THE COMMON READER

_The Common Reader_

There is a sentence in Dr. Johnson’s Life of Gray which might well be

written up in all those rooms, too humble to be called libraries, yet

full of books, where the pursuit of reading is carried on by private

people. “. . . I rejoice to concur with the common reader; for by the

common sense of readers, uncorrupted by literary prejudices, after all

the refinements of subtilty and the dogmatism of learning, must be

finally decided all claim to poetical honours.” It defines their

qualities; it dignifies their aims; it bestows upon a pursuit which

devours a great deal of time, and is yet apt to leave behind it nothing

very substantial, the sanction of the great man’s approval.

The common reader, as Dr. Johnson implies, differs from the critic and

the scholar. He is worse educated, and nature has not gifted him so

generously. He reads for his own pleasure rather than to impart

knowledge or correct the opinions of others. Above all, he is guided by

an instinct to create for himself, out of whatever odds and ends he can

come by, some kind of whole—a portrait of a man, a sketch of an age, a

theory of the art of writing. He never ceases, as he reads, to run up

some rickety and ramshackle fabric which shall give him the temporary

satisfaction of looking sufficiently like the real object to allow of

affection, laughter, and argument. Hasty, inaccurate, and superficial,

snatching now this poem, now that scrap of old furniture without caring

where he finds it or of what nature it may be so long as it serves his

purpose and rounds his structure, his deficiencies as a critic are too

obvious to be pointed out; but if he has, as Dr. Johnson maintained,

some say in the final distribution of poetical honours, then, perhaps,

it may be worth while to write down a few of the ideas and opinions

which, insignificant in themselves, yet contribute to so mighty a

result.

_The Pastons and Chaucer_[1]

The tower of Caister Castle still rises ninety feet into the air, and

the arch still stands from which Sir John Fastolf’s barges sailed out to

fetch stone for the building of the great castle. But now jackdaws nest

on the tower, and of the castle, which once covered six acres of ground,

only ruined walls remain, pierced by loop-holes and surmounted by

battlements, though there are neither archers within nor cannon without.

As for the “seven religious men” and the “seven poor folk” who should,

at this very moment, be praying for the souls of Sir John and his

parents, there is no sign of them nor sound of their prayers. The place

is a ruin. Antiquaries speculate and differ.

Not so very far off lie more ruins—the ruins of Bromholm Priory, where

John Paston was buried, naturally enough, since his house was only a

mile or so away, lying on low ground by the sea, twenty miles north of

Norwich. The coast is dangerous, and the land, even in our time,

inaccessible. Nevertheless the little bit of wood at Bromholm, the

fragment of the true Cross, brought pilgrims incessantly to the Priory,

and sent them away with eyes opened and limbs straightened. But some of

them with their newly-opened eyes saw a sight which shocked them—the

grave of John Paston in Bromholm Priory without a tombstone. The news

spread over the country-side. The Pastons had fallen; they that had been

so powerful could no longer afford a stone to put above John Paston’s

head. Margaret, his widow, could not pay her debts; the eldest son, Sir

John, wasted his property upon women and tournaments, while the younger,

John also, though a man of greater parts, thought more of his hawks than

of his harvests.

The pilgrims of course were liars, as people whose eyes have just been

opened by a piece of the true Cross have every right to be; but their

news, none the less, was welcome. The Pastons had risen in the world.

People said even that they had been bondmen not so very long ago. At any

rate, men still living could remember John’s grandfather Clement tilling

his own land, a hard-working peasant; and William, Clement’s son,

becoming a judge and buying land; and John, William’s son, marrying well

and buying more land and quite lately inheriting the vast new castle at

Caister, and all Sir John’s lands in Norfolk and Suffolk. People said

that he had forged the old knight’s will. What wonder, then, that he

lacked a tombstone? But, if we consider the character of Sir John

Paston, John’s eldest son, and his upbringing and his surroundings, and

the relations between himself and his father as the family letters

reveal them, we shall see how difficult it was, and how likely to be

neglected—this business of making his father’s tombstone.

For let us imagine, in the most desolate part of England known to us at

the present moment, a raw, new-built house, without telephone, bathroom,

or drains, arm-chairs or newspapers, and one shelf perhaps of books,

unwieldy to hold, expensive to come by. The windows look out upon a few

cultivated fields and a dozen hovels, and beyond them there is the sea

on one side, on the other a vast fen. A single road crosses the fen, but

there is a hole in it, which, one of the farm hands reports, is big

enough to swallow a carriage. And, the man adds, Tom Topcroft, the mad

bricklayer, has broken loose again and ranges the country half-naked,

threatening to kill any one who approaches him. That is what they talk

about at dinner in the desolate house, while the chimney smokes

horribly, and the draught lifts the carpets on the floor. Orders are

given to lock all gates at sunset, and, when the long dismal evening has

worn itself away, simply and solemnly, girt about with dangers as they

are, these isolated men and women fall upon their knees in prayer.

In the fifteenth century, however, the wild landscape was broken

suddenly and very strangely by vast piles of brand-new masonry. There

rose out of the sand-hills and heaths of the Norfolk coast a huge bulk

of stone, like a modern hotel in a watering-place; but there was no

parade, no lodging houses, and no pier at Yarmouth then, and this

gigantic building on the outskirts of the town was built to house one

solitary old gentleman without any children—Sir John Fastolf, who had

fought at Agincourt and acquired great wealth. He had fought at

Agincourt and got but little reward. No one took his advice. Men spoke

ill of him behind his back. He was well aware of it; his temper was none

the sweeter for it. He was a hot-tempered old man, powerful, embittered

by a sense of grievance. But whether on the battlefield or at court he

thought perpetually of Caister, and how, when his duties allowed, he

would settle down on his father’s land and live in a great house of his

own building.

The gigantic structure of Caister Castle was in progress not so many

miles away when the little Pastons were children. John Paston, the

father, had charge of some part of the business, and the children

listened, as soon as they could listen at all, to talk of stone and

building, of barges gone to London and not yet returned, of the

twenty-six private chambers, of the hall and chapel; of foundations,

measurements, and rascally work-people. Later, in 1454, when the work

was finished and Sir John had come to spend his last years at Caister,

they may have seen for themselves the mass of treasure that was stored

there; the tables laden with gold and silver plate; the wardrobes

stuffed with gowns of velvet and satin and cloth of gold, with hoods and

tippets and beaver hats and leather jackets and velvet doublets; and how

the very pillow-cases on the beds were of green and purple silk. There

were tapestries everywhere. The beds were laid and the bedrooms hung

with tapestries representing sieges, hunting and hawking, men fishing,

archers shooting, ladies playing on their harps, dallying with ducks, or

a giant “bearing the leg of a bear in his hand”. Such were the fruits of

a well-spent life. To buy land, to build great houses, to stuff these

houses full of gold and silver plate (though the privy might well be in

the bedroom), was the proper aim of mankind. Mr. and Mrs. Paston spent

the greater part of their energies in the same exhausting occupation.

For since the passion to acquire was universal, one could never rest

secure in one’s possessions for long. The outlying parts of one’s

property were in perpetual jeopardy. The Duke of Norfolk might covet

this manor, the Duke of Suffolk that. Some trumped-up excuse, as for

instance that the Pastons were bondmen, gave them the right to seize the

house and batter down the lodges in the owner’s absence. And how could

the owner of Paston and Mauteby and Drayton and Gresham be in five or

six places at once, especially now that Caister Castle was his, and he

must be in London trying to get his rights recognised by the King? The

King was mad too, they said; did not know his own child, they said; or

the King was in flight; or there was civil war in the land. Norfolk was

always the most distressed of counties and its country gentlemen the

most quarrelsome of mankind. Indeed, had Mrs. Paston chosen, she could

have told her children how when she was a young woman a thousand men

with bows and arrows and pans of burning fire had marched upon Gresham

and broken the gates and mined the walls of the room where she sat

alone. But much worse things than that had happened to women. She

neither bewailed her lot nor thought herself a heroine. The long, long

letters which she wrote so laboriously in her clear cramped hand to her

husband, who was (as usual) away, make no mention of herself. The sheep

had wasted the hay. Heyden’s and Tuddenham’s men were out. A dyke had

been broken and a bullock stolen. They needed treacle badly, and really

she must have stuff for a dress.

But Mrs. Paston did not talk about herself.

Thus the little Pastons would see their mother writing or dictating page

after page, hour after hour, long, long letters, but to interrupt a

parent who writes so laboriously of such important matters would have

been a sin. The prattle of children, the lore of the nursery or

schoolroom, did not find its way into these elaborate communications.

For the most part her letters are the letters of an honest bailiff to

his master, explaining, asking advice, giving news, rendering accounts.

There was robbery and manslaughter; it was difficult to get in the

rents; Richard Calle had gathered but little money; and what with one

thing and another Margaret had not had time to make out, as she should

have done, the inventory of the goods which her husband desired. Well

might old Agnes, surveying her son’s affairs rather grimly from a

distance, counsel him to contrive it so that “ye may have less to do in

the world; your father said. In little business lieth much rest. This

world is but a thoroughfare, and full of woe; and when we depart

therefrom, right nought bear with us but our good deeds and ill.”

The thought of death would thus come upon them in a clap. Old Fastolf,

cumbered with wealth and property, had his vision at the end of Hell

fire, and shrieked aloud to his executors to distribute alms, and see

that prayers were said “in perpetuum”, so that his soul might escape the

agonies of purgatory. William Paston, the judge, was urgent too that the

monks of Norwich should be retained to pray for his soul “for ever”. The

soul was no wisp of air, but a solid body capable of eternal suffering,

and the fire that destroyed it was as fierce as any that burnt on mortal

grates. For ever there would be monks and the town of Norwich, and for

ever the Chapel of Our Lady in the town of Norwich. There was something

matter-of-fact, positive, and enduring in their conception both of life

and of death.

With the plan of existence so vigorously marked out, children of course

were well beaten, and boys and girls taught to know their places. They

must acquire land; but they must obey their parents. A mother would

clout her daughter’s head three times a week and break the skin if she

did not conform to the laws of behaviour. Agnes Paston, a lady of birth

and breeding, beat her daughter Elizabeth. Margaret Paston, a

softer-hearted woman, turned her daughter out of the house for loving

the honest bailiff Richard Calle. Brothers would not suffer their

sisters to marry beneath them, and “sell candle and mustard in

Framlingham”. The fathers quarrelled with the sons, and the mothers,

fonder of their boys than of their girls, yet bound by all law and

custom to obey their husbands, were torn asunder in their efforts to

keep the peace. With all her pains, Margaret failed to prevent rash acts

on the part of her eldest son John, or the bitter words with which his

father denounced him. He was a “drone among bees”, the father burst out,

“which labour for gathering honey in the fields, and the drone doth

naught but taketh his part of it”. He treated his parents with

insolence, and yet was fit for no charge of responsibility abroad.

But the quarrel was ended, very shortly, by the death (22nd May 1466) of

John Paston, the father, in London. The body was brought down to

Bromholm to be buried. Twelve poor men trudged all the way bearing

torches beside it. Alms were distributed; masses and dirges were said.

Bells were rung. Great quantities of fowls, sheep, pigs, eggs, bread,

and cream were devoured, ale and wine drunk, and candles burnt. Two

panes were taken from the church windows to let out the reek of the

torches. Black cloth was distributed, and a light set burning on the

grave. But John Paston, the heir, delayed to make his father’s

tombstone.

He was a young man, something over twenty-four years of age. The

discipline and the drudgery of a country life bored him. When he ran

away from home, it was, apparently, to attempt to enter the King’s

household. Whatever doubts, indeed, might be cast by their enemies on

the blood of the Pastons, Sir John was unmistakably a gentleman. He had

inherited his lands; the honey was his that the bees had gathered with

so much labour. He had the instincts of enjoyment rather than of

acquisition, and with his mother’s parsimony was strangely mixed

something of his father’s ambition. Yet his own indolent and luxurious

temperament took the edge from both. He was attractive to women, liked

society and tournaments, and court life and making bets, and sometimes,

even, reading books. And so life, now that John Paston was buried,

started afresh upon rather a different foundation. There could be little

outward change indeed. Margaret still ruled the house. She still ordered

the lives of the younger children as she had ordered the lives of the

elder. The boys still needed to be beaten into book-learning by their

tutors, the girls still loved the wrong men and must be married to the

right. Rents had to be collected; the interminable lawsuit for the

Fastolf property dragged on. Battles were fought; the roses of York and

Lancaster alternately faded and flourished. Norfolk was full of poor

people seeking redress for their grievances, and Margaret worked for her

son as she had worked for her husband, with this significant change

only, that now, instead of confiding in her husband, she took the advice

of her priest.

But inwardly there was a change. It seems at last as if the hard outer

shell had served its purpose and something sensitive, appreciative, and

pleasure-loving had formed within. At any rate Sir John, writing to his

brother John at home, strayed sometimes from the business on hand to

crack a joke, to send a piece of gossip, or to instruct him, knowingly

and even subtly, upon the conduct of a love affair. Be “as lowly to the

mother as ye list, but to the maid not too lowly, nor that ye be too

glad to speed, nor too sorry to fail. And I shall always be your herald

both here, if she come hither, and at home, when I come home, which I

hope hastily within XI. days at the furthest.” And then a hawk was to be

bought, a hat, or new silk laces sent down to John in Norfolk,

prosecuting his suit, flying his hawks, and attending with considerable

energy and not too nice a sense of honesty to the affairs of the Paston

estates.

The lights had long since burnt out on John Paston’s grave. But still

Sir John delayed; no tomb replaced them. He had his excuses; what with

the business of the lawsuit, and his duties at Court, and the

disturbance of the civil wars, his time was occupied and his money

spent. But perhaps something strange had happened to Sir John himself,

and not only to Sir John dallying in London, but to his sister Margery

falling in love with the bailiff, and to Walter making Latin verses at

Eton, and to John flying his hawks at Paston. Life was a little more

various in its pleasures. They were not quite so sure as the elder

generation had been of the rights of man and of the dues of God, of the

horrors of death, and of the importance of tombstones. Poor Margaret

Paston scented the change and sought uneasily, with the pen which had

marched so stiffly through so many pages, to lay bare the root of her

troubles. It was not that the lawsuit saddened her; she was ready to

defend Caister with her own hands if need be, “though I cannot well

guide nor rule soldiers”, but there was something wrong with the family

since the death of her husband and master. Perhaps her son had failed in

his service to God; he had been too proud or too lavish in his

expenditure; or perhaps he had shown too little mercy to the poor.

Whatever the fault might be, she only knew that Sir John spent twice as

much money as his father for less result; that they could scarcely pay

their debts without selling land, wood, or household stuff (“It is a

death to me to think if it”); while every day people spoke ill of them

in the country because they left John Paston to lie without a tombstone.

The money that might have bought it, or more land, and more goblets and

more tapestry, was spent by Sir John on clocks and trinkets, and upon

paying a clerk to copy out Treatises upon Knighthood and other such

stuff. There they stood at Paston—eleven volumes, with the poems of

Lydgate and Chaucer among them, diffusing a strange air into the gaunt,

comfortless house, inviting men to indolence and vanity, distracting

their thoughts from business, and leading them not only to neglect their

own profit but to think lightly of the sacred dues of the dead.

For sometimes, instead of riding off on his horse to inspect his crops

or bargain with his tenants, Sir John would sit, in broad daylight,

reading. There, on the hard chair in the comfortless room with the wind

lifting the carpet and the smoke stinging his eyes, he would sit reading

Chaucer, wasting his time, dreaming—or what strange intoxication was it

that he drew from books? Life was rough, cheerless, and disappointing.

A whole year of days would pass fruitlessly in dreary business, like

dashes of rain on the window pane. There was no reason in it as there

had been for his father; no imperative need to establish a family and

acquire an important position for children who were not born, or if

born, had no right to bear their father’s name. But Lydgate’s poems or

Chaucer’s, like a mirror in which figures move brightly, silently, and

compactly, showed him the very skies, fields, and people whom he knew,

but rounded and complete. Instead of waiting listlessly for news from

London or piecing out from his mother’s gossip some country tragedy of

love and jealousy, here, in a few pages, the whole story was laid before

him. And then as he rode or sat at table he would remember some

description or saying which bore upon the present moment and fixed it,

or some string of words would charm him, and putting aside the pressure

of the moment, he would hasten home to sit in his chair and learn the

end of the story.

To learn the end of the story—Chaucer can still make us wish to do

that. He has pre-eminently that story-teller’s gift, which is almost the

rarest gift among writers at the present day. Nothing happens to us as

it did to our ancestors; events are seldom important; if we recount

them, we do not really believe in them; we have perhaps things of

greater interest to say, and for these reasons natural story-tellers

like Mr. Garnett, whom we must distinguish from self-conscious

story-tellers like Mr. Masefield, have become rare. For the

story-teller, besides his indescribable zest for facts, must tell his

story craftily, without undue stress or excitement, or we shall swallow

it whole and jumble the parts together; he must let us stop, give us

time to think and look about us, yet always be persuading us to move on.

Chaucer was helped to this to some extent by the time of his birth; and

in addition he had another advantage over the moderns which will never

come the way of English poets again. England was an unspoilt country.

His eyes rested on a virgin land, all unbroken grass and wood except for

the small towns and an occasional castle in the building. No villa roofs

peered through Kentish tree-tops; no factory chimney smoked on the

hillside. The state of the country, considering how poets go to Nature,

how they use her for their images and their contrasts even when they do

not describe her directly, is a matter of some importance. Her

cultivation or her savagery influences the poet far more profoundly than

the prose writer. To the modern poet, with Birmingham, Manchester, and

London the size they are, the country is the sanctuary of moral

excellence in contrast with the town which is the sink of vice. It is a

retreat, the haunt of modesty and virtue, where men go to hide and

moralise. There is something morbid, as if shrinking from human contact,

in the nature worship of Wordsworth, still more in the microscopic

devotion which Tennyson lavished upon the petals of roses and the buds

of lime trees. But these were great poets. In their hands, the country

was no mere jeweller’s shop, or museum of curious objects to be

described, even more curiously, in words. Poets of smaller gift, since

the view is so much spoilt, and the garden or the meadow must replace

the barren heath and the precipitous mountain-side, are now confined to

little landscapes, to birds’ nests, to acorns with every wrinkle drawn

to the life. The wider landscape is lost.

But to Chaucer the country was too large and too wild to be altogether

agreeable. He turned instinctively, as if he had painful experience of

their nature, from tempests and rocks to the bright May day and the

jocund landscape, from the harsh and mysterious to the gay and definite.

Without possessing a tithe of the virtuosity in word-painting which is

the modern inheritance, he could give, in a few words, or even, when we

come to look, without a single word of direct description, the sense of

the open air.

The Common Reader · 第 8 / 24 题