There was a general feeling in the community yesterday that the
sudden and unlooked for ordering out of the troops to adjust the
railroad difficulty was not the wisest course that might have been
pursued. The actions of the strikers, while in some instances
reprehensible, could scarcely be held by any construction to amount
to a continuous riot, as there was only one case of violence, (in
which the offender, McCall, was promptly arrested by the police,)
and while there was a very general trespassing upon the company's
road, there was certainly no destruction of property. It was hoped
that with a cooling night intervening to both the officers and the
men calmly thinking the situation over, an amicable arrangement
might be effected, and the inconvenience to the public ended; but
the precipitate calling for troops dispelled that possibility, and
made the affair assume a really very serious aspect.
One point that must have been lost sight of by the sheriff in his
excitement (and perhaps by the company's representatives too) was,
that the engineers and firemen, while not themselves striking, were
naturally in sympathy with their late associates, and that the
stoppage of the trains was done rather upon solicitation than
compulsion.
But the question arises whether, conceding there was a riot within
the legal acceptation of the term, the usual remedies were
exhausted before calling for troops. So far as appears, a small
squad of the mayor's police was sufficient to quell the only fight
that occurred. It was then supposed that peace was reigning, until
sometime after midnight, when Sheriff Fife addressed a party of the
strikers advising them to go home, and when a more irreverent
person in the crowd replied that he (the mayor) might migrate to a
hot climate. This simple circumstance seems to have been the last
straw. It was, of course, a very wrong remark to the sheriff who
(without waiting, so far as is evidenced, to summon a _posse
comitatus_) hastened off to the telegraph office and apprised
the Governor, at lightning speed, that the red planet of war had
risen on the banks of the Allegheny. And then flashed back
telegrams to the major general in local command, and the major
general emitted general order number one, (it must have scared the
readers of yesterday morning's _Dispatch_ as it burst upon them
with double-leaded significance from our advertising columns,) and
troops were hurried out of bed, and amid a great rushing to and fro
in hot haste, and sleepy eyes looked sad farewells to other eyes
that winked, and mouths that yawned again, the regiments were put
in marching order for the battle-field which lay from the Union
depot along Snyder's hollow to the East Liberty stock-yards.
There was a sort of general feeling through the community yesterday
that there was a good deal of farce about this, that so solemn a
matter as calling out the military, spreading broad-cast over the
continent the notion that Pittsburgh was on the verge of a civil
war, ought not to have been resolved upon before at least all the
ordinary police resources were exhausted. It also had the effect of
creating an active sympathy for the strikers with many, who before
had none. And besides, it incensed the men themselves, made them
less open to argument and persuasion, and in so far as it did this,
it tended to prolong the strike, and consequently disturb the
business interests of the city; and worse yet, it drew hundreds of
angry outsiders to the scene and mixed them in the controversy. We
do not believe, as some are inclined to fear, that this affair
will--ill-advised though it may have been--will occasion a general
bitter feeling between labor and capital. The best proof is to be
found in the expressions upon the street yesterday, which were not
those of labor against capital or capital against labor; but almost
unanimously, one of mortification at the eagerness and haste with
which the solemn and expensive course of proclaiming a community in
a state of insurrection was decided upon. It was hoped all around
that the difference between the railroads and the hands would
adjust itself inside of forty-eight hours at the furthest, if left
to take its course; when or how it will be settled now remains to
be seen; but at the best, there will be bitter feeling, and it is
to be feared acts from time to time that under moral suasion and
under peaceful treatment would not have been thought of. Two hours
of calm, candid talk and fair treatment between the officers of the
roads and the employés would have done more toward a permanent
pacification than a regiment of military. Who would answer for the
consequences, supposing that on the head of the hasty turn out of
the military blood had been shed yesterday? The law is great and
its majesty powerful when administered with cautious solemnity and
decorum, but never should it be stripped of its grave and most
serious surroundings. To abate one jot or one tittle of them, is to
inflame the passions of the multitude, and make them to forget
their paramount duty of obedience to the law, and to precipitate
the very evils sought to be avoided. It is scarcely necessary to
add to aught which has been written, that on the question of the
attitude of the strikers or violence by them or obstruction thrown
by them in the way of the company, there can be no two opinions
among calm people. Yesterday we said, as we believed firmly and as
gathered from their conversations, the reasons that led them to
quit work. For quitting work, they are certainly not censurable; in
fact, considering the lowness of their wages, if by this method
alone they could improve their condition, sympathy would attend
their effort; but, of course, they have no right to violently
interfere with the roads, if the roads can get other men to fill
their places. On this point, no two intelligent and unheated
persons think of disputing. There is, however, as explained by
them, a considerable difference of opinion between the community
and the authorities as to the wisdom of trying to knock this
principle into the heads of the strikers with the butt end of a
gun, instead of exhausting first peaceful methods. Brute force is
bad all around, and even threats of it are not always the best or
quickest remedy for evils.
Q. Have you any knowledge of the causes leading to the strike?
A. I have no personal knowledge. I had, however, some knowledge of the
causes which had been gathered for some months before, and which were
familiar in people's mouths about the time--the reduction of wages and
the bitter feeling that existed between the employés and officers of
the roads. I heard of these things as leading to the strikes. I was
very familiar with the reports that Tradesmen's Unions had been formed
for the purpose of carrying them out.
Q. For the purpose of carrying out the strike, do you mean?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. How did you obtain that information?
A. I obtained it by personal information--partly among railroad men,
partly among citizens, and from our reporters.
Q. Did you have any knowledge leading you to suppose that this strike
would take place before the 19th?
A. No; the strike had taken place before my attention was directed to
it. Of course the information had come from other sections of the
country that it had already taken place there.
Q. From your knowledge and information, was there any necessity for
calling out the troops?
A. Not the slightest, sir, according to the best of my judgment and
belief, at the time they were called.
Q. I believe you were not here after the troops arrived?
A. I was here after they arrived, but not here on the night of the
bloodshed.
Q. You say there was no necessity for calling the troops here?
A. None that I could see.
Q. You mean by that that the civil authorities were able to cope with
the mob, or with the strikers?
A. I think the civil authorities could have successfully coped with any
disorder if it had not been for the introduction of the troops and
their want of discipline. I think that the troops helped more than any
other cause, so far as my judgment has been able to reach. Their want
of discipline, their want of coolness, and subsequently their
demoralization, running away, was the prime cause which led the mob,
and brought out the bad elements in it, and gave them to suppose they
were masters of the field.
By Mr. Means:
Q. You mean to say that there was a demonstration of that kind before
the Philadelphia troops arrived?
A. Of which kind?
Q. Of the mob going out to destroy property?
A. It had assumed that which in popular parlance, is termed a mob.
Q. Was there any demonstration of that kind?
A. There was a demonstration to the extent of numbers of citizens
assembling at the different points along the road, drawn by curiosity.
The first demonstration I saw, was a demonstration of people who went
out of curiosity to see the troops.
Q. That was your Pittsburgh troops?
A. Pittsburgh, yes, sir. So far as I could see, there was no
disposition to violence, in any shape, manner or form, at that time.
By Mr. Means:
Q. After the arrival of the Philadelphia troops, did it excite the
people of the city of Pittsburgh or the mob, to more violence than
before they arrived?
A. There had been no act of violence, to my knowledge, in the sense of
physical violence. There was no violence, save in so far as the
presence of these men as trespassers might be considered violence, and
the action of the strikers in their dealings with the engineers towards
stopping the cars, so far as that might be considered violence. I do
not speak of that. But there was no violence up to Saturday morning,
that I heard of, save in the case of the assault upon the railroad
officer at the time, which seemed to be an assault and battery, and the
party, I think, was arrested, and brought to the station-house.
Q. After the arrival of the Philadelphia troops, was it then
demonstrated that the citizens of Pittsburgh or the mob, was determined
to clean out the Philadelphia troops?
A. I was not in the city after the conflict occurred, but suppose that
of course. I could only judge as you judge, from what you read, that
the shedding of blood aroused the feeling of animosity, and as to the
feeling among the citizens, I do not think there was any disposition
among the citizens of Pittsburgh, to the encouragement of arson or
bloodshed--that is, among the respectable and larger portion of the
community. After the militia, which was supposed to be able to take
charge of the situation had fled, then I have no doubt that the mob
took control.
Q. Did you see any demonstrations made to clean out the Philadelphia
troops?
A. Not the slightest. The troops arrived here the morning I left. I had
arranged for a trip to New York, and I went to Buffalo, and the troops
had arrived, and there was a bitter feeling among the people in regard
to calling out the Philadelphia troops. There had been mention of that
feeling about calling out the Pittsburgh troops, and a great many
people thought it was unnecessary, as the civil authorities had been
able to cope with disorder for ten years, and would be able to do it on
this occasion, and I think the people thought the military force was
being used as a police force for the railroad. I think they felt
aggravated about it; but there was no evidence of disposition to
resist, or tendency towards bloodshed, so far as my observation went,
or so far as any reports we heard would lead me to believe.
* * * * *
J. M. Carson, _sworn_:
By Senator Reyburn:
Q. What is your name?
A. Joseph M.
Q. Where do you reside, sir?
A. Pittsburgh.
Q. What is you occupation?
A. Journalist.
Q. Was that your occupation in July last, at the time of the riots?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Will you be kind enough to state any information that you have in
regard to the causes leading to the riot?
A. I have none to give of personal knowledge. I was not out of the
office that day from three o'clock until the next morning or the next
day at one or two. I only know it from reporters that had been out at
the scene of the difficulty. I only know it from hearsay, and I do not
suppose that is evidence. I am prepared to answer to the queries in
regard to the paper. There is an editorial in there. I desire to state
that that is mine.
Q. That is in the _Critic_ of July 22?
A. I desire that to be part of my evidence.