Beagle and Adventure sail from Monte Video--Port Desire--Bellaco
Rock--Refraction--Port San Julian--Viedma--Drake--Magalhaens
--Patagonians--Port Famine--San Sebastian Bay--Woollȳa--Jemmy
--Story--Treachery--Oens men--Improvement--Gratitude--Falklands
--Events--Capt. Seymour--Search for Murderers--Lieut. Smith
--Brisbane--Wreck--Sufferings--Lieutenant Clive--Sail from
Falklands.
Dec. 6th, 1833. With a supply of provisions and coals,[1] sufficient
for at least nine months, the Beagle and her tender sailed together
from Monte Video.
We first touched at Port Desire (23d Dec.), and after passing a very
cheerful Christmas-day,[2] and exploring the inlet to its extremity,
the Adventure was left to complete some alterations in her masts and
rigging while the Beagle would survey the coast between Sea Bear Bay
and Port San Julian.
The party who went up the inlet were much struck by the wildness and
height[3] of the rocky cliffs which they saw on each side of what
appeared to have been the bed of a former river; but could go no
further with the yawl than I had been in 1829. This I had foreseen,
and therefore Mr. Chaffers, who was in charge of the party, took
with him a small dinghy, in which he went on after the yawl was
stopped by the mud. Having proceeded two miles further, the prospect
changed suddenly; instead of wild glens and precipitous heights of
porphyritic rock, low flat banks were seen, covered with rushes near
the water, and, further from the stream, with luxuriant pasture. It
was almost high water when the dinghy reached this spot and entered a
fresh water river about a hundred yards wide, but so shallow that
there was only three feet water in the middle. The river narrowed
considerably as they ascended, till at the spot where Mr. Chaffers
stopped to take sights of the sun, the stream was but forty yards
across. In that place the deepest water was three feet at the top of
high tide, over a gravelly bottom; but from the level space between
the stream and the foot of the nearest hills, about three quarters
of a mile, there was reason for supposing that during floods all the
valley might be inundated. From a neighbouring hill, four hundred
feet in height, the river could be traced several miles further,
making a distance of about eight miles seen by our party, in which
the water was quite fresh. It was lost to the westward, winding along
an irregular break, or cliff-bounded valley, in the distant hills.
The only living creature seen, of any size, was a lame horse, feeding
near the river. There were no traces whatever of Indians. Having
hastened back with the little boat before the river dried[4] (at
half-ebb), Mr. Chaffers ascended another hill; but saw little more
excepting an appearance of water to the southward, about which he
could not clearly distinguish whether it was a lake, part of a river,
or a salt-pond. I have no doubt, that during particular seasons a
large body of fresh water is brought down this valley, but I do not
think the river rises near the Andes, because there is no drift-wood
on its banks, and the Indians say nothing of it when enumerating the
rivers which cross the continent.
[Illustration: BRITANNIA OR TOWER ROCK, PORT DESIRE.
ANCHORAGE, AND SPANISH RUINS, PORT DESIRE.
UPPER PART OF PORT DESIRE INLET.
_C. Martens._ _S. Bull._
BIVOUAC AT THE HEAD OF PORT DESIRE INLET.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838.]
Jan. 4th, 1834. In working out of Port Desire, the Beagle struck her
fore-foot heavily against a rock, so as to shake her fore and aft;
but on she went with the tide, and as she made no water, I did not
think it worth while returning into port. I was instantly convinced
that we had hit the very rock on which the Beagle struck in 1829,
in the night--a danger we never again could find by daylight till
this day, when I was, rather imprudently, going out with the last
quarter-ebb. At low-water there are but eight feet on this rock,
which is not far from mid-channel, just without the entrance.
We anchored near Watchman Cape, and in other places along the coast,
before reaching Port San Julian, and some time was devoted to an
examination of the Bellaco Rock and its vicinity, as there is a
dangerous reef extending from Watchman Cape towards, but not quite
out to the Bellaco.
In my own notes I find this rock mentioned as “almost covered at
times, but occasionally showing above water as high as the hull of
a ship!” In Mr. Stokes’s journal, left with me, it is mentioned in
these words: “Passed between the Bellaco Rocks, close to the eastern
one, nearly a-wash;” and in the diary of the Nodales’ voyage (in
1619), it is spoken of as “una baxa que lababa la mar en ella,”
which means, a rock a-wash. The rise of tide there is about twenty
feet, which explains the various appearances it had to my eye: for
at high water I saw it almost covered, or a-wash: and as the Nodales
described it similarly in 1619, there can have been extremely little,
if any, change in the relative heights of sea and land in this place
during the last two hundred and fifteen years.[5] Some time ago I
thought differently, having formed a hasty opinion upon the fact of
my having seen the rock as high out of water as a ship’s hull. I did
not then consider how much the tide falls, nor did I recollect, till
I referred to notes, that I had also seen it a-wash (the top almost
level with the water), at times during the many days we were in the
neighbourhood.
On the day that Mr. Stokes and myself made our respective notes on
the Bellaco (without any communication of opinion), an extraordinary
effect of refraction was remarked. The meridian altitude of the sun
(then far south) observed at opposite horizons, differed no less than
sixteen miles! Similar effects had been noticed before, especially
on the Patagonian coast, therefore we generally observed both ways;
but to nearly such an extent as this we never either before or
afterwards witnessed an error arising wholly from the state of the
atmosphere near the horizon; causing the visible water-line to be
apparently raised several minutes of a degree. On these occasions
we always used the mean of the two results, which agreed closely
with the latitude resulting from triangular connection with points
on the shore, whose latitude we knew by observations made with the
artificial horizon.[6]
7th. Mr. Stokes and I landed some leagues northward of Port San
Julian, near Cape Look-out, and ascended a level-topped range of
hills about 300 feet above the sea. The view we obtained was similar
to those so tiresomely common in eastern Patagonia. Level, arid,
desert-like plains extended to the horizon: a few irregular hills
were seen in the distance; some guanacoes and a few ostriches were
here and there discerned; a fox crossed our path, and a condor
wheeled overhead; nothing more was noticed.
We returned to the low ground near the sea, and there we found
plenty of small wood, stunted shrubby trees, fit for fuel; as well
as several ponds of fresh-water. The rise of tide on the shore was
considerably more than twenty feet, but we had not time to ascertain
it accurately.
9th. Mount Wood,[7] that excellent land-mark for Port San Julian,
was seen at daylight: and about noon the Beagle anchored off the
bar of the harbour. Mr. Stokes went with me to examine the passage,
and before evening our ship was safely moored in the port. This
was one, among numerous instances I could mention, where the good
qualities of the Beagle, as to sailing and working, saved us days of
delay, trouble, and anxiety. All hands immediately set-to about the
plan of the port, and such efficient officers as were with me made
short work of it. One day Mr. Darwin and I undertook an excursion in
search of fresh-water, to the head of the inlet, and towards a place
marked in an old Spanish plan, “pozos de agua dulce;” but after a
very fatiguing walk not a drop of water could be found. I lay down
on the top of a hill, too tired and thirsty to move farther, seeing
two lakes of water, as we thought, about two miles off, but unable
to reach them. Mr. Darwin, more accustomed than the men, or myself,
to long excursions on shore, thought he could get to the lakes, and
went to try. We watched him anxiously from the top of the hill,[8]
saw him stoop down at the lake, but immediately leave it and go on
to another, that also he quitted without delay, and we knew by his
slow returning pace that the apparent lakes were ‘salinas.’ We then
had no alternative but to return, if we could, so descending to meet
him at one side of the height, we all turned eastward and trudged
along heavily enough. The day had been so hot that our little stock
of water was soon exhausted, and we were all more or less laden with
instruments, ammunition, or weapons. About dusk I could move no
farther, having foolishly carried a heavy double-barrelled gun all
day besides instruments, so, choosing a place which could be found
again, I sent the party on and lay down to sleep; one man, the most
tired next to myself, staying with me. A glass of water would have
made me quite fresh, but it was not to be had. After some hours, two
of my boat’s crew returned with water, and we were very soon revived.
Towards morning we all got on board, and no one suffered afterwards
from the over-fatigue, except Mr. Darwin, who had had no rest during
the whole of that thirsty day--now a matter of amusement, but at the
time a very serious affair.
Sir Woodbine Parish intends to publish a description of the Spanish
settlements on these shores, in which no doubt Viedma’s, at Port
San Julian, will have place. A full account of it, in the original
language, may be found in the diary of Antonio de Viedma, published
at Buenos Ayres, in 1837, by Don Pedro de Angelis. Finding no water
near the harbour except after rain, which is there rare, Viedma
pitched his tents some leagues inland, near a spring frequented by
the Indians, but their doubtful friendship, the progress of scurvy
among his own people, their discontent at such a situation, and other
reasons, inclined the Spanish viceroy to withdraw the settlement.
This dreary port, difficult of access and inhospitable even when
the stranger is within its entrance, is well known to readers of
early voyages as the place where Magalhaens so summarily quelled a
serious mutiny, and conspiracy against his own life, by causing the
two principal offenders, captains of ships in the squadron, to be
put to death:[9] and as the scene of the unfortunate Doughtie’s mock
trial and unjust execution.[10] That two such remarkable expeditions
as those of Magalhaens and Drake should have wintered at Port San
Julian, and that two such tragedies should have occurred there is
remarkable. In the plan of that port we now see Execution Island,
Isle of True Justice, (injustice?) and Tomb Point: the two former
being names given by Drake.[11] One naturally asks how their ships
obtained water, and the answers occurring to me are,--that they were
there in the winter season, when the rain which falls is not soon
dried up; and that they may have dug wells, which we did not think it
worth while to do, having no time to spare.
15th. A French whaler came in over the bar, at high water, without
having sounded it, or knowing what depth she would find. The only
instance of similar folly I have witnessed was that of a sealing
schooner which I met near Port Famine, whose master had taken her
through Possession Bay and both Narrows, without knowing that the
tide rose and fell there more than six or seven feet, and without
a chart of the Strait. When I told this man that the tide rose six
or seven fathoms at the First Narrow, he certainly did not believe
me. The bar of San Julian is shingle (or gravel), and often altered
in form by south-east gales or unusual tides. Under ordinary
circumstances the tide rises thirty feet at full moon.
19th. Sailed, and, for once during our experience of these shores,
found a heavy swell setting in from the east.[12]
On the 20th we anchored again in Port Desire, and our first
employment was to look for the rock whose top (Mr. May assured me
with a grave face) we had knocked off with our keel.
22d. Both vessels sailed, and at sunset the Adventure parted company,
steering for New Island in the Falklands. Lieutenant Wickham was to
make a connected survey of the coast of that archipelago, while the
Beagle was in other places.[13] After giving some time to sounding
and examining portions of ground in the neighbourhood of Cape Virgins
and the eastern entrance of Magalhaens Strait, we passed the First
Narrow and anchored in Gregory Bay. There, of course, we had an
interview with old Maria and her party. They received us kindly, but
with some form, being assembled and seated on the ground near our
landing place, with two men standing up in the midst of them, who
looked immoveably grave and stupidly dignified. These men were acting
as caciques, Maria said, the real chiefs being absent. They were
stripped to the waist, and the upper parts of their bodies spotted
with white paint.[14] The rest of the people were dressed as usual.
An active barter commenced, but the portly actors in the middle did
not take part in it, they remained in their solemnity till we left
them.
On the 2d of February we anchored in Port Famine, and on the 10th,
having obtained chronometric observations for which I went there, we
sailed for the neighbourhood of the First Narrow and Lomas Bay (near
Point Catherine). We often anchored thereabouts in the prosecution of
our work.
On the 17th, as we ran along the curious spit or bank of shingle
that fronts San Sebastian Bay, I really could not tell, though I had
been in that bay before, whether I had not been deceived as to no
channel existing,[15] so well defined and distinct did a wide opening
appear. A few more minutes, however, undeceived me: I discerned low
flat land stretching along the western horizon: and soon afterwards
we anchored in the bay. The following week was occupied in surveying
the north-eastern shore of Tierra del Fuego, which, except San
Sebastian Bay, does not contain a port. San Vicente Cove is not worth
notice as a harbour.
[Illustration:
C. Martens. T. Landseer.
BUTTON ISLAND, NEAR WOOLLYA.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838.]
On the 25th, we anchored at the Hermite Islands, on the north-east
side of Wollaston Island. Thence, on the 27th, we crossed Nassau Bay
to Goree Road, and the following day entered the Beagle Channel.
The 1st of March passed in replenishing our wood and water at a cove,
where we had an opportunity of making acquaintance with some Yapoo
Tekeenica natives, who seemed not to have met white men before.
Till the 5th the Beagle was actively occupied, by day, in working to
windward (westward) through the channel, and then she anchored at
Woollȳa. But few natives were seen as we sailed along: probably they
were alarmed at the ship, and did not show themselves. The wigwams in
which I had left York, Jemmy, and Fuegia, were found empty, though
uninjured: the garden had been trampled over, but some turnips and
potatoes of moderate size were pulled up by us, and eaten at my
table, a proof that they may be grown in that region. Not a living
soul was visible any where; the wigwams seemed to have been deserted
many months; and an anxious hour or two passed, after the ship was
moored, before three canoes were seen in the offing, paddling hastily
towards us, from the place now called Button Island. Looking through
a glass I saw that two of the natives in them were washing their
faces, while the rest were paddling with might and main: I was then
sure that some of our acquaintances were there, and in a few minutes
recognized Tommy Button, Jemmy’s brother. In the other canoe was a
face which I knew yet could not name. “It must be some one I have
seen before,” said I,--when his sharp eye detected me, and a sudden
movement of the hand to his head (as a sailor touches his hat) at
once told me it was indeed Jemmy Button--but how altered! I could
hardly restrain my feelings, and I was not, by any means, the only
one so touched by his squalid miserable appearance. He was naked,
like his companions, except a bit of skin about his loins; his hair
was long and matted, just like theirs; he was wretchedly thin, and
his eyes were affected by smoke. We hurried him below, clothed him
immediately, and in half an hour he was sitting with me at dinner
in my cabin, using his knife and fork properly, and in every way
behaving as correctly as if he had never left us. He spoke as much
English as ever, and, to our astonishment, his companions, his wife,
his brothers and their wives, mixed broken English words in their
talking with him. Jemmy recollected every one well, and was very glad
to see them all, especially Mr. Bynoe and James Bennett. I thought
he was ill, but he surprised me by saying that he was “hearty, sir,
never better,”[16] that he had not been ill, even for a day, was
happy and contented, and had no wish whatever to change his way of
life. He said that he got “plenty fruits,”[17] “plenty birdies,” “ten
guanaco in snow time,” and “too much fish.” Besides, though he said
nothing about her, I soon heard that there was a good-looking[18]
young woman in his canoe, who was said to be his wife. Directly this
became known, shawls, handkerchiefs, and a gold-laced cap appeared,
with which she was speedily decorated; but fears had been excited
for her husband’s safe return to her, and no finery could stop her
crying until Jemmy again showed himself on deck. While he was below,
his brother Tommy called out in a loud tone--“Jemmy Button, canoe,
come!” After some time the three canoes went ashore, laden with
presents, and their owners promised to come again early next morning.
Jemmy gave a fine otter skin to me, which he had dressed and kept
purposely; another he gave to Bennett.
[Illustration:
FUEGIA BASKET. 1833. JEMMY’S WIFE 1834.
JEMMY IN 1834. JEMMY BUTTON IN 1833.
YORK MINSTER IN 1832. YORK IN 1833.
T. Landseer sc.
FUEGIANS.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838.]
Next morning Jemmy shared my breakfast, and then we had a long
conversation by ourselves; the result of which was, that I felt quite
decided not to make a second attempt to place Matthews among the
natives of Tierra del Fuego. Jemmy told me that he knew very little
of his own language; that he spoke some words of English, and some
Tekeenica, when he talked to his family; and that they all understood
the English words he used. York and Fuegia left him some months
before our arrival, and went in a large canoe to their own country;
the last act of that cunning fellow was to rob poor Jemmy of all
his clothes; nearly all the tools his Tekeenica ‘friends’ had left
him; and various other necessaries. Fuegia was dressed as usual, and
looking well, when they decamped: her helpmate was also well clothed,
and had hardly lost anything I left with him. Jemmy said “York very
much jaw,” “pick up big stones,” “all men afraid.” Fuegia seemed to
be very happy, and quite contented with her lot. Jemmy asserted that
she helped to “catch (steal) his clothes,” while he was asleep, the
night before York left him naked.
Not long after my departure in February 1833, the much-dreaded
Oens-men came in numbers, overland, to Woollȳa; obliged Jemmy’s tribe
to escape to the small islands, and carried off every valuable which
his party had not time to remove. They had doubtless heard of the
houses and property left there, and hastened to seize upon it--like
other ‘borderers.’ Until this time York had appeared to be settled,
and quite at ease, but he had been employed about a suspiciously
large canoe, just finished when the inroad was made. He saved this
canoe, indeed escaped in it, and afterwards induced Jemmy and his
family to accompany him “to look at his land.” They went together in
four canoes (York’s large one and three others) as far west as Devil
Island, at the junction of the north-west and south-west arms of the
Beagle Channel: there they met York’s brother and some others of the
Alikhoolip tribe; and, while Jemmy was asleep, all the Alikhoolip
party stole off, taking nearly all Jemmy’s things, and leaving him
in his original condition. York’s fine canoe was evidently not
built for transporting himself alone; neither was the meeting with
his brother accidental. I am now quite sure that from the time
of his changing his mind, and desiring to be placed at Woollȳa,
with Matthews and Jemmy, he meditated taking a good opportunity of
possessing himself of every thing; and that he thought, if he were
left in his own country without Matthews, he would not have many
things given to him, neither would he know where he might afterwards
look for and plunder poor Jemmy.
While Mr. Bynoe was walking about on shore, Jemmy and his brother
pointed out to him the places where our tents were pitched in 1833,
where the boundary line was, and where any particular occurrence
happened. He told Mr. Bynoe that he had watched day after day for
the sprouting of the peas, beans, and other vegetables, but that his
countrymen walked over them without heeding any thing he said. The
large wigwams which we had erected with some labour, proved to be
cold in the winter, because they were too high; therefore they had
been deserted after the first frosts. Since the last depredations of
the Oens-men, he had not ventured to live any longer at Woollȳa; his
own island, as he called it, affording safer refuge and sufficient
food.
Jemmy told us that these Oens-men crossed over the Beagle Channel,
from eastern Tierra del Fuego, in canoes which they seized from the
Yapoo Tekeenica. To avoid being separated they fastened several
canoes together, crossed over in a body, and when once landed,
travelled overland and came upon his people by surprise, from the
heights behind Woollȳa. Jemmy asserted that he had himself killed
one of his antagonists. It was generally remarked that his family
were become considerably more humanized than any savages we had
seen in Tierra del Fuego: that they put confidence in us; were
pleased by our return; that they were ready to do what we could
explain to be for their interest; and, in short, that the first
step towards civilization--that of obtaining their confidence--was
undoubtedly made: but an individual, with limited means, could not
then go farther. The whole scheme, with respect to establishing
a missionary with the Fuegians who were in England, among their
countrymen, was on too small a scale, although so earnestly assisted
by Mr. Wilson,[19] Mr. Wigram, Mr. Coates, and other kind friends.
[Illustration: MURRAY NARROW--BEAGLE CHANNEL.
C. Martens. T. Landseer.
COVE IN BEAGLE CHANNEL.
(PORTRAIT COVE)
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838.]
I cannot help still hoping that some benefit, however slight, may
result from the intercourse of these people, Jemmy, York, and Fuegia,
with other natives of Tierra del Fuego. Perhaps a shipwrecked seaman
may hereafter receive help and kind treatment from Jemmy Button’s
children; prompted, as they can hardly fail to be, by the traditions
they will have heard of men of other lands; and by an idea, however
faint, of their duty to God as well as their neighbour.
That Jemmy felt sincere gratitude is, I think, proved by his having
so carefully preserved two fine otter skins, as I mentioned; by
his asking me to carry a bow and quiver full of arrows to the
schoolmaster of Walthamstow, with whom he had lived; by his having
made two spear-heads expressly for Mr. Darwin; and by the pleasure he
showed at seeing us all again.
As nothing more could be done, we took leave of our young friend and
his family, every one of whom was loaded with presents, and sailed
away from Woollȳa.
On the 9th of March we were off Beauchesne Island.[20] Many persons
have fancied that there are two islands near together in that place,
having been deceived by two hummocks on the only island, which from
a distance show just above the horizon like two islets. Next day we
anchored in Berkeley Sound; first in Johnson Cove, and afterwards in
Port Louis.
We found a state of affairs somewhat different from that of March
1833; but though more settled, in consequence of the presence of an
established authority, resident at Port Louis (a lieutenant in the
navy), my worst forebodings had not equalled the sad reality.
In a note to page 240, I alluded to the murder of the Buenos Ayrean
commanding officer; and to that of Mr. Brisbane. A few weeks before
the Clio arrived in 1833, there was a small garrison at Port Louis,
consisting of a sergeant’s guard of soldiers, a subaltern, and a
field officer. The men mutinied because their superior was thought
to be unnecessarily severe, and occupied them unceasingly in drill
and parade, to the prejudice of their obtaining food sufficient for
health. They were obliged, in consequence of his system, to live upon
worse fare than the settlers, because they could not go about to
forage for themselves; and the result was that, after many threats,
they murdered him. A small armed schooner[21] arrived a few days
afterwards from Buenos Ayres, by whose officers and crew, assisted by
some French sailors, the principal mutineers, nine in number, were
taken and put into confinement on board. They were afterwards carried
to Buenos Ayres.
On the 26th of August 1833, three ‘gauchos’ and five Indians[22] (the
prisoners before mentioned), set upon and murdered Mr. Brisbane;
Dickson, the man in charge of Vernet’s store;[23] Simon, the capataz;
the poor German; and another settler; after which atrocious acts
they plundered the settlement and drove all the cattle and horses
into the interior. Only that morning Mr. Low, who was then living
with Mr. Brisbane, left Port Louis on a sealing excursion, with four
men. Hardly was his boat out of sight, when the deceitful villains
attacked Brisbane in Vernet’s house: suspecting no treachery, he
fell at once by the knife of Antonio Rivero. Simon defended himself
desperately, but was overpowered; the others, overcome by fear, fell
easy victims. The rest of the settlers, consisting of thirteen men,
three women, and two children, remained with the murderers two days,
and then escaped to a small island in the Sound; where they lived
on birds’ eggs and fish, till the arrival of the English sealer
Hopeful,[24] on board which was an officer of the navy,[25] who in
some measure relieved their immediate distress, but could not delay
to protect them from the assaults which they anticipated. About
a month after the Hopeful sailed, H.M.S. Challenger, Captain M.
Seymour, arrived, having a lieutenant of the navy and four seamen on
board, who had volunteered from H.M.S. Tyne, and were duly authorized
to remain at the Falklands. The following extract from a letter will
show what took place on Captain Seymour’s arrival.
“Captain Seymour, and the consuls, being anxious to visit the
settlement of Port Louis, landed some distance from it (the wind
being strong from S.S.W.), intending to walk there. About a mile
from the houses they were met by an Englishman named Channon, sent
by the gauchoes to see who they were, and whether the ship was a
whaler in want of beef, or a man-of-war. He informed them that the
gauchoes and Indians had murdered Mr. Brisbane: Dickson, who had
been left in charge of the flag by Captain Onslow: Simon; and two
others: and had pillaged the houses, destroying every thing in their
search for money. He then pointed them out, sitting under a wall,
with their horses behind the remains of the government house, ready
saddled for a start on our nearer approach. They had two gauchoes,
prisoners, who had not been concerned in the murders, and whom they
threatened to kill, if he, Channon, did not return. He also stated
that one of them was willing to turn king’s evidence, and would bring
back all the horses, if possible, provided Captain Seymour would
ensure his pardon. The whole of them, nine in number, retreated into
the interior as soon as they found out it was a ship of war, taking
all the tame horses, between fifty and sixty.[26] As his party were
not armed, Captain Seymour thought it right to return on board; but
after dark, Lieutenant Smith was sent with a party of marines, and
two boats, to try and take them, if they should be still about the
houses, and to leave with Channon a bottle containing a crucifix,
as a signal for Luna.[27] On their landing, Lieutenant Smith took
all necessary precautions, left six men in charge of the boats, and
proceeded cautiously with the rest. He carefully searched every
building in the place, without seeing even a trace of them. All was
desolation; yet he learned afterwards from the two innocent gauchoes,
that Antonio Rivero and another, suspecting who the party were, had
watched them closely: that at one time Lieut. Smith was near treading
on them; which seemed hardly credible, until the arrangements made
on landing, the marching in Indian file to hide his men, &c. were
mentioned. Mr. Smith left with Channon Luna’s pardon, who, on the
fourth day, brought in two horses--not having been able to obtain
more, as the murderers were very watchful and fearful of each other,
so much so, that one of them had fallen a sacrifice to suspicion; and
Luna’s desertion reduced their number to six. With Luna for their
guide, on the sixth day Lieut. Smith, four midshipmen and twelve
marines, were despatched into the interior. They were absent four
days, and marched more than a hundred miles, enduring much fatigue,
which was increased by the boisterous state of the weather, and by
continual rain for three out of the four days. Water in ravines,
which on going out hardly rose above their ankles, on their return
had increased to torrents: in crossing them some nearly lost their
lives, and on the bleak moors they sunk at every step knee-deep in
bog. Without sleep or shelter, they lived for the last two days on
beef just warmed through, by fires that it took hours to kindle. They
were not successful in capturing any of the murderers, but at one
time were so near, that they had the mortification to see them drive
their horses away at a gallop, and having all the tame ones but two,
they were quickly out of reach of musket-shot. So hasty however was
their retreat, that they left their provisions behind them. Captain
Seymour finding that capturing the Indians would be a tedious and
uncertain task, made one of the ruined houses habitable, and leaving
six marines as an additional protection to Lieut. Smith and his
boat’s crew, proceeded as ordered. The lieutenant endeavoured to
make his abode comfortable, by clearing away rubbish and bones, and
putting a garden into some order. With the two horses he succeeded in
catching and taming two cows, which gave about two gallons of milk
daily, besides fourteen others, five or six of which were in calf.
By one means or other all but one of the murderers were taken, and a
cutter was hired to remove them to the flag-ship at Rio de Janeiro.”
Before the Beagle’s arrival Lieut. Smith had succeeded in capturing
the principal murderer, and transporting him to an islet in the
Sound, where he was watched, and furnished with provisions by the
boat’s crew. The lieutenant applied to me for assistance, and knowing
that he was not safe while such a desperate character as Rivero
was at large, though on an islet, and that the life of Luna (the
king’s evidence) was still more risked, I took those men, and one
named Channon, who was said to have been an accomplice in the plot,
though not an active agent, on board the Beagle. Rivero was put in
irons, Channon confined to the ship, and Luna left at liberty, though
watched.
When Mr. Low returned from his sealing expedition he found that his
life was sought, as a friend of Mr. Brisbane; and as he could do
nothing on foot against the mounted gauchoes, he retired to Kidney
Islet, at the entrance of Berkeley Sound, to await the arrival of
some ship. Tired, however, of inaction, he set out to go westward,
in search of some whaler, and on the 6th of February, when in great
distress, he fell in with our tender, the Adventure, and immediately
offered his services as a pilot: they were accepted, provisionally,
by Lieut. Wickham, and afterwards by me, trusting that the Admiralty
would approve of my so engaging a person who, in pilotage and general
information about the Falklands, Tierra del Fuego, Patagonia, and the
Galapagos Islands, could afford us more information than any other
individual, without exception.
Mr. William Low is the son of a respectable land-agent in Scotland;
he was brought up as a sailor, and possesses strong common sense,
quick apprehension, a readiness at description, and an extraordinary
local memory.
On the 13th the Adventure arrived: she had almost completed her
examination of the west, south, and south-east outer coasts, in a
very satisfactory manner, having been greatly forwarded and helped
by Mr. Low’s minute acquaintance with every port, and almost every
danger. Our tender sailed to continue her coasting examination on
the 21st. She returned on the 26th, and sailed again on the 30th.
Meanwhile our own boats were constantly occupied in and near Berkeley
Sound and Port William.
When I visited the settlement it looked more melancholy than ever;
and at two hundred yards’ distance from the house in which he had
lived, I found, to my horror, the feet of poor Brisbane protruding
above the ground. So shallow was his grave that dogs had disturbed
his mortal remains, and had fed upon the corpse. This was the fate of
an honest, industrious, and most faithful man: of a man who feared no
danger, and despised hardships. He was murdered by villains, because
he defended the property of his friend; he was mangled by them to
satisfy their hellish spite; dragged by a lasso, at a horse’s heels,
away from the houses, and left to be eaten by dogs.
Besides my own acquaintance with him and opinions derived from the
personal knowledge of the Beagle’s officers, some of whom had known
Brisbane when his vessel, the Saxe Cobourg, was wrecked in Fury
Harbour (owing to no fault of his), Mr. Weddell bears testimony to
his character on many occasions, particularly by an observation in
page 48 (Weddell’s Voyage), where he says, “I had full confidence in
the care and ability of Mr. Brisbane.” (1823.)
In 1830 Mr. Brisbane was wrecked on the eastern coast of Tierra
del Fuego, near Policarpo Cove, (54° 38′ S.), when sealing there
in partnership with Mr. Bray, who afterwards commanded the sealing
schooner ‘Transport,’ lost in 1833, at Hope Harbour. I have a copy
of their log in my possession, from which the following extracts are
selected, to show with what enduring patience some of those hardy
sealers bear misfortune and distress.
“Feb. 23d. Employed saving things from the wreck: six Indians came to
us. 24th. Twenty-five Indians came, with their women and children.
25th. Another visit from natives: men, women, and children. 26th.
Indians began to be very troublesome. 27th. Forty Indians came
to us, all armed with bows, arrows, and slings, without women or
children. Some of our people employed in building a shallop out of
the wreck. 28th. More Indians, with twelve strong women and eighteen
children: but unarmed on this day.
“March 1st. More Indian visitors. 2d. Fifty-one natives, armed.” To
the 9th the crew continued to build their shallop, and were almost
daily visited by natives, whom two-thirds of the party were obliged
to watch with arms in their hands. On the 21st sixty-one natives
visited them (these Indians always went away before dusk). On the 23d
the time of high-water was observed to be 4^h. 40^m, and the rise
seventeen feet, during moderate westerly wind and settled weather.
Mr. Brisbane made the latitude, by observation, 54° 38′ S. and the
longitude he estimated at 65°. 30′. W. “29th. Much troubled every day
by natives, who tried to steal our tools; and hard pressed by hunger.
No supper[28] the last three days.
“2d April. Four long guns were found to the eastward, lying on a
piece of the forecastle of some large ship, supposed to be a large
frigate[29], also two leaden hawse pipes attached to the woodwork.
8th. A large party of Indians, who were plaguing us, quarrelled
among themselves, and had a severe fight. 9th. Our last remainder
of provisions finished. 15th. Employed caulking the shallop’s deck,
and getting limpets from the rocks. N. B. Almost starving. 17th. Not
being troubled to-day by natives, and the sea being smooth, went out
in a little boat which we had saved, and caught eleven skate.”
After this day several fish were caught at times, which, with
shell-fish, afforded a scanty subsistence; but before this time they
had been reduced to eating hide, and half putrid blubber, which they
got by barter from the Indians. Mr. Bray, as well as Brisbane, told
me that hunger and anxiety so wore and excited them, that they could
seldom sleep more than an hour or two at night, though working all
day, while they were so hard pressed for food.
“22d. Launched the shallop, or rather, hauled her down at low water,
and let her float. 24th. Indians more troublesome than ever; obliged
to fire at them repeatedly. 27th. Almost starved, eating bullock’s
hide. 30th. Nothing to eat but bullock’s hide and berries. Could not
get the shallop over the reef because of a heavy surf.
“May 1st. Got out to sea; found the shallop leak very much: nothing
to eat but hide. 2d. Lat. 54°. 00′. Long. east. 63°. 50′. 5th. Made
Cape Meredith (in the Falklands), but could not get near for want of
wind. 6th. Two men gave out[30] for want of food: they had gone six
days with but one pound of hide. 7th. A heavy gale; the shallop under
bare poles, and almost sinking; sea making a clear breach over her;
men quite worn out by constant pumping and baling, and by want of
food: we had a very hard job to keep her from sinking: at dusk saw
land through the rain and spray, half a mile to leeward; showed the
head of the jib, and bore away right before the wind for the nearest
part: saw a cove, ran into it, and anchored. Killed numbers of geese;
thanked God for our safety. 11th. Many of our men ill from the sudden
change. 17th. Went ashore in Pleasant Harbour; saw a great number of
cattle; the dog caught two of them, and held them for us to kill.[31]
30th of May. Anchored in Port Louis, landed, and hauled the shallop
ashore at high-water.”
The vessel in which Brisbane and Bray were wrecked, was driven
ashore in a northerly gale, while sealing near Policarpo Cove. Their
crew consisted of about twenty men, most of whom had fire-arms, and
plenty of ammunition. Though it will swell yet more the catalogue of
his disasters, I must add that Brisbane was once wrecked on South
Georgia, and escaped thence to Monte Video in a shallop, which he and
his companions in distress built out of the wreck of their sealing
vessel. I have now by me two of the tools, almost the only ones,
which they had to use: one is a cooper’s adze, nearly worn down to
the middle; and the other a saw, made out of a piece of iron hoop,
fixed to a wooden frame.
6th April. While the Beagle was preparing for sea the body of Lieut.
Clive,[32] late of H.M.S. Challenger, was found lying at high-water
mark, in an unfrequented part of Berkeley Sound; and the following
morning I buried it in a grave on shore, not far from the tomb of our
regretted shipmate Hellyer. After noon, on the same day, we sailed
from the Falklands, depressed more than ever by the numerous sad
associations connected with their name.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Wood and water being easily procured in the regions we were going
to visit, we carried only a month’s store of those essentials.
[2] After noon on the 25th, both crews amused themselves on shore in
wrestling, racing, jumping, and various games.
[3] About three hundred feet.
[4] The tide fell more than fourteen feet perpendicularly; but a
small brook remained, perhaps a foot deep, winding its course between
the uncovered banks.
[5] As the larger and eastern rock is about a hundred yards long and
eighty wide, with kelp growing on most parts of it, I do not think
the top can wear away while so protected by sea-weed.
[6] Bellaco rocks are the same as Estevan shoal. There are at least
two distinct masses of rock. A ship may pass between them.
[7] Nine hundred and fifty feet high.
[8] Named in the plan ‘Thirsty Hill.’
[9] 1520.
[10] Drake’s Voyage, 1578.
[11] And the latter a memento of Lieut. Sholl, of the Beagle, (vol.
I.)
[12] I think that this easterly swell must have been caused by a
south-east gale, though it came to us from the east.
[13] Appendix, No. 18.
[14] Much as a piece of new knotty wood is spotted with white lead
before it receives a coat of paint.
[15] Vol. I. p. 457-8.
[16] A favourite saying of his, formerly.
[17] Excrescences on the birch trees, and berries.
[18] For a Fuegian.
[19] Of Walthamstow.
[20] Near the Falklands.
[21] Sarandi.
[22] Antonio Rivero, J. M. Luna, M. Godoy,--J.Brasido, M. Gonzales,
L. Flores, F. Salazar, M. Lattore.
[23] P. 240.
[24] Nov. 1833.
[25] Mr. Rea. The Hopeful belonged to Messrs. Enderby.
[26] Thirteen men and three women had escaped to an island in the
Sound, as they could do nothing against the murderers, who had all
the arms.
[27] The gaucho who offered to become king’s evidence.
[28] Supper was their principal meal; as during the day, while the
Indians were about, they had no time to cook or eat. R. F.
[29] Perhaps the O’Higgins--(Chilian). R. F.
[30] Could work no longer. R. F.
[31] Seized them by the lip. He was a large, strong animal, between a
bull-dog and a mastiff. R. F.
[32] Lieut. Clive was drowned accidentally, by the upsetting of a
small boat:--his body could not then be found.