in the Catalogue of the children of God. The smaller, about
two years old, now sings his greatness among the Choirs of the
Angels. The elder followed her, a short time afterward. She was
about sixteen years old when she received a new birth in Jesus
Christ; [49] having fallen sick, it was not hard to persuade her
to become a Christian. It seems that she had already possessed
the faith, before the Fathers talked with her; her brother was
in the habit of visiting our House to instruct our Fathers in his
language; and, as they often spoke to him of our Mysteries, he
related to his sister what he had learned. He was happier than
the Fathers themselves in scattering this sacred seed; although
it has not been observed to have as yet germinated in his soul,
it has borne flowers and fruit in the heart of his sister. When
she was asked during her sickness if she did not wish to be
baptized, she answered that she greatly desired it. The Fathers,
intending to instruct her, found that she knew enough to receive
holy Baptism, which surprised and consoled them. So she was called
Jeanne, receiving with this name so great an abundance of grace,
that it seemed as if the Son of God took particular pleasure in
this new Spouse. Father Buteux, seeing her at her departure to go
into the woods with her mother and the other Savages, said to her,
"Farewell, my daughter; remember that you are now [50] a friend of
God, and that if you die he will take you to his house, filled with
all blessings." "Farewell, my Father," she replied, "I shall see
you no more; but it matters little if I die, since I am to go to
such a good place." She said this with so deep a sense of piety,
that tears came to the eyes of the two Fathers, who were carried
away at seeing a little Barbarian speak like an Angel of Paradise.
"But what can we give you, Jeanne, since you are going to leave us
for so long a time?" they said to her. "If you have any raisins,
give me a few; this will be the last time you will relieve me in
my sickness, for I am going to die in the woods. But I believe
that I will go to Heaven. Do you think so, my Father?" "Yes, my
daughter, you will go there, if you continue in the faith." "Be
assured," she said, "that I believe in God, and that I will believe
in him all my life." They gave her all the raisins they had left,
which were not many,--the few that had been sent them having
already been distributed to many other invalids. When they came to
tie this poor girl with her little sister, both newly baptized,
upon the long sledges, to take them [51] into these great forests,
it seemed to the Fathers like tearing out their hearts; for these
poor people had no other food than a little bread that they gave
them; their dinner and supper depended upon the providence of God,
their hostelries were the snow and trees, and a little bark. A
strong Northwester, the coldest wind of these Countries, blew upon
these poor invalids, and yet they went away as contented as if
they were about to enter a promised land. "Oh, how disgusted I was
with myself," writes the Father who sent me these memoirs, "when I
saw this beautiful sight! These people condemned me of cowardice,
for not placing my confidence in God as strongly as they do theirs
in their bows and arrows, and in not doing from virtue what these
Barbarians do from nature."
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL VIII
XXV
See Vol. VII., for particulars of this document.
XXVI
As with its predecessor for 1635, the _Relation_ of 1636 (Paris, 1637),
although for the convenience of bibliographers styled Le Jeune's, is a
composite. The first half, closing with p. 272, is the annual report
of Le Jeune, as superior, dated August 28, 1636; the second half,
separately paged, is a special report on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf,
dated Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636.
For the text of the document, we have had recourse to the Lamoignon
copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library, which is
there designated as "H. 65," because described in Harrisse's _Notes_,
no. 65.
_Collation_ (H. 65). Title, with verso blank; "Extraict du Privilege
du Roy" (dated Paris, Dec. 22, 1636), p. (1); "Approbation" by the
provincial (dated Paris, Dec. 15, 1636), p. (1); "Table des Chapitres,"
pp. (4); Le Jeune's _Relation_ (11 chaps.), pp. 1-272; Brébeuf's Huron
_Relation_, (in two parts, 4 and 9 chaps. respectively), pp. 1-223;
verso of last leaf blank.
There are two copies in the Lenox Library, in which we have discovered
a number of textual variations which have never been noted before.
For the sake of convenience we shall designate these as Lamoignon
and Bancroft, the names of former owners whose individual impress
they bear. Our reprint, as previously stated, is from the Lamoignon
copy. The Quebec reprint (vol. 1, 1858) follows a copy with the text
corresponding with the Bancroft variations. All the differences which
we have discovered occur in the Huron _Rel ation_, and the references
are to the pagination of that part. We give the principal ones below.
LAMOIGNON.
P. 85, last line ends with "s'il ne leur fust"
The last four lines of p. 85 are spaced freely to make up for the
elision of "arriué."
P. 146, l. 2, reads: "d'où ils tirent"
P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliance. Si leurs champs"
P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe ils sont"
P. 158, l. 9, reads: "cõtre"
P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentẽt: le"
P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ces pauures miserables chanteront"
P. 158, l. 18, reads "s'ils estoiẽt vaillãs hommes, ils leur arrachẽt"
P. 159, last line ends with "quelque Peuple auec qui ils"
BANCROFT.
P. 85, last line ends with: "s'il ne leur fust arriué"
P. 146, l. 2, reads: "dont ils tirent"
P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliances, si leurs champs"
P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe; ils sont"
P. 158, l. 9, reads: "contre"
P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentent"
P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ce pauure miserable chantera"
P. 158, l. 18, reads: "s'il estoit vaillant homme, ils luy arrachent"
P. 159, last line ends with: "quelques Peuples auec lesquels ils"
There is still another edition of this _Relation_ in which the matter
was reset entirely, and in which the text-page is much larger than
in the one described above. Pilling (_Bibliography of the Iroquoian
Languages_, p. 18) describes the British Museum copy, and the
following collation is based on his very careful account of it.
_Collation_ (H. 66). Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; "Table des
Chapitres," pp. (2); Le Jeune's _Relation_, pp. 1-199; Brébeuf's Huron
_Relation_, pp. 1-164.
Copies of H. 65 may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (two
variations), Harvard, Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private),
Archives of St. Mary's College (Montreal), and the British Museum. The
Barlow copy (1889), no. 1276, sold for $17.50. Priced by Harrassowitz
(1882), no. 23, at 125 marks. Copies of H. 66 are in the British
Museum, and in the Bibliothèque Nationale (imperfect). We know of no
example in America.
NOTES TO VOL. VIII
(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of
English text._)
1 (p. 9).--Concerning the increase of French colonists at this time,
see vol. vii., _note_ 8.
2 (p. 13).--_Pemptegoüs_: one of numerous variants of the name
Penobscot (often mentioned by Lescarbot and Biard as Pentegoët).
Specific reference is here made to the peninsula of Matchebiguatus
(contracted later to Bagaduce), the site of the present Castine, at
the mouth of Penobscot River (see vol. ii., _note_ 6). It was visited
by Champlain in 1604, and by John Smith, twelve years later. From that
time, it was more or less frequented by English fishing vessels; and,
in 1630, the Plymouth Company established here a post for traffic with
the Indians. It is this trading station to which Le Jeune refers; in
1635, it was taken for the French by Charles d'Aulnay de Charnisay, a
lieutenant of the Commander de Razilly.
The family of Razilly (Razilli or Rasilly), of Touraine, was one of
rank, ability, and renown. Early in the seventeenth century it was
represented mainly by three brothers--François, who in 1612 undertook,
with Daniel de la Touche de la Ravardière, to found a French colony
at Maranham, in Brazil; Claude, seigneur de Launay, who also went to
Maranham--this colony being destroyed by the Portuguese in 1615; and
Isaac, a chevalier of Malta, and commander of the isle Bouchard. All of
these men held positions of honor and responsibility in the court, the
army, or the navy. François served later as field marshal in the army,
and was also sent as ambassador to Savoy. Guérin says that Claude and
Isaac became two of the most skillful and renowned seamen of their age;
they were commanders of squadrons, and even admirals, in many important
naval contests. A memoir relating to "colonies, in view of the increase
in the maritime power of France," was presented (1626) by Isaac de
Razilly to Richelieu, to which Guérin ascribes much influence in
securing the formation of the Company of New France, in the following
year.
Isaac was one of the Hundred Associates, and after 1628 was their
naval commander. In the spring of 1629, the company, hearing that
Kirk's expedition was about to set out from England, prepared a fleet,
loaded with supplies for the suffering colonists at Quebec. Orders were
given that some of the vessels should sail directly from Dieppe or
La Rochelle for Canada, leaving the rest to go later, under Razilly.
These orders were neglected, so that, instead of reaching Quebec by
the end of May, and thus affording timely aid to Champlain, the ships
waited for Razilly--whose commission for Canada was, however, revoked
upon the conclusion of the peace of Susa (April 24, 1629), and he was
instead sent to Morocco. The vessels finally set sail from La Rochelle,
but were delayed by bad weather, thus failing to reach Quebec before
its capture by Kirk. The ship commanded by De Caen was taken by the
English; that belonging to the Jesuits was wrecked off Canso (see vol.
iv., doc. xix.); and those under Desdames and Joubert made their way
back to France. In the spring of 1630, another expedition was fitted
out by the Company of New France, under Razilly's command, for the
recapture of Canada; but it was not despatched thither, owing to the
promise of Charles I. to restore Quebec to France--an agreement that
was, however, not carried into effect until 1632, because of Louis's
delay in paying the dowry that he had promised with Henrietta Maria,
Charles's queen. Finally, in that year, De Caen was sent to occupy
Quebec for his king. At the same time, Razilly was commissioned to
"put the Company of New France in possession of Port Royal"--for
which purpose he was given an armed ship named "Espérance en Dieu,"
and the sum of 10,000 livres; he was also to take with him three
Capuchin missionaries. The document authorizing this enterprise was
signed by Richelieu March 27, 1632, two days before the treaty of St.
Germain-en-Laye. Razilly's formal commission to receive Port Royal from
the English bears date of May 10 in the same year. These documents are
given by Margry, in _MSS. rel. Nouv. France_, vol. i., pp. 85, 110.
Razilly was appointed governor of Acadia, D'Aulnay and Charles de la
Tour being his lieutenants; he also obtained from the Company of New
France (May 29, 1632) a concession at St. Croix river and bay, 12 by 20
leagues in extent. He established his seat of government at La Hêve. In
January, 1635, was formed an association--headed by Isaac and Claude de
Razilly, and Cardinal Richelieu--to colonize Port Royal and La Hêve.
Isaac de Razilly died in November of that year, and was succeeded
by D'Aulnay as governor of Acadia. Claude de Razilly inherited his
brother's estates, which, with his own interests in Acadia, he
subsequently transferred to D'Aulnay. Harrisse says (_Notes_, p. 57):
"He seems to have died in poverty, about the year 1666--at least, we
have reason to suppose this, from the petition in verse addressed to
the king in 1667, by his sister Marie, a celebrated poetess known as
'Calliope' [1621-1704] to whom Louis XIV. granted a pension of 2,000
livres, in consideration of the straitened circumstances to which she
had been reduced by her brother's losses (Titon du Tillet, _Parnasse
François_, Paris, 1732, fol., p. 487)."
Concerning the Razillys, see Guérin's _Navig. Français_, pp. 313-338;
Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 53-57; and Moreau's _Histoire de l'Acadie
Françoise_ (Paris, 1873), pp. 112-117, 129-144.
3 (p. 13).--Quebec, like the other Canadian provinces, possesses great
mineral wealth. Magnetic and hematite iron ores are abundant; and
a rich vein of chromic iron has recently been found and worked, at
Coleraine. A considerable quantity of copper is also mined in Quebec;
gold to the amount of $260,905 was produced during the years 1877-94;
and in 1894, this province yielded 101,318 ounces of silver. Among
its other important mineral productions are asbestos, phosphates,
petroleum, and building-stones.
Pierre Boucher (governor of Three Rivers in 1653-58 and 1662-67) thus
mentions the mineral products of Canada, in his _Histoire véritable et
natvrelle de la Novvelle France_, (Paris, 1664), chap. i.: "Springs
of salt water have been discovered, from which excellent salt can be
obtained; and there are others, which yield minerals. There is one in
the Iroquois Country, which produces a thick liquid, resembling oil,
and which is used in place of oil for many purposes. There are also
many mines, according to report; I am certain that there are mines of
iron and copper in many places. Various reliable persons have assured
me that there is a great abundance of lead, and that not far from us;
but, as it is along the road by which our Enemies pass, no one has yet
dared to go thither to make its discovery."
4 (p. 15).--In regard to the Canadian policy of the Hundred Associates,
see vol. iv., _notes_ 21, 38; and vol. vii., _note_ 18. Cf. Faillon
(_Col. Fr._, pp. 343-352); he complains that the company, although at
first making some efforts to bring over colonists, soon evaded the
obligations imposed by their charter, and sent to Canada few besides
their own fur-trade employees; that they cleared no land, and only
sent provisions to the colony; that they made concessions (as to
Giffard, Bourdon, and many others) obliging those to whom lands were
given to assume the company's duties of clearing lands, and sending
and supporting colonists--which acts should at the same time inure to
the benefit of the Associates, and be credited to their account, as if
performed by them.
5 (p. 17).--Concerning Duplessis-Bochard, see vol. v., _note_ 34.
6 (p. 19).--Le Jeune states, in the _Relation_ for 1634 (vol. vii. of
this series, p. 229), that this fort was built on St. Croix Island
(see vol. ii., _note_ 66). The island was afterwards known by the name
of the fort. Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 260, _note_)
thus cites Faucher: "The little island below Richelieu, where now is a
light-house, is precisely the same where was formerly situated a fort,
to intercept passage in time of war. The channel adjacent to the island
has been measured, and its greatest width is seven arpents; vessels
generally pass at a distance of three or four arpents from the island.
In all the river, there is no place more suitable for the erection of a
fort. At low tide, no water remains in the channel."
7 (p. 19).--_Metaberoutin_: the Three Rivers (St. Maurice); see vol.
ii., _note_ 52.
8 (p. 45).--Pierre Pijart was born at Paris, May 17, 1608, and, soon
after attaining his majority, became a Jesuit novice. His studies were
successively pursued at Paris, La Flèche, and Caen; and, in July,
1635, he came to Canada. He was at once assigned to the Huron mission,
where he remained five years. In November, 1640, he went with Garnier
to open the Mission of the Holy Apostles among the Tionnontates or
Tobacco Nation. This tribe, however, refused to listen to them; and
within a year they were obliged to abandon this mission for a time.
Pijart was employed at the Ste. Marie residence for some three years.
In September, 1645, he was located at Three Rivers, being mentioned
by Lalemant, in the _Journal des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1871), p. 5, as
"procureur des Hurons." In August, 1650, he returned to France.
9 (p. 47).--Pierre Feauté, a lay brother in the Jesuit order, came to
Canada in the summer of 1635; occasional mention of him in _Journ. des
Jésu._ shows that he was employed in the Jesuit residence of Notre-Dame
des Anges in 1636, and, later, at Quebec. In November, 1651, he made a
voyage to France, whither he seems to have finally returned in October,
1657.
Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 212) cites _Catalogus Provinciæ
Franciæ_ to show that Brother Pierre le Tellier was, toward 1665, in
charge of the _petite école_, or primary department, of the college of
Quebec.
10 (p. 47).--Claude Quentin came to Canada in July, 1635, and was
assigned soon afterwards to the residence of Three Rivers, with Buteux,
where he remained two years. In the summer of 1638, he was sent to the
station at Miscou, returning some time later to Quebec, on account of
ill-health. In the autumn of 1641, he was appointed procuror of the
Canadian missions, occupying this position about six years--during
which time he made several journeys between Canada and France,
apparently making a final return to the latter country Oct. 21, 1647.
11 (p. 47).--François Joseph le Mercier was born at Paris, Oct. 4,
1604, and, at the age of eighteen, entered the Jesuit novitiate.
In 1635, he came to Canada, and labored in the Huron mission
until its destruction; he was at Ossossané in 1641-42, and at Ste.
Marie-on-the-Wye in 1644. In June, 1656, he went, with other Jesuits,
on the mission to the Onondagas, returning to Quebec the following
year. He remained on the St. Lawrence during the rest of his labors in
Canada, being superior of the missions in that province from August,
1653, until 1658, and again from 1665 to 1670. In November, 1659, he
was assigned to a mission at Côte de Beaupré, where he labored nearly
a year, being declared vicar of Quebec in October, 1660. Sommervogel
says that Le Mercier returned to France in 1673, and was then sent to
Martinique as superior of that mission, where he remained until his
death, June 12, 1690.
Le Mercier, as superior, wrote various _Relations_ of the Canadian
missions, which will appear in later volumes of this series. The Hurons
named him Chaüosé; the Iroquois, Teharonhiagannra.
12 (p. 49).--_Echom_ (correctly spelled Echon): see vol. v., _note_ 44.
13 (p. 55).--_Anguien river:_ named for the eldest son of the prince
of Condé, whose titular designation was duke of Anguien, or Enghien,
from the city of that name in Hainault, near Brussels. The nobleman
thus referred to (also mentioned in _Relation_ for 1636, chap. i.)
was later known as "the great Condé;" in 1642, he married a niece of
Richelieu. The last scion of the house of Condé who bore this name was
the unfortunate Louis Antoine, duke of Enghien, court-martialed and
shot at Vincennes, March 21, 1804, by order of Napoleon Bonaparte.
The Anguien River cannot well be identified; the name does not appear
on maps of that time.
14 (p. 59).--_Petite Nation:_ see vol. v., _note_ 56.
15 (p. 61).--Jean de Quen was born at Amiens in May, 1603, and became
a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen. His studies were pursued at
Paris; and he afterwards became a teacher in the colleges at Amiens
(1630-31), and Eu (1632-35). Coming to Canada in the summer of 1635,
he was employed for several years at Quebec--at the college, and at
Notre-Dame de Récouvrance. In 1640, he was at Sillery, of which mission
he was the head from 1641 to 1649. During this time, he also made
evangelizing journeys to neighboring tribes: and, at times, labored
in the Ste. Croix mission at Tadoussac, and at Three Rivers. In June,
1651, he went on a mission to the Oumaniwek tribe, and apparently spent
the ensuing two years in labors with this and other tribes on the upper
Saguenay, with his headquarters at Tadoussac. To him is ascribed the
honor of having, while engaged in this work, discovered Lake St. John.
In 1655-56, he was superior of the missions of New France, and seems to
have remained at Quebec until his death, which occurred Oct. 1, 1659,
occasioned by a contagious fever brought on a French vessel, whose sick
and dying sailors De Quen was nursing at the hospital.
In August, 1878, the demolition of the old Jesuit College at
Quebec brought to light the remains of De Quen, Du Peron, and Jean
Liégeois. For detailed accounts of this discovery and its attendant
circumstances, with valuable historical information regarding this and
other buildings in that city, see Faucher de Saint-Maurice's _Relation
des fouilles dans le Collège des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1879); also
Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 225-227, 456-465.
16 (p. 61).--Concerning these Turkish pirates, and others, see vol.
iv., _note_ 29.
17 (p. 65).--André Richard (here written Antoine, apparently by some
error), born Nov. 23, 1600 (or 1599), became a Jesuit, Sept. 26, 1621,
at Paris. A student successively at Paris, La Flèche, and Rouen, he was
a teacher at Amiens (1624-26), Orleans (1626-28), Caen (1629-30), and
Nevers (1631-33). In February, 1634, he departed for Canada, and, with
Perrault, was stationed at Cape Breton, replacing Daniel and Davost.
Richard remained at this mission about six years, being then sent to
Miscou as a co-worker with Jean d'Olbeau, who had gone there in the
preceding year; the latter fell ill with scurvy in December, 1642,
and, afflicted with paralysis resulting therefrom, he was obliged to
leave for France in the following summer--dying, however, while on the
voyage, through an accidental explosion of powder, which destroyed the
ship.
In 1646, Richard was joined by De Lyonne; and he remained on the coast
of Gaspe--during most of the time, at Miscou--until 1661, making
voyages to France in 1658 and 1659. According to Dionne ("Miscou,"
in _Canada-Français_, July, 1889), he spent the year 1661-62 at
Chedabouctou in Acadia, after which he went back to France. Returning
to Canada in 1666, he became superior of the Jesuit residence at Three
Rivers; he is said to have died in 1696.
18 (p. 65).--Charles Turgis was born at Rouen, Oct. 14, 1606, and
became a Jesuit as soon as he attained his majority. He studied at La
Fléche and Clermont, and was a teacher in the former college during
two years. In 1635, he arrived in Canada, and was sent to Miscou with
Du Marché, to minister to the French (then 23 in number) residing at
that post. The climate of Miscou, although now salubrious, seems to
have been, at that early time, full of danger to Europeans; the island
was repeatedly swept by the scurvy, which was usually fatal. The
missionaries soon became its victims; Du Marché was compelled to return
to France, and Turgis, although more robust, and longer resisting the
disease, was laid low by it in March, 1637, dying on May 4. An account
of his illness and death is given in the _Relation_ for that year,
which says of him: "He was equally regretted by the French and by the
Savages, who honored and tenderly loved him."
19 (p. 65).--Charles du Marché was assigned to the Miscou station at
the same time as Turgis (1635), the missionary residence being named
St. Charles. Within a year of their arrival, Du Marché was attacked
by the prevalent scourge of that region--the _mal du terre_, or
scurvy--and was compelled to return to Quebec. Here he remained a few
months, being employed at the chapel as confessor; in August, 1636, he
was aiding Buteux at Three Rivers; later, he returned to France.
20 (p. 67).--Concerning Jean Liégeois, see vol. vii., _note_ 7.
Gilbert Burel, a lay brother, had come to Canada with the first Jesuit
missionaries (1625), and again, with Le Jeune, in 1632. The latter
mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does not
occur in the _Relations_, excepting in this passage in our text.
21 (p. 69).--_Sonontoerrhonons_, also variously written Entouhonorons
(Champlain), Sonnontouans, Tsonnontouans: the westernmost and also
the largest of the five Iroquois tribes or cantons; by early Dutch
writers called Sennecas or Sinnekens, by the English Senecas, and among
themselves Nun-dá-wa-o-nó (Morgan) or Nan-do-wah-gaah (Marshall).
The latter writer says that the name Sonnontouan is derived from the
Seneca words _onondah_, "hill," and _go waah_, "great,"--"the people
of the great hill," alluding to Boughton Hill, where was located their
principal village, Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah (or Gandagaro); and that "Seneca"
is a corruption of Nan-do-wah-gaah.--See his pamphlet, _First visit of
De la Salle to the Senecas_ [Buffalo, 1874], p. 44.
Beauchamp, in his "Origin and Early life of the N. Y. Iroquois,"
_Transactions of Oneida Hist. Society_, 1887-89, (Oneida, N. Y.,
1889), p. 124, derives the Senecas "from the Eries, perhaps within
historic times. That the Senecas differed from the other Iroquois, in
religious observances, totems and clans, habits of life, and other
things, is very clear." He also writes, in a recent letter: "The
Senecas always had two great villages, and were probably at first a
minor confederacy--the two branches being clearly distinguished in
all historic times, and even now. Among the leading founders of the
League they had two great chiefs where the others had but one, in every
account. In the last half of the seventeenth century, the two great
Seneca towns, "held by their two branches, were at Mendon, and at
Boughton Hill, Victor. In 1660, the easternmost Seneca village was 20
miles west of Geneva, and all were comprised within a very few miles."
Their villages are shown on J.S. Clark's map of "Seneca Castles and
Mission Sites," in Hawley's "Early Chapters in Seneca History," _Cayuga
Co. Hist. Collections_, No. 3, (Auburn, N. Y., 1884); see also his
note identifying their sites, pp. 25, 26. This paper is a careful and
minute account of the Jesuit missions among the Senecas (1656-84),
with valuable annotations by both Hawley and Clark. The chief Seneca
villages in recent times were near the sites of the present Geneva,
Canandaigua, Lima, and Avon.
22 (p. 71).--This chief, La Perdrix, is mentioned also in the
_Relation_ for 1634. In regard to the Island tribe, see vol. v., _note_
57.