more in its Ballance on our
side every year, as the Importation of Wrought Silks is lessened and
turned into Raw and Thrown; Now considering that almost the whole World
is supplyed by our labour, and that our Plantations do daily bring us
such Incomes, 'tis strange if this Nation should not grow Rich, which
doubtless it would do above all its Neighbours were things well managed.
[Sidenote: What Nations do chiefly cope with us in our Manufactures.]
Those who cope with us in our Manufactures are chiefly, the _French_,
_Dutch_, and _Ireland_; as to the latter, it lies in our Power to give
Rules to them; and for the _French_, let due care be taken to prevent
their being supply'd with Wool from hence and _Ireland_, and we shall
soon see an alteration therein; 'tis true they are of more danger than
the _Dutch_, because they have more Wool of their own, but this they
cannot work without ours or Irish; The Commodities they make are
generally pretty slight Stuffs, wherein they use a great deal of Combing
Wool, and these they not only wear themselves, but send to _Portugal_ and
other Places with good Success, to countermine which we have fallen on
the same by Assistance of the _French_ Refugees; I wonder at the fancy of
those who are always finding fault that we do not make our Manufactures
as good and as strong as formerly we did, wherein I think they are to
blame, for we must fit them to the humours of the Buyers, and slight
Cloth brings an equal Profit to the Nation with strong, and gives the
same Imployment to our People; yet where Seals and other Marks are set I
would have them be certain Evidences to the truth of what they certifie,
either to the length of the Peece, or that the inside is suitable to the
outside, or that 'tis truly wove, and without Flaws; the same in respect
to the Colour, that 'tis woaded, or madder'd, or the like; and I take it
to be a great deal of difference between this and obliging the
Manufacturer to make his Cloth or Stuff to a certain weight and
thickness, without any respect to the humour of the Buyer, or the Climate
of the Country to which it is sent; As for the _Dutch_, as I take them to
be no good Planters, so no good Manufacturers, their Heads are not turned
that way, but rather to Navigation and Traffick, they were once famous in
the Art of Cloth-making, which was maintained by the Wool they fetch'd
hence, but King _Edward_ the III. considering the Advantage they made by
imploying their People with our Growth whilst our own stood still,
prohibited the Exportation of Wool, and the Importation of Foreign Cloth,
and cunningly perswaded the _Dutch_ Manufacturers by Priviledges granted
them to settle here; if then the prohibiting Wool to be carried out had
so good an effect at a time when cloathing was the great Support of that
People, why should not our greater Care to prevent it now have a far
better, when the whole Trade of that Nation seems to be in the _United
Provinces_, and they chiefly set on Buying and Selling? We cannot hinder
them from _Spanish_ Wool, but we may from our own and _Irish_: As for
_Scotland_ and _Sweeden_, their Manufactures will come to nothing, and it
would be the great Wisdom of this Nation to encourage them to bring all
their Wool hither, though at some charge to the Publick; as for
_Germany_, the Woollen Manufacture is not so natural to them as the
Linnen, which they would soon turn to, if we gave them Encouragement by
wearing it here and in our Plantations; this would be more advantageous
to _England_ than by the use of Calicoes to force a Neighbouring Nation
to fence with us at our own Weapons, which they very unwillingly
undertake; the Woollen Manufactures in _Italy_ are but small, and those
chiefly among the _Venetians_, something among the _Genouese_, these we
cannot hinder, being supply'd with Wool from those parts of _Spain_ which
are near to them, except we could promote a Contract with the _Spaniard_
for all he hath, to which we never had a fairer Opportunity, and I do not
believe the _Dutch_ would much oppose it if we gave them liberty to bring
it in as Merchandize, I should be glad to see such a Barter made, tho' by
relinquishing to them our part of the _East-India_ Trade; Had we once the
Command of all the Wool of _Europe_, we might then set what Prices we
would on our Manufactures in Foreign Markets, which now we cannot do, but
must sell them cheap, lest we be undersold by other Nations who vye with
us therein, and our Manufactures selling well abroad, Wool would yield a
good Price at home; But if it be doubted that too much Wool will be
Imported, 'twould be better to burn the Overplus at the charge of the
Pub¦lick (as the _Dutch_ do their Spices) than to have it wrought up
abroad, which there is no reason to fear, seeing all the Wool of
_Christendom_ is manufactured some where or other; and if the _Act_ for
_Burying in Woollen_ did extend to our Plantations, 'twould be of great
use towards the Consumption of our Wool: Thus when the Nation comes to
see that the Labour of its People is its Wealth, 'twill put us on finding
out Methods to make every one work that is able, which must be done
either by hindring such swarms from going off to Idle or Useless
Imployments, or by preventing such Multitudes of lazy People from being
maintained by Begging.
[Sidenote: Difference between imploying our own Ships, and those of other
Nations.]
And this is farther to be noted, that where a Nation doth fetch from us
our Manufactures themselves, and Imports to us Materials, we get less by
that Trade than if we did it in our own Bottoms, because that doth also
encourage our Navigation; thus we get more by the _Spanish_ Trade,
because we both supply them with the former, and fetch their Wool, Oyl,
&c. in our own Ships; and we lose more by the _French_ when they bring us
their Wines and Brandy than when we fetch them our selves, and
accordingly we must take our Measures in judging of all other Trades.
[Sidenote: Whither the Ballance of Foreign Trade may be truly judged.]
It hath been a great Debate how the Ballance of our Foreign Trade shall
be computed, and what Methods must be taken to know whither we get or
lose thereby; some have thought that if we Export more than we Import we
lose by Trade, others that if we Export of substantial Commodities more
in value than we Import in such we then lose by it, and this seems to be
the most rational Computation, but I do not think there is any certainty
in the Account we can have of either; our Exports indeed are better known
than our Imports by the _Custom-House_ Books, the Bullion and such things
being not entered there, and seldom presented, besides many Commodities
both outward and inward are run, and never come under the Cognizance of
those Officers; but suppose a more exact Account could be kept, since so
great a part of the Trade of _England_ is driven by Exchange, and such
vast quantities of Commodities are imported from the _West-Indies_ and
others exported thither for Account of the Inhabitants of those
Plantations, the Ballances whereof they design to lie here as foundations
of a secure Settlement for themselves at home, which Commodities are
Exported to Foreign Nations on the Accounts of its Inhabitants, who pay
for them here by Bills of Exchange, I cannot see how any moderate
Computation can be made thereby of our general Trade, much less of that
we drive with any particular Nation, the Commodities which we receive at
one place being often carried to another; Thus we transport to _Italy_
the Sugars we receive for our Manufactures in _Portugal_, and bring
thence Silks and other things to be manufactured here; thus we carry to
_Turky_ the Money we receive at _Cadiz_, which helps us there in the
selling our Manufactures, and purchasing Materials more protable to this
Nation than the Money would be if Imported in Specie; and yet we must not
conclude we lose by the _Portugal_ or _Spanish_ Trades because the
Returns fall short by the _Custom-House_ Books, or that we get more by
the _Italian_ Trade because it doth not appear by them how we exported
Commodities to pay for those we Import, so the thing must still remain
doubtful.
[Sidenote: A Committee of Trade would be of great advantage to the
Kingdom.]
I think it would be a consideration becoming the wisdom of the Nation if
a standing Committee of Trade were appointed at the charge thereof, made
up of Men both honest and discreet, and I doubt not such may be found,
whose only business should be to consider the State thereof as to its
Trade; to find out ways how it may be improved both in its Husbandry,
Manufactures, and Navigation; to see how the Trade with Foreign Kingdoms
grows more or less profitable to us; how and by what Methods we are
outdone by others in the Trades we drive, or hindred from enlarging them;
what is necessary to be prohibited both in Imports and Exports, and for
how long time; to hear Complaints from our Factories setled in Foreign
Kingdoms; to correspond with our Ministers abroad about Trade, and to
represent all things rightly to the Government, with their advice what
Courses are proper to be taken for its Encouragement; and generally to
study by what Means and Methods the Trade of this Nation may be improved
both abroad and at home; if this was well setled, the good Effects
thereof would soon be seen; but then great care must be taken that these
Places be not fill'd up with Courtiers, who know nothing of the Business,
and so this excellent Constitution become only a Matter of Form and
Expence; and herein I would propose for Pattern the Members of the Bank
of _England_, who wisely foresaw if that project should fall into such
Hands, 'twould soon come to decay; therefore the first thing they did was
by fundamental Rules to shut out all from having a share in the
management, who had not a good Interest in its Profits or Losses, and
next to choose out of that number such for their Officers, who being bred
up in Business knew how to improve it to the best advantage: The _French_
King found this Method very useful in the Management of his War, and his
Opponents soon saw that Monsieur _Colberts_ Head did them more Mischief
than an Army in the Field, because the latter only put in Execution
abroad what he advised at home; and I think there is not more need of
Policy in War than in Trade, the curious Fibres by which it moves are so
fine and thin that if strained by injudicious Hands they are soon broken,
and yet our Parliaments generally handle it very coursely, and usually do
more Hurt than Good when they meddle with it, not foreseeing the ill
consequences of what they do will overballance the Good they intend, and
that the Methods they use will not answer their ends, the reason whereof
is because the Conceptions they have of it are too gross for a thing so
full of Spirit as Trade is; He that will but consider the _Irish_
Prohibition Act, the Clogg put on _Distilling_ by the Barly Act, and on
Navigation by the Tunnage Act, will soon see they are in Truth Hindrances
to what that Honourable Assembly intended by them, the Advancement of
Land.
[Sidenote: Insurance.]
I cannot close this Discourse without saying something of Insurance, the
first design whereof was to encourage the Merchant to export more of our
Product and Manufactures, when he knew how to ease himself in his
Adventure, and to bear only such a proportion thereof as he was willing,
but by the irregular Practices of some Men (especially since this War)
the first Intention is wholly obviated, who without any Interest have put
in early Policies, and gotten large Subscriptions on Ships, only to make
advantage by selling them to others, and therefore have industriously
promoted false Reports, and spread Rumours on the _Exchange_ to the
Prejudice of the Ship or Master, filling all Mens Minds with Doubts,
whereby the fair Trading Merchant when he comes to insure his Interest
either can get no one to underwrite, or at such high Rates that he finds
it better to buy the others Policies at great advance; by this means
these _Stockjobbers of Insurance_ have as it were turned it into a Wager,
to the great Prejudice of Trade; likewise many ill-designing Men their
Policies being over-valued have it's to be feared to the Disparagement of
honest Traders contrived the loss of their Ships; on the other side the
Underwriters when a Loss is ever so fairly proved boggle in their
Payments, and force the Insured to be content with less than their
Agreements, only for fear of engaging themselves in long and chargeable
Sutes.
Now if the Parliament would please to take these things into
consideration, they might reduce Insurance to its first Intention, by
obliging the Insured to run a proportionable part of his Adventure the
_Premio_ included, and the Insurers to pay their full Subscriptions
without abatement, and if any differences arise, to direct easie ways for
adjusting them, without attending long Issues at Law, or being bound up
to such nice Rules in their Proofs as the Affairs of Foreign Trade will
not admit; and for the better security of the Insured it will be worth
consideration whither the Subscriptions of the Insurers should not be of
equal force in Law with their Bonds.
[Sidenote: Whither the Price of Labour discourages our Manufactures, or
hinders Improvements in our Product.]
Here I intended to have made an end; but being lately present where among
other Discourses the question was put by an Ingenious and Worthy
Gentleman, (a true Lover of his Country) whither the labour of our Poor
in _England_ being so high does not hinder the Improvement of our Product
and Manufactures? Which having some Relation to the Subject Matter of
this Discourse, I humbly make bold to offer my Thoughts thereon, _viz._
That both our Product and Manufactures may be carried on to advantage
without running down the labour of the Poor.
As for the first, our Product, I am of opinion that the running down the
Labour of the Poor is no advantage to it, nor is it the Interest of
_England_ to do it, nor can the People of _England_ live on such low
Wages as they do in other Countrys; for we must consider that Wages must
bear a Rate in all Nations according to the prices of Provisions, where
Wheat is sold for One Shilling _per_ Bushel, and all things suitably, a
labouring Man may work for Three Pence _per diem_, as well as he can for
Twelve Pence where it is sold for Four Shillings; and this price of Wheat
must arise from the Rates of Land; it cannot be imagined that the Farmer
whose annual Rent is Twenty Shillings _per_ Acre can afford it as low as
he who pays but Half a Crown, and hath the same Cropp, nor can he then
expect labour so cheap as the other; This is the case of _England_, whose
Lands yielding great Rents require good Prices for their Product; and
this is the Freeholders advantage, for suppose Necessaries were the
currant Payment for Labour, in such case whither we call a Bushel of
Wheat One Shilling or Four Shillings it is all one to him for so much as
he pays, but not for the Overplus of his Cropp, which makes a great
difference into his Pocket; you cannot fall Wages unless you fall
Product, and if you fall Product you must necessarily fall Land.
And as for the second, our Manufactures, I am opinion that they may be
carried on to advantage without running down the labour of the Poor; for
which I offer,
1. Observation, or Experience of what hath been done, we have and daily
do see that it is so; the Refiners of Sugars lately sold for Six Pence
_per_ Pound what yieled twenty Years since Twelve Pence; The _Distillers_
sell their Spirits for one third part of what they formerly did;
Glass-Bottles, Silk-Stockings, and other Manufactures, (too many to be
enumerated) are sold for half the Prices they were a few Years since,
without falling the labour of the Poor, or so little as not to stand in
Competion with the other.
But then the question will be, how this is done? I answer, It proceeds
from the Ingenuity of the Manufacturer, and the Improvements he makes in
his ways of working thus the Refiner of Sugars goes thro' that operation
in a Month, which our Forefathers required four Months to effect; thus
the _Distillers_ draw more Spirits, and in less time, from the Simples
they work on, than those formerly did who taught them the Art; the
_Glass-maker_ hath found a quicker way of making it out of things which
cost him little or nothing; Silk-Stockings are wove instead of knit;
Tobacco is cut by Engines instead of Knives; Books are printed instead of
written; Deal-Boards are sawn with a Mill instead of Men's Labour; Lead
is smelted by Wind-Furnaces, instead of blowing with Bellows; all which
save the labour of many Hands, so the Wages of those imployed need not be
lessened.
Besides this, there is a Cunning crept into Trades; the _Clockmaker_ hath
improved his Art so high, that Labour and Materials are the least part
the Buyer pays for; The variety of our Woollen Manufactures is so pretty,
that Fashion makes a thing worth both at Home and Abroad twice the Price
it is sold for after, the humour of the Buyer carrying a great sway in
the value of a Commodity; Artificers by Tools and Laves fitted for
different Uses make such things as would puzzle a Stander by to set a
price on according to the worth of Mens Labour; The _Plummer_ by new
Inventions casts a Tun of Shott for Ten Shillings, which an indifferent
Person could not guess worth less than Fifty.
The same Art is crept into Navigation; A Tun of Sugars which cost a few
Years since from Six to Eight Pounds Freight from the Plantations, was
commonly brought home before the War for Four Pounds Ten Shillings, and
whereas it then weighed but Twenty-five Hundred, 'taws increased to
Forty-five, and yet Saylors Wages were still the same; Ships are built
more for Stowage, and made strong enough to carry between Decks; Wool is
steeved into them by Skrews, so that three or four Baggs are put where
formerly one would scarce lie; Cranes and Blocks draw up more for One
Shilling than Men's Labour could do for Five.
New Projections are every day set on foot to render the making our
Manufactures easie, which are made cheap by the Heads of the
Manufacturers, not by falling the Price of poor Peoples Labour; cheapness
creates Expence, and Expence gives fresh Imployments, so the Poor need
not stand idle if they could be perswaded to work.
The same for our Product; Pits are drained and Land made Healthy by
Engines and Aquaeducts instead of Hands; the Husband-man turns up his
Soil with the Sullow, not digs it with his Spade; fowes his Grain, not
plants it; covers it with the Harrow, not with the Rake; brings home his
Harvest with Carts, not on Horse-backs; and many other easie Methods are
used both for improving of Land, and raising its Product, which are
obvious to the Eyes of Men verst therein, though do not come within the
Compass of my present Thoughts; all which lessen the number of Labourers,
and make room for better Wages to be given those who are imploy'd.
[Sidenote: Cheapness of our Product no Advantage to our Inland Trade.]
Nor am I of opinion with those People who think the running down the
Prises of our Growth and Product (that so they may buy Provisions cheap)
is an advantage to the _Inland_ Trade of this Kingdom, but on the
contrary I think 'twould be beter for it if they were sold higher than
they are, which may seem a Paradox at first, till the thing be rightly
stated; suppose then the common and usual price of Beef to be Two Pence
half-penny _per_ Pound, and Wheat Three Shillings and Six Pence _per_
Bushel, and all Flesh and Grain suitable, 'twould be better for our
_Inland_ Trade if the former yielded Four Pence, and the latter Five
Shillings, and other things in Proportion.
To prove this, let us begin with the Shop-keeper or Buyer and Seller, who
is the Wheel whereon the _Inland_ Trade turns, as he buys of the Importer
and Manufacturer, and sells again to the Country; suppose such a Man
spends Two Hundred Pounds _per Annum_ in all things necessary for his
Family, both Provisions, Cloaths, House-Rent, and other Expences, the
Question will be what proportion of this is laid out in Flesh, Corn,
Butter, Cheese, &c. barely considered according to their first cost in
the Market? I presume we shall find Fifty or Sixty Pounds _per Annum_ to
be the most, and suitably the advance thereon will be about Twenty-five
to Thirty Pounds _per annum_, but the Consequence thereof in the Profits
of his Trade will be much more; for by this Means the Farmer may give a
better Rent to his Landlord, who will be enabled to keep a more Plentiful
Table, spend more Wines, Fruit, Sugars, Spices, and other things
wherewith he is furnished from the City, wear better Cloaths, suit
himself and his Family oftner, and carry on a greater Splendor in every
thing: The Farmer according to his condition may do the same, and give
higher Wages to the Labourers imployed in Husbandry, who might then live
more plentifully, and buy new Cloaths oftner, instead of patching up old;
by this means the Manufacturer would be encouraged to give a better price
for Wool, when he should find a Vent as fast as he could make; and a Flux
of Wealth causing variety of Fashions would add Wings to Mens Inventions,
when they shall see their Manufactures advanced in their Values by the
Buyer's Fancy; this likewise would encourage the Merchant to increase his
Exports, when he shall have a quick Vent for his Imports; by which
regular Circulation Payments would be short, and all would grow rich; but
when Trade stops in the Fountain, when the Gentleman and Farmer are kept
poor, every one in his order partakes of the same fate; and this hath
been a certain Rule grounded on the Observation of all Men who have spent
time to look into it, that in those Countrys where Provisions are low the
People are generally poor, both proceeding from the want of Trade: So
that he who would give a right judgment must not always consider things
_primâ facie_, as they offer themselves to us at first sight, but as
they appear to be in their Consequences.
[Sidenote: The Poor.]
Having thus gone through the State of this Nation in respect to its
Trade, we will next consider it with respect to the Poor.
And here it cannot but seem strange that _England_ which so much abounds
in Product and Manufactures, besides the Imployment given in Navigation,
should want work for any of its People; the _Dutch_ (who have little of
the two former if compar'd with us, and do not exceed us in the latter)
suffer no Beggars; whereas we whose Wealth consists in the labour of our
Inhabitants seem to encourage them in an idle way of living, contrary
both to their own and the Nation's Interest: Idleness though it cannot be
called the Image of the Devil, who is a busie active Spirit, yet fits for
any Impression, for whilst People neglect by some honest Labour to serve
the publick Good, they too often fall on such Courses as render them
publick Evils: _Livy_ (that famous Historiographer) observed it was the
greatest Sedition that ever was in _Rome_, when the Citizens went about
with their Hands in their Pockets, and would do nothing: Hence it is that
so many die Spectacles at _Tyburn_, and offer themselves up Victims to
Vice, no councels could perswade nor Examples fright them from those evil
Habits they had contracted by Idleness: The Curse under which Man first
fell was Labour, _That by the Sweat of his Brows he should eat his
Bread_; this is a State of Happiness if compared to that which attends
Idleness; he that walks the Streets of _London_, and observes the
Fatigues used by the Beggars to make themselves seem Objects of Charity,
must conclude that they take more pains than an honest Man doth at his
Trade, and yet seem to me not to get Bread to eat; and I wish that was
all the Encouragement they met with, I fear it is not, such swarms of
idle Drones would not then fill the Streets, who are a Nursery of Vice:
Beggary is now become an Art or Mystery, to which Children are educated
from their Cradles; any thing which may move Compassion seems a
livelihood, a sore Leg or Arm, or (for want thereof) a pretended one; the
Tricks and Devices I have observed therein have often made me think that
those parts if better imployed might be more useful to the
_Common-Wealth_.
In handling this subject let us consider,
1. What hath been the cause of this Mischief of Idleness, and how it hath
crept in on the Nation.