‘Some years ago, after the death of our father, my brother had a long
consultation with me about the prospects of our family. He asserted
that he was more popular in France than I was, and suggested that
the chance of a Bonaparte restoration would be improved if I would
consent to abdicate in his favour. This I naturally refused to do,
but he pressed me, and got other members of the family to do the
same, and at last I gave way so far as to say that if there were
a substantial prospect of success, and it really depended on my
resigning my rights in my brother’s favour, I would do it.
‘When I said that, of course, I thought it would be a question of a
popular plebiscite, like our uncle received, and that I should be
bound by the voice of the majority. But ever since then I have seen
feelers put out from time to time in the Paris papers, suggesting
that I did not wish to insist on my rights as the heir of the great
Napoleon. And now within the last few days I have received a letter
from my brother, informing me that a restoration is at last possible,
and calling on me to fulfil my pledge, and publicly abdicate my
claims.’
I listened to this remarkable disclosure with the keenest interest.
It confirmed my suspicions on almost every point, though I was still
far from feeling that I had obtained a complete solution to the
problem set me by Wilhelm II.
My companion let it be seen plainly that he was not very well pleased
with the prospect of being supplanted by his younger brother. I took
this feeling into account in the advice which I offered.
‘The only thing you have told me that is new to me, is the fact that
Prince Louis is the person favoured by the conspirators,’ I said. ‘I
knew there was some such plot on foot, but, like every one else, I
took it for granted that you were the only possible candidate for the
empire.’ My companion breathed indignantly.
‘As for the success of the movement, that is highly problematical.
You will not feel very satisfied if you execute this solemn act, only
to see your brother rise for a moment on the shoulders of the mob,
and then vanish like Boulanger, leaving your House more feeble than
at present.’
‘Then what do you advise me to say to my brother?’ he asked eagerly.
‘I think your course is perfectly clear. You are entitled to demand
the fullest information, in the first place. If that satisfies you
that your brother’s success is assured, that no action on your part
can retard it, then you will act gracefully by conceding a signature
which will not deprive you of anything, and will give you substantial
claims on his gratitude. But if you see that you are being asked
to efface yourself without sufficient grounds, you have only to
declare that you are not convinced, and to issue a manifesto to your
supporters in France, reminding them that you are still the head of
the House of Bonaparte.’
My companion received this suggestion with every sign of
satisfaction. During the remainder of the journey I lost no
opportunity of playing on the same string, and making him feel that
I was, as it were, his ally, engaging in defeating a plot which was
much more against him than against the Republic.
When we reached the Russian frontier, I had no difficulty in inducing
the Prince to pass me through the barrier as the secretary of the
Comte de Saint Pol, and I thus entered Russia in perfect security, in
a character which would have amazed the Third Section.
On our arrival in Petersburg I asked Prince Napoleon if he intended
to go to his brother’s address. He answered proudly--
‘I am still the head of my House, I believe. It would be more
suitable for me to let my brother know of my arrival in order that he
may wait upon me.’