That the prophet Joseph well understood how to

"By indirections find directions out,"

clearly appears from his cunning expression of faith in the pretended

revelation of the patriarch Hiram. The effect of this speech

was far-reaching. It turned the entire Mormon vote to Hoge, thereby

securing his election to Congress, and at once placed the Whigs in

the ranks of the implacable anti-Mormon party then in process of

rapid formation. The crusade that now began for the expulsion

of the Mormons from the State, was greatly augmented by acts of

unparalleled folly upon their own part. In order to protect their

leaders from arrest, it was decreed by the City Council of Nauvoo

that no writ unless issued and approved by its Mayor should be

executed within the sacred city, and that any officer attempting

to execute a writ otherwise issued, within the city, should be

subject to imprisonment for life, and that the pardoning power

of the Governor of the State was in such case suspended. This

ordinance when published created great astonishment and indignation.

The belief became general that the Mormons were about to set up

for themselves a separate Government wholly independent of that of

the State. This belief was strengthened by the presentation of

a petition to Congress praying for the establishment of a

Territorial Government for Nauvoo and vicinity.

Apparently oblivious of the gathering storm, Joseph Smith early in

1844 committed his crowning act of folly by announcing himself a

candidate for the high office of President of the United States.

Not only this, but as stated by Governor Ford,

"Smith now conceived the idea of making himself a temporal Prince as

well as the spiritual leader of his people. He instituted a new

and select order of the priesthood, the members of which were to

be priests and kings, temporal and spiritual. These were to be

the nobility, the upholders of his throne. He caused himself to

be crowned and anointed king and priest far above all others.

To uphold his pretensions to royalty, he deduced his descent by an

unbroken chain from Joseph, the son of Jacob, and that of his wife

from some other renowned personage of Old Testament history.

The Mormons openly denounced the Government of the United States, as

being utterly corrupt, and about to pass away and be replaced by

the government of God, to be administered by his servant Joseph.

It is at this day certain, also, that about this time, the prophet

instituted an order in the Church called the Danite Band. This

was to be a body-guard about the person of their sovereign, sworn to

obey his commands as those of God himself."

During late years a war of words has been waged within the

Mormon church over the question of the responsibility of the prophet

Joseph for the introduction of polygamy as a cardinal tenet of its

creed. The son of the prophet, it will be remembered, led a revolt

against Brigham Young, soon after the succession of the latter

to the presidency of the Church, and is now at the head of the

Mormon establishment at Plano, Illinois. This branch of the Church

rejects the dogma of polygamy, declaring it to be utterly repugnant

to the divine revelation to Joseph, and to early Mormon belief and

practice.

Upon the contrary, the main body in Utah--of which Joseph F. Smith

the nephew of the prophet and son of Hiram the patriarch is now

the president--found their belief in the divine character of their

peculiar institution upon alleged revelations direct from God to

the founder of the Church. The statement of Governor Ford, written

nearly sixty years ago, sheds some light upon this controversy:

"A doctrine was now revealed that no woman could get to heaven

except as the wife of a Mormon elder. The elders were allowed

to have as many of these wives as they could maintain; and it was

a doctrine of the Church that any female could be 'sealed up to

eternal life' by uniting herself as wife to the elder of her choice.

This doctrine was maintained by appeal to the Old Testament scriptures

and by the example of Abraham and Jacob and Daniel and Solomon,

the favorites of God in a former age of the world."

As the necessary result of the causes mentioned, the followers

of the prophet soon found themselves bitterly antagonized by almost

the whole anti-Mormon population of the "Military Tract." Charges

and counter-charges were made, the arrest of the leaders of the

opposing parties followed in rapid succession, and outrages and

riots were of daily occurrence. Public meetings were held; all

the crimes known to the calendar were charged against the Mormons,

and resolutions passed demanding their immediate expulsion from the

State. What is known in Illinois history as the "Mormon war"

followed closely in the wake of the events just mentioned. Innocent

persons were, in many instances, the victims of the folly and of

the crimes of unprincipled and brutal leaders.

The events of this period constitute a dark chapter in the history

of the State--one that can be recalled only with feelings of horror.

The great body of citizens, it is needless to say, favored the

rigid maintenance of order and the protection of life and property;

but it was the very heyday for the lawless and vicious element

of all parties.

That this condition of affairs could not long continue was manifest.

The bloody termination, however, came in a manner unexpected to

all. Two of the Mormon leaders, William and Wilson Law, were,

at the time mentioned, in open revolt against the newly-assumed

powers and the alleged practices of the prophet. To strengthen

their opposition they procured a printing-press and equipment, and

issued from their office in Nauvoo one number of a small weekly,

"The Expositor." By order of the Mayor, Smith, and decree of

the Council, the press was seized and destroyed, and the Law brothers

and their few adherents compelled to flee the Holy City. Immediately

upon their arrival at Carthage, they caused warrants to be issued for

the arrest of Joseph and Hiram Smith, John Taylor, and others, for

the destruction of the printing-press. The almost sovereign powers

previously conferred upon the city of Nauvoo now play an important

part in this drama. The persons arrested, as above mentioned, were

at once brought by writs of _habeas corpus,_ issued by the Mayor

of Nauvoo, before the Municipal Court and there promptly discharged.

Governor Ford, whose righteous soul had been vexed to the limit of

endurance by unmerited abuse from Mormon and Gentile alike from

the beginning of this controversy, here indulges in a few expressions

of justifiable irony. Of these proceedings he says:

"It clearly appeared both from the complaints of the citizens

and the admissions of the Mormons, that the whole proceedings of

the Mayor, Council, and Municipal Court were illegal and not to be

endured in a free country; but some apology might be made for

the court, as it had been repeatedly assured by some of the ablest

lawyers in the State of both political parties, when candidates

before that people, that it had full and complete power to issue

writs of _habeas corpus_ in all cases whatever."

"In law, what plea so tainted and corrupt,

But, being seasoned with a gracious voice,

Obscures the show of evil."

The incidents mentioned added quickly fuel to the flame. A new

warrant was issued by a magistrate in Carthage for the arrest of

the Mormon leaders and placed in the hands of an officer of the

State for execution. The latter at once summoned the citizens

of the county, as a _posse comitatus,_ to aid in the arrests.

At this critical moment Governor Ford, in the interest of peace,

reached Carthage, the county seat. Upon his arrival he found

the situation truly alarming. Several hundred armed men from

the country around had hastily assembled and were encamped upon

the public square. By order of the Governor, this force was

organized into companies and placed under the immediate command of

officers of his appointment. At the conclusion of a speech by the

Governor, the officers and men pledged themselves to aid him in

upholding the laws, and in protecting the Mormon prisoners when

brought to Carthage for trial.

Meanwhile, Smith as lieutenant-general had called out the Nauvoo

Legion and proclaimed martial law in that city. The Mormons from the

country promptly obeyed the call of their leader and marched to

his assistance, and Nauvoo became at once a vast military camp.

Governor Ford now demanded of the Mormon leaders the return of the

State arms furnished at the time of the organization of the Legion,

this demand, if not promptly complied with, to be enforced by an

immediate attack upon Nauvoo by the assembled forces encamped at

Carthage.

Appreciating now for the first time the hopelessness of a conflict

with State authorities, a number of the weapons were surrendered

and the Smiths, accompanied by Taylor and Richards, two other Mormon

leaders, went to Carthage and surrendered themselves to the officer

holding the warrant for their arrest. Upon giving bond for their

appearance, they were at once released on charge of riot. A new

complaint, charging them with treason--in levying war against

the State, declaring martial law in Nauvoo, and ordering out the

Legion to resist the execution of lawful process--was immediately lodged

against them, a warrant duly issued, the prisoners rearrested

and committed to the common jail of the county. On the evening

following this arrest, the guards stationed at the jail for the

protection of the prisoners were attacked and overpowered by a mob

of several hundred persons. Governor Ford states:

"An attempt was now made to break open the door; but Joseph Smith,

being armed with a six-barrel pistol furnished by his friends,

fired several times as the door was burst open and wounded three

of the assailants. At the same time, several shots were fired into

the room, wounding John Taylor and killing Hiram Smith. Joseph

Smith now attempted to escape by jumping out of the second-story

window; but the fall so stunned him that he was unable to rise,

and being placed by the conspirators in a sitting posture, they

despatched him by four balls shot through his body."

Thus perished, at the age of thirty-nine, the founder and prophet of

the Mormon Church. Contradictory statements as to his real character

have come down to the present generation. The estimate of Governor

Ford, who knew him well, is as follows:

"He was the most successful impostor in modern times; a man who,

though ignorant and coarse, had some great natural parts which

fitted him for temporary success, but which were so obscured and

counteracted by the inherent corruptness of his nature that he

never could succeed in establishing a system of policy which looked

to permanent success in the future. It must not be supposed that the

pretended prophet practised the tricks of a common impostor; that he

was a dark and gloomy person with a long beard, a grave and severe

aspect, and a reserved and saintly carriage of his person. On the

contrary, he was full of levity, even to boyish romping; dressed

like a dandy, and at times drank like a sailor and swore like a

pirate. He could, as occasion required, be exceedingly meek in

his deportment, and then, again, be as rough and boisterous as a

highway robber; being always able to prove to his followers the

propriety of his conduct. He always quailed before power, and was

arrogant to weakness. At times he could put on an air of a penitent,

as if feeling the deepest humility for his sins, and suffering

unutterable anguish, and indulging in the most gloomy foreboding of

eternal woe. At such times he would call for the prayers of the

brethren in his behalf with a wild and fearful anxiety and

earnestness. He was six feet high, strongly built, and uncommonly

full muscled. No doubt he was as much indebted for his influence

over an ignorant people to the superiority of his physical vigor as

to his great cunning and intellect."

Of a wholly different tenor is the tribute of Parley P. Pratt, the

poet and historian of the Mormon Church:

"President Smith was in person tall and well built, strong and

active; of a light complexion, light hair, blue eyes, and of an

expression peculiar to himself, on which the eye naturally rested with

interest and was never weary of beholding. His countenance was

very mild, affable, and beaming with intelligence and benevolence mingled

with a look of interest and an unconscious smile of cheerfulness, and

entirely free from all restraint or affectation of gravity; and

there was something connected with the serene and steady penetrating

glance of his eye, as if he would penetrate the deepest abyss of

the human heart, gaze into eternity, penetrate the heavens, and

comprehend all worlds. He possessed a noble boldness and independence

of character; his manner was easy and familiar, his rebuke terrible

as the lion, his benevolence unbounded as the ocean, his

intelligence universal, and his language abounding in original

eloquence peculiar to himself."

For a brief period following the assassination of the Smiths,

comparative quiet prevailed in the Mormon country. The selection of

a successor to their murdered prophet, was now the absorbing question

among the Mormon people. Revelations were published that the

prophet, in imitation of the Saviour, was to rise from the dead,

and some even reported that they had seen him attended by a celestial

army coursing the air on a great white horse.

Sydney Rigdon now aspired to be the head of the Church as the

successor to the martyred prophet. His claims were verified by

a pretended revelation direct from heaven. He was, however, at

once antagonized by the "quorum of the Twelve," and after a bitter

struggle, Apostle Brigham Young was chosen, and Rigdon expelled

from the Church and "given over to the buffetings of Satan."

The quiet immediately succeeding the tragedy was of short duration.

It was only the calm which precedes the storm. While his followers

were invoking the vengeance of the law upon the murderers of the

prophet, the anti-Mormons were quietly organizing a crusade for

the expulsion of the entire Mormon population from the State. The

trial of the assassins of the Smiths resulted in their acquittal, as

was to have been expected when the intense anti-Mormon feeling

existing throughout the immediate country is taken into account.

The result is even less surprising when it is remembered that

the principal witness for the prosecution supplemented his testimony

of having seen the crime committed, by the remarkable declaration that

immediately upon the death of Joseph, "a bright and shining

light descended upon his head, that several of the conspirators

were stricken with total blindness, and that he heard supernatural

voices in the air confirming the divine mission of the murdered

prophet."

In the narration of these exciting events, the names of men who at

a later day achieved national distinction frequently occur. The

Hon. O. H. Browning, since Senator and member of the Cabinet,

was chief counsel for the alleged murderers of the Smiths. He was

at the time a distinguished Whig leader, and one of the most eloquent

men in the State. The disorder and outrages that followed the

acquittal just mentioned called Governor Ford again to the seat of

war. He says:

"When informed of these proceedings, I hastened to Jacksonville,

where in a conference with General Hardin, Judge Douglas, and

Mr. McDougal the Attorney-General of the State, it was agreed that

these gentlemen should proceed to Hancock County in all haste with

whatever force had been raised, and put an end to these disorders.

It was also agreed that they should unite their influence with mine

to induce the Mormons to leave the State. The twelve apostles had

now become satisfied that the Mormons could not remain, or, if they

did, that the leaders would be compelled to abandon the sway

they exercised over them. Through the intervention of General

Hardin, acting on instructions from me, an agreement was made

between the hostile parties for the voluntary removal of the greater

part of the Mormons across the Mississippi in the spring of 1846."

Of the advisors of the Governor in the adjustment mentioned, Douglas

and McDougall were at a later day distinguished Senators, respectively

from Illinois and California, and Hardin was killed while gallantly

leading his regiment at the battle of Buena Vista.

To the peaceable accomplishment of the purposes mentioned, a small

force under a competent officer was stationed for a time in Hancock

County. The Governor justly felicitates himself that thereby "the

greater part of the Military Tract was saved from the horrors of

civil war in the winter time, when much misery would have followed

by the dispersion of families and the destruction of property."

The Mormon exodus from Illinois, once the "land of promise," now

began in terrible earnest. Many farms and homes and large quantities

of personal effects were hastily disposed of at a great sacrifice.

The speeding was far different from the welcome but a few years

before so heartily extended to the incoming "saints." The "Holy

City" and sacred temple soon to be destroyed were abandoned for

perilous journeyings in the wilderness. The chapter that

immediately follows in the history of this people is indeed pathetic.

The terrible sufferings of the aged and infirm, of helpless women

and children, as the shadows of the long night of winter gathered about

them on their journey, can never be adequately told. But, inspired

with the thought that they were the Israel of God, that Brigham

Young was their divinely appointed leader, that the pillar of cloud

by day and of fire by night ever went before them on their journeyings,

they patiently endured all dangers and hardships.

High upon the western slope of the Wasatch hard by the old wagon

trail which led down into the valley stands a huge rock around

whose base the Mormon leader assembled his followers just as the

last rays of a summer sun were falling upon the mountains. In

stirring words he recalled their persecutions and trials, told them

that their long pilgrimage, the weary march by day and lonely vigil

by night, were now ended, and their Canaan the great valley

which stretched out before them.

Upon a visit to Salt Lake City nearly a third of a century ago,

I attended service in the great Tabernacle when it was filled to

overflowing, and yet so excellent were its acoustic arrangements

that every word of the speaker and every note of the organ could

be heard distinctly. The surroundings were indeed imposing. Upon

the great platform sat the President and his Council, the twelve

apostles, the seventy elders, with an innumerable army of bishops,

teachers, deacons, and other functionaries constituting the

lower order of the Mormon hierarchy. The sermon was delivered

by the famous Orson Pratt, the Saint Paul of the Mormon Church,

a venerable patriarch of four score years, and yet, withal, a man of

wonderful power.

As our little party passed in front of the speaker's platform to

reach the door, he halted in his discourse, and stated to the

audience that the strangers within their gates were leaving because

of the near departure of their train and not because of any disrespect

to the service. Then, bowing his aged head, he invoked the blessing

of the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, upon the Gentile

strangers, and prayed "that their long journey might be ended in

safety, and that in the fulness of time, having witnessed the

manifestations of Almighty Power, they might return again, not

as sojourners, but as fellow-citizens with the saints, to dwell in

the Holy City."

XIV

A KENTUCKY COLONEL

COL. WINTERSMITH'S GREAT POPULARITY--HIS ADMIRATION FOR MR. CLAY

--HIS MARVELLOUS MEMORY--HIS WIT AND HUMOR.

Few men were better known in Washington, a quarter of a century

and more ago, than Colonel Dick Wintersmith of Kentucky. He had

creditably filled important positions of public trust in his native

State. His integrity was beyond question, and his popularity knew

no bounds. Without the formality of party nomination, and with

hardly the shadow of opposition at the polls, he had held the office

of State Treasurer for nearly a score of years. An ardent Whig in

early life, he was a devout worshipper at the shrine of Henry Clay.

In the later years of his life, he would often with the deepest

emotion refer to himself as "the last of the old guard." He never

tired of relating interesting incidents of Mr. Clay. It was his

glory that he had accompanied "the great pacificator" to Washington,

when, with the fond hope of being able by his historic "compromise"

to pour oil on the troubled waters, he returned to the Senate

for the last time.

Wintersmith was the close friend of Theodore O'Hara, and stood

beside him when at the unveiling of the monument to the Kentuckians

who had fallen at Buena Vista he pronounced his now historic lines

beginning--

"On fame's eternal camping-ground

Their silent tents are spread."

Colonel Wintersmith knew, as he knew his children, two generations

of the public men of Kentucky. His memory was a marvel to all who

knew him. He could repeat till the dawn, extracts from famous

speeches he had heard from the lips of Clay, Grundy, Marshall, and

Menifee. More than once, I have heard him declaim the wonderful

speech of Sargent S. Prentiss delivered almost a half-century

before, in the old Harrodsburg Court-house, in defence of Wilkinson

for killing three men at the Galt House.

It is hardly necessary to say that the Colonel was the soul of

generosity. It was a part of his living faith that--

"Kind hearts are more than coronets."

That he was possessed in no stinted measure of wit and its kindred

quality, humor, will appear from an incident or two to be related.

The Hon. Ignatius Donnelly, member of Congress from Minnesota, had

written a book to prove that Lord Bacon was the veritable author

of the plays usually accredited to Shakespeare. Soon after the

appearance of Donnelly's book, he met Colonel Wintersmith on

Pennsylvania Avenue.

After a cordial greeting, the Colonel remarked, "I have been reading

your book, Donnelly, and I don't believe a word of it."

"What?" inquired Donnelly, with great surprise.

"Oh, that book of yours," said the Colonel, "in which you tried to

prove that Shakespeare never wrote 'Hamlet' and 'Macbeth' and 'Lear'

and all those other plays."

"My dear sir," replied Donnelly with great earnestness, "I can

prove beyond all peradventure that Shakespeare never wrote those

plays."

"He did," replied Wintersmith, "he did write them, Donnelly, _I

saw him write three or four of them, myself."_

"Impossible!" replied Donnelly, who was as guiltless of anything

that savored of humor as the monument recently erected to the memory

of Hon. John Sherman, "impossible, Colonel, that you could have

seen Shakespeare write those plays; they were written three hundred

years ago."

"Three hundred years, three hundred years," slowly murmured the

Colonel in pathetic tone, "is it possible that is has been so long?

_Lord, how time does fly!"_

The Colonel often told the following with a gravity that gave it

at least the semblance of truth. Many years ago, his State was

represented in part in the Upper House by a statesman who rarely, when

in good form, spoke less than an entire day. His speeches, in

large measure, usually consisted of dull financial details,

statistics, etc. He became in time the terror of his associates, and

the nightmare of visitors in the galleries. His "Mr. President," was

usually the signal for a general clearing out of both Senate Chamber

and galleries.

"Upon one occasion," said Colonel Dick, "I was seated in the

last tier in the public gallery, when my Senator with books and

documents piled high about him solemnly addressed the Chair. As

was the wont, the visitors in the gallery as one man arose to make

their exit. With a revolver in each hand, I promptly planted myself

in front of the door, and in no uncertain tone ordered the crowd to

resume their seats, and remain quietly until the Senator from

Kentucky had concluded his remarks. They did so and no word of

complaint reached my ears. Hour after hour during the long summer

day the speech drew itself along. At length as the shadows were

lengthening and the crickets began to chirp, the speech ended

and the Senator took his seat. I promptly replaced my pistols and

motioned the visitors to move out. They did so on excellent time.

As the last man was passing out, he quietly remarked to me, 'Mister,

that was all right, no fault to find, but _if it was to do over

again, you might shoot.'"_

XV

FORGOTTEN EVENTS OF THE LONG AGO

THE WRITER MEETS MISS GRAHAM, SISTER-IN-LAW OF MR. GILES, A

REPRESENTATIVE IN THE DAYS OF WASHINGTON--HIS MEETING WITH THE

DAUGHTER OF THOMAS W. GILMER, SECRETARY OF THE NAVY UNDER PRESIDENT

TYLER--THE SECRETARY KILLED, AND THE PRESIDENT ENDANGERED BY AN

EXPLOSION--SPECULATION AS TO POSSIBLE POLITICAL CHANGES HAD THE

PRESIDENT BEEN KILLED.

During my sojourn in Washington I visited the "Louise Home," one

of the splendid charities of the late W. W. Corcoran. Two of

the ladies I there met were Miss Graham and Miss Gilmer. The turn

of Fortune's wheel had brought each of them from once elegant

Virginia homes to spend the evening of life in the Home which

Mr. Corcoran had so kindly and thoughtfully provided. It was in

very truth the welcome retreat to representatives of old Southern

families who had known better days. Here in quiet and something

of elegant leisure, the years sped by, the chief pastime recalling

events and telling over again and again the social triumphs of the

long ago. Thus lingering in the shadows of the past, sadly

reflecting, it may be, in the silent watches, that--

"The tender grace of a day that is dead

Will never come back to me,"

these venerable ladies were in sad reality "only waiting till the

shadows had a little longer grown."

There was something pathetically remindful of the good old Virginia

days in the manner in which Miss Graham handed me her card and

invited me to be seated. Looking me earnestly in the face, she

said, "Mr. Vice-President, you must have known my brother-in-law, Governor

Giles."

"Do you mean Senator William B. Giles of Virginia?" I inquired.

"Yes, yes," she said, "did you know him?"

"No, madam," I replied, "I did not; he was a member of Congress

when Washington was President; that was a little before my day.

But is it possible that you are a sister-in-law of Governor Giles?"

"Yes, sir," she answered, "he married my eldest sister and I was

in hope that you knew him."

I assured her that I had never known him personally, but that I

knew something of his history: that he was a soldier of the

Revolution; that he began his public career with the passing of

the old Confederation and the establishment of the National Union;

that as Representative or Senator he was in Congress almost

continuously from the administration of Washington to that of

Jackson. I then repeated to her the words Mr. Benton, his long-time

associate in the Senate, had spoken of her brother-in-law: "Macon

was wise, Randolph brilliant, Gallatin and Madison able in argument,

but Giles was the ready champion, always ripe for the combat." And

I told her that John Randolph, for many years his colleague, had

said: "Giles was to our House of Representatives what Charles

James Fox was to the British House of Commons--the most accomplished

debater our country has known."

I might have said to Miss Graham, but did not, that her brother-in-law,

then a member of the House, had voted against the farewell address

of that body to President Washington upon his retirement from

the great office. Strange indeed to our ears sound the words that

even mildly reflect upon the Father of his Country. Of this,

however, we may be assured, that the Golden Age of our history

is but a dream; "the era of absolute good feeling,"--the era that has

not been.

"Past and to come seem best;

Things present, worst."

Before condemning Mr. Giles too severely the words of Edmund Burke

may well be recalled: "Party divisions, whether upon the whole

operating for the best, are things inseparable from free Government."

Party divisions came in with our Constitution; partisan feeling

almost with our first garments.

In this connection it will be remembered that this country has

known no period of more intense and bitter party feeling than during

the administration of the immediate successor of Washington, the

period which witnessed the downfall of the Federal party, and

the rise of the party of Jefferson. It was after the election but

before the inauguration of John Adams, that the following words

were spoken of President Washington by the brother-in-law of the

little old lady to whom I have referred:

"I must object to those parts of the address which speak of the

wisdom and firmness of the President. I may be singular in my

ideas, but I believe his administration has neither been firm

nor wise. I must acknowledge that I am one of those who do not

think so much of the President as some others do. I wish that this

was the moment of his retirement. I think that the Government

of the United States can go on without him. What calamities would

attend the United States, and how short the duration of its

independence, if but one man could be found fitted to conduct

its administration! Much had been said and by many people about

the President's intended retirement. For my own part, I feel no

uncomfortable sensations about it."

As I thus recalled the man whose public life began with that of

Washington, his kinswoman at my side seemed indeed the one living bond

of connection between the present and the long past, that past

which had witnessed the Declaration of Independence, the War of

the Revolution, and the establishment of the Federal Government.

The younger, by many years, of the two ladies, was the daughter of

the Hon. Thomas W. Gilmer, a distinguished member of Congress during

the third decade of the century, later the Governor of Virginia,

and at the time of his death the Secretary of the Navy. The mention

of his name recalls a tragic event that cast a pall over the nation

and shrouded more than one hearthstone in deepest gloom. During

later years, the horrors of an internecine struggle that knows no

parallel, the assassination of three Presidents of the United

States, and the thousand casualties that have crowded in rapid

succession, have almost wiped from memory the incident now to be

mentioned.

The pride of the American Navy, the man-of-war _Princeton,_ Commodore

Stockton in command, was lying in the Potomac just below Washington,

on the morning of February 28, 1843. The day was beautiful, and the

distinguished commander, who had known much of gallant service,

had invited more than one hundred guests to accompany him on a sail

to a point a few miles below Mount Vernon. Among the guests

were President Tyler and two members of his Cabinet; Mr. Upshur,

Secretary of State, and Mr. Gilmer, Secretary of the Navy; the

widow of Ex-President Madison; Mr. Gardner, a prominent citizen of

New York, and his accomplished daughter; Commodore Kennan; and a

number of Senators and Representatives. Commodore Stockton was

anxious to have his guests witness the working of the machinery of

his vessel and to observe the fire of his great gun, his especial pride.

Mr. Gardner and his daughter were guests at the Executive Mansion;

and to the latter, the President--then for many years a widower

--was especially attentive. Officers and guests were all in the

best of sprits, and nothing seemed wanting to make the occasion

one of unalloyed pleasure. Upon the return, and when almost directly

opposite Mount Vernon, the company were summoned by the Commodore from

the dinner table to witness the testing of the gun. Preceded by

an officer, the guests were soon assembled in proximity to the gun.

A place at the front was reserved for the President, but just as

he was advancing, his attention was directed by his fair guest

to some object on the shore. This for a moment arrested his

progress, and prevented his instant death, for at this critical

moment the gun exploded, causing the immediate death of more

than twenty persons, and serious injuries to many others. Among

the injured were Senator Benton and Commodore Stockton. The list

of the dead included Secretary of State Upshur, Secretary of the

Navy Gilmer, Commodore Kennan--one of the heroes of the second war

with Great Britain,--and Mr. Gardner, the father of the lady whose

timely interposition had caused the moment's delay which had saved

the President from the terrible fate of his associates. Upon

the return of the _Princeton_ to Washington the dead were removed to

the Executive Mansion, and the day, so auspicious in the beginning,

ended in gloom.

Something in the way of romance is the sequel to that sad event.

A few months later Miss Gardner, the fair guest of the President

upon the ill-fated _Princeton,_ became his bride, and during the

remainder of his term of office did the honors of the Executive

Mansion.

The thousands of visitors who have, during the past sixty years,

passed through the spacious rooms of that Mansion, have paused

before a full-length portrait of one of the most beautiful of women.

Possibly the interest of no one who gazed upon her lovely features

was lessened when told that the portrait was that of the wife of

President Tyler, the once charming and accomplished Miss Gardner, whose

name is so closely associated with the long-ago chapter of sorrow and

of romance.

A thought pertaining to the domain of the real rather than of

the romantic is suggested by the sad accident upon the _Princeton._

But for the trifling incident which detained President Tyler from the

side of his Cabinet officers at the awful moment, the administration

of the Government would have passed to other hands. As the law

then stood, the Speaker of the House of Representatives would have

succeeded to the Presidency; and how this might have changed the

current of our political history is a matter of at least curious

speculation.

Something of Men I Have Known With Some Papers of a General Nature, Political, Historical, and Retrospective · 第 14 / 41 题