When we learn that these quotations are brought forward as s

Transcribed from the 1850 Francis & John Rivington edition by David

Price, email ccx074@pglaf.org

LONDON:

GILBERT & RIVINGTON, PRINTERS,

ST. JOHN’S SQUARE.

* * * * *

AN

ESSAY

ON

PAPAL INFALLIBILITY.

* * * * *

BY THE VENERABLE

JOHN SINCLAIR M.A.

ARCHDEACON OF MIDDLESEX,

AND VICAR OF KENSINGTON.

* * * * *

LONDON:

FRANCIS & JOHN RIVINGTON,

ST. PAUL’S CHURCH YARD, AND WATERLOO PLACE.

1850.

* * * * *

ON PAPAL INFALLIBILITY.

“Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation: so that

whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to

be required of any man, that it should be believed as an article of

the faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation.”—_Sixth

Article of Religion_.

“As we deny not those things that are written, so we refuse those

that are not written.”—_Jerome_. {1}

“The Spirit of God, therefore, is the only infallible judge here; and

has declared as plainly as any successive judges can, in those things

that are necessary to life and salvation, what is to be believed and

to be done; which if we believe and practise in particular, and do

also in general, and implicitly believe and stand in a readiness to

obey the rest of the Scripture, when the sense thereof appears to us,

we are in a safe condition, and need not doubt but it will go well

with us in the other state.”—_Works of Henry More_, pp. 453, 454.

EVERY reflecting Christian, as soon almost as he is capable of

reflection, must have continual occasion to observe with sorrow and

anxiety the multiplied varieties of opinion that divide the Church of

Christ, on every point or article of Christian faith; the confidence with

which every sect lays claim exclusively to the possession of saving

knowledge, and the unqualified severity with which each party reprobates

the other, as being implicated in unpardonable heresy. On hearing (and

who can escape hearing?) the fulmination of these mutual anathemas, we

not only grieve for the state of dreadful peril in which, if we admit

such principles, a large proportion of our neighbours, friends, and

fellow Christians must be involved: but we grieve likewise on our own

account. We are visited with doubts, misgivings, and apprehensions, lest

we ourselves, through ignorance or prejudice, should have adopted

unawares into our creed some article containing deadly error; or should

have omitted something indispensable to salvation.

In this state of intellectual and spiritual perplexity, if we want the

Christian industry and moral courage to work out for ourselves, by the

help of God, this greatest of all problems, we are in a state of passive

readiness to receive counsel from the first adviser. Among the multitude

of counsellors who present themselves, none is more importunately

obtrusive, or more dictatorially confident than the Romanist; and I

propose, for the subject of this essay, to examine successively the

remedies and expedients he suggests for calming our disquietude, and

restoring our religious peace.

He informs us that our state of mind is the necessary consequence of

adhering to a Protestant communion; and that we never can obtain repose

and satisfaction until we enter the Catholic Church—until, with the other

wandering sheep dispersed over the forbidden pastures of the earth, we

return with humble penitence to the fold which we have left; until, in

short, we renounce all dependence on the conclusions of uncertain reason,

and establish our Faith for ever upon the dictates of infallibility.

“That there must,” he adds, “be some where upon earth an infallible

living judge, an arbiter of religious controversy incapable of error, an

authority from whose decision on points of faith there can be no appeal,

is a plain and obvious principle, which, on proper reflection, you will

find impossible to be rejected. Not to insist on arguments from

Scripture, although sufficiently conclusive, and capable in themselves of

proving that such an arbiter has been appointed, there are independent

considerations in favour of infallibility which ought to satisfy every

reasonable mind: for the wise Creator of man would never grant a

revelation to his creatures, and then leave them to the direction of

their own erring judgment in ascertaining the truths revealed. The

benevolent Creator of man must know that man is fallible; that he needs

indispensably a conductor; and that without some infallible conductor the

benefits of revelation would be doubtful and precarious. But if

infallibility exist at all in the Church, it must exist in the Papal

communion, which alone makes the least pretension to the privilege.

Therefore, only reconcile yourself to our infallibly directed Church, and

you will no longer find occasion for uneasiness. You will be guided

safely through all the mazes of theological disputation. Instead of

being ‘tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine’

{3a} on a shoreless ocean of uncertainty and error, you will repose with

comfort and unruffled calm in the quiet haven of infallibility.”

On the promulgation of these assurances our disquietude would at once be

tranquillized, if we could but persuade ourselves that the promise of

infallible direction, would be as certainly fulfilled, as it is

confidently made. But here lies the difficulty. The assertions of our

Romish counsellor are bold, but the principle from which he argues is

fallacious. The assumed principle, that the human mind is capable of

prejudging what conduct the Creator must pursue towards his creatures, or

of pre-determining what benefits he must bestow, is incompatible with our

nature, and irreconcilable with experience. {3b} We may perhaps admit,

that if infallibility be found at all in the Church, it must be found in

that branch which alone pretends to the privilege: but are we warranted

to conclude that God must have granted this extraordinary privilege,

merely because we think it likely, or proper, or desirable, that He

should grant it? Can we safely infer, in any case, that God _must_ have

done what we think it right that He should do; and make this inference

independently of all proof, that He has actually done so? Is it not

dictatorial, and hazardous in the last degree, to determine by abstract

reasonings, what line of conduct it would be proper for an all-perfect,

and all-wise Being to adopt, till evidence appear that He has really

adopted it? We may indeed rest assured, in general, that God will do

nothing arbitrary or irrational; but how often and how fatally should we

be misled, did we venture to predict that a certain course of Divine

action is alone rational, benevolent, and just—and, therefore, _must_

have been the course actually followed by the Almighty! If we admit this

mode of reasoning, and hazard speculations of this kind, we should

certainly think it reasonable, that if God created sensitive beings, He

would make infallible provision against every error or mistake, which

might render them liable to fall from a state of holiness into a state of

guilt and misery. We should think it further reasonable for Him to cause

those most essential truths of religion, his own existence and

perfections, to rest on evidence infallible and demonstrative; so as to

preclude all doubt or hesitation in the most sceptical inquirer. Or, (to

suppose another case,) in disputed questions of political importance

among nations, since war and bloodshed cannot otherwise be prevented, we

should think it reasonable for Him to appoint some great judge of

international law, by whom all differences might infallibly be

determined, and the blessings of tranquillity and peace secured to all

the kingdoms of the earth.

But God has not fulfilled these expectations, though to all appearance

highly reasonable. He has left both men and angels to the freedom of

their own wills; and has created them not only capable of abusing that

gift of freedom, but of involving themselves in sin and wickedness, and

in everlasting ruin. He has afforded no infallible, no demonstrative

evidence of his own existence and perfections; but has left mankind to

ascertain these fundamental truths from principles of abstract reason,

and by reflections on the works of nature and of Providence. He permits

contending nations to decide their quarrels by an appeal to arms: and

notwithstanding all the mischiefs consequent upon war, has not thought

fit to make that effectual provision against this widely desolating

source of evil, which our human wisdom, if appealed to, would probably

have suggested; namely, the appointment of an unerring and authoritative

arbiter. We are, therefore, not entitled to argue that God in his

kingdom of grace must unquestionably have pursued a course, which, in his

kingdom of Providence, He has not pursued; nor to maintain that to

silence all religious controversies, He must indispensably have had

recourse to an expedient which, in political disputes, He has neglected.

We are not entitled to infer, that He must necessarily have determined,

by the authority of an infallible judge, the less essential truths of

religion; when He has left the fundamental truths of all, to be

determined by our own erring reason. We are not entitled to infer, that

the Creator of men must have made infallible provision against their

falling into heresy or “believing a lie,” and thus frustrating the means

for their restoration to a state of holiness and happiness; when He made

no provision of that kind against their fall. {5}

But granting to our Romanist adviser that his representations were as

sound as they are fallacious; still they could only lead us to a

probable, and never to an infallible conclusion. The strength of the

building must be proportionate to the solidity of its foundation. If our

faith in the supposed infallible arbiter is to be founded on the validity

and force of the arguments and conjectures which have been stated; our

faith in the decisions of that arbiter cannot be greater than our faith

in the arguments and conjectures which support his infallibility. Since

these proofs, at the very utmost, are any thing but demonstrations, and

are only probabilities, we cannot under any circumstances have more than

probability to guide us: and we therefore end as we began, and our

disquietude even on our admission of an unerring judge, remains exactly

as before. Our Romish advocate, however, is not discomfited. He

proceeds to affirm that the pretensions of his Church are supported by

analogy. He reminds us that the Church of God, under the Jewish

dispensation, was directed by an infallible human authority; and that the

same high privilege, being equally wanted, might be equally expected in

the Christian œconomy. He quotes for this purpose those magnificent

assurances of God’s peculiar favour and protection, to be found

throughout the books of Moses and of the prophets; and relies especially

on the remarkable rule established by the legislator of Israel to this

effect: “If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment, thou

shalt come unto the Priests, the Levites, and unto the Judge that shall

be in those days, and inquire, and they shall show thee the sentence of

judgment. And the man that will do presumptuously, and will not hearken

unto the Priest, or unto the Judge, even that man shall die.” {6}

To this argument from analogy we may reply, that the alleged fact on

which the analogy depends, is unfounded. The Jewish Church was not

infallible. The evidence adduced to prove it so is totally inadequate;

and unanswerable evidence may be brought forward to prove it otherwise.

With respect to the text in question, it has not the remotest connexion

with matters of faith: it relates entirely to matters of civil

government. The introductory words of the passage, if quoted fairly, and

at full length, must satisfy every reader, that they apply only to

secular litigation: that what is here enjoined by the Mosaic law is

submission to the legal magistrate, not assent to any article of Faith:

that the contumacy here forbidden under penalty of death, was not heresy

but rebellion; not obstinate error, but obstinate disobedience. “If

there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment, _between blood and

blood_, _between plea and plea_, _and between stroke and stroke_, _&c._”

{7a}—an evident reference this to civil litigation.

Besides, however encouraging the language of the Jewish Scripture

respecting God’s “everlasting kindness” to his “chosen people,” we know

on the authority of their own historians, that they went continually

wrong. Even in the days of undoubted divine interposition we read that

“the people corrupted themselves, and turned aside quickly out of the way

which God commanded them.” {7b} “Aaron” (their supposed infallible

guide) “made a golden calf, and they said, These be thy gods, O Israel,

which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt:” again, we are informed

concerning Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, that “he took counsel, and made

two calves of gold, and said unto them, It is too much for you to go up

to Jerusalem, behold thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee up out of the

land of Egypt.” {7c} Further, it is recorded of Elijah, that he

complained of the Church of Israel, as if it had entirely apostatized and

disappeared from the earth. He exclaims in his address to God, “The

children of Israel have forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thine altars,

and slain thy prophets with the sword; and I, even I only am left.” We

read of Ahab that he gathered his prophets together, about four hundred

men, and that there was only one individual, Micaiah, “a prophet of the

Lord.” {7d} Jeremiah laments over his corrupt times, exclaiming, “A

wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the land: the Prophets

prophesy falsely, and the Priests bear rule through their means; and my

people love to have it so.” {7e} Isaiah complains of the Jewish

priesthood in his time, under the figurative name of “watchmen,” that

they were “blind,” that they were all “ignorant shepherds that could not

understand.” {7f} But finally, to omit many less remarkable instances of

error and apostasy, our blessed Saviour Himself was condemned by the

Jewish Church and crucified. Since therefore the Jewish Church was not

infallible, the argument from analogy, whatever value our Romish friend

may attach to it, is all distinctly on our side. If previous to the

Christian æra no unerring director was appointed, none may be appointed

now.

The next resource of our ingenious disputant is to affirm, that unless

the Church possessed infallibility we could have no certain nor

infallible belief of the Scriptures, for which his Church is our

authority. To this sophism we can easily reply, by corresponding cases.

The copyists and librarians who have preserved to us the Greek and Latin

classics are not, on that account, infallible expositors of classical

antiquity. Supposing, therefore, that we are exclusively indebted to

Romanism for transmitting to us the sacred oracles, it does not follow

that Romanists interpret them infallibly. It happens also,

(unfortunately for Romanist pretensions,) that we are not indebted to any

local tradition, such as that of the Church of Rome, for the preservation

of the canonical books of Scripture; but to the universal tradition of

Christendom. Perhaps we are more under obligation to the Greek than to

the Latin Church; both because the writings of the New Testament were

originally in Greek, and because the chief authorities to prove their

genuineness and authenticity, as well as the earliest enumerations of

them are not Romish, but oriental productions. {8}

It thus appears that infallibility is not demonstrable by abstract

reasonings and analogies, but must be proved, if it be proved at all, by

direct evidence. To evidence of this latter description we readily give

attention, and request our Romanist to inform us what he has to offer in

the shape of an explicit promise from God to support the claims of the

Romish Church. At the same time we give him warning, that before he can

satisfy our minds, he must lay before us full and categorical information

on the following particulars: namely,

1. By what organ the infallible oracles of Rome are delivered.

2. By what evidence the claim to infallibility, as existing in that

organ, is established; and

3. On what security we can rely, that our own fallible reason will not

mistake nor misconceive the doctrine propounded for our belief.

Our desire of satisfaction on these points is not expressed in any

captious spirit, but is suggested by the necessity of the case. For if

we cannot infallibly discover in what person or persons infallibility

resides; if the Romanist cannot prove to us by infallible arguments, that

infallibility belongs to the person or persons for whom he claims it; and

if further, we cannot obtain from our instructor in Romanism some

infallible security that we shall understand the doctrines proposed to

us: it plainly follows that the infallibility he so pertinaciously

insists upon, must be to us a matter of indifference, attended with no

one practical result. Our doubts and perplexities will continue

unresolved, and we shall be compelled to seek some other guide to the

peace and certainty we so anxiously desiderate.

But unhappily in all these respects the promises of our Romish advocate,

the more they are examined, appear the more unstable and unsafe. For

first of all, when we inquire by what _organ_ the infallible oracles are

promulgated; he is obliged to acknowledge, that this important point has

been for ages a subject of much dispute, and a question very far from

being yet infallibly determined. Various are the conflicting

authorities, the whole of which it would be needless, or perhaps

impossible to enumerate. {9} Some learned Romanists are of opinion that

infallibility is lodged in the Roman Pontiff, as successor to St. Peter:

others of equal learning are inclined to place it in a general Council: a

third party, not conceiving that a Pope or Council singly is infallible,

ascribe infallibility to both in conjunction: and fourthly, there are not

wanting numerous and learned authorities who insist that even the decrees

of a general Council, ratified by the Pope, are not to be accounted

infallible, until they have been received by the Church Universal.

This explanation is very far from satisfactory: for we thus perceive,

(according to the avowal of Romanists themselves,) our liability to

continual mistakes and misapprehensions respecting the real quarter where

infallible direction can be found. If we take a Pope or Council singly

for our guide, we have no security for avoiding deadly heresy; for a Pope

or Council singly may be heretical. On the other hand, if we study to

avoid this danger by attaching our faith exclusively to a Pope and

Council in conjunction, (that is, to the decree of a general Council

ratified by Papal sanction,) we fall into another danger, and may reject

or omit some necessary doctrine, to which a Pope or Council singly has

affixed the seal of infallibility.

This admitted uncertainty as to the quarter of the earth towards which we

are to look for infallible guidance, is a ground of fair presumption,

perhaps even of demonstration, that infallibility is in no quarter to be

found. For the very object of infallibility is the removal of all doubt;

but doubt can never be removed while the question, who is the remover of

it, remains unfixed, and impossible to be decided. To receive assurances

the most positive and solemn, that all our doubts shall be resolved; and

yet to be told that the authority for resolving them is doubtful, is to

use a cruel mode of trifling with our simplicity. For it has been long

and painfully remarked, as the reproach of Romanists, that, on their

principles, the greatest controversy among Christians is, how to fix the

organ by which, or by whom, controversies shall be unerringly determined.

{10}

Finding ourselves disappointed that this great question, in what place

the infallible oracle resides, remains still in agitation, we next

entreat our Papal adviser to explain the grounds on which the several

parties he has mentioned claim the lofty privilege ascribed to them. And

since a living judge, sitting constantly in one spot, and therefore

always ready to be consulted, is incomparably more desirable as the organ

of unerring truth, than an assembly of divines, whom it is often

difficult to call together; we are all attention, waiting eagerly to hear

in the first place the claims of the Roman Pontiff, and to receive, if

possible, such clear and convincing arguments for Pontifical

infallibility, that henceforward we shall be able to rely upon it with

infallible assurance.

In compliance with this request, our Papal guide adduces what he

considers evidence from Scripture, and rests the Papal cause upon the

following declarations of our Lord. First, “Thou art Peter, and upon

this rock I will build my church;” secondly, “I will give unto thee the

keys of the kingdom of Heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth

shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall

be loosed in heaven;” thirdly, “I have prayed that thy faith fail not;”

and lastly, “Feed my sheep.” {11}

When we learn that these quotations are brought forward as sufficient

grounds for establishing an infallible assurance of Papal infallibility,

our first impression is of surprise: and our surprise increases into

amazement, the more we try to follow our guide, and to rest an infallible

assurance upon reasons so uncertain and precarious. There is throughout

the texts quoted, no mention of the Roman Pontiff whatever, nor any

distinct allusion to the subject of infallibility. It therefore seems

extremely difficult to comprehend how any reasoning man should thence

infer that the Pontiff is infallible. But here we are next given to

understand that his Holiness, as successor to St. Peter, inherits all the

privileges of St. Peter; and that what our Saviour promised to that

Apostle was not promised to him personally, but to his successors in all

ages. Yet, on examining the authorities again, we find no warrant for

the conclusion asserted. There is nothing to assure us infallibly,

nothing which would even lead us to suspect that our Lord looked further

than to the Apostle himself, or conferred upon him any privilege not

shared in common with his brethren. Our Saviour’s prayer that the faith

of Peter might not fail, and his subsequent restoration of him to the

Apostolic office by the thrice repeated charge of “Feed my sheep,” have

obvious reference to the character and conduct of that disciple—at one

time an apostate, afterwards an accepted penitent. They can relate to no

other person, and to no other circumstances. And “it is absurd,” as

Bishop Stillingfleet observes, “to infer an impossibility in the Pope of

falling, from a promise to St. Peter of recovery” and restoration. {12a}

Again, the promise, “whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound

in heaven,” {12b} conveys no peculiar advantage or pre-eminence to St.

Peter; for the very same power is conveyed afterwards by our Lord Himself

to the whole number of the Apostles. “Receive ye the Holy Ghost: whose

soever sins _ye_ remit, they are remitted unto them; and whose soever

sins _ye_ retain, they are retained.” {12c} In respect to the privilege

with which that promise is introduced, “I give unto thee the keys of the

kingdom of heaven,” if these words really have any meaning distinct from

the power already mentioned of binding and loosing, they refer

prophetically to St. Peter, as the person by whose instrumentality the

gates of the Church would be opened to mankind. And accordingly with one

key the Apostle, on the day of Pentecost, opened the gate of the Church

to the believing Jews and proselytes, when by the sermon which he

preached at Jerusalem he converted about three thousand souls; and with

the other key he afterwards opened the gate of the Church to Cornelius

and his friends, who were the first Gentile converts. {13a}

The declaration, “Thou art Peter, and upon this rock {13b} I will build

my church,” is a text of very ambiguous meaning, and cannot therefore be

the ground of infallible assurance. We have no means of clearly

ascertaining whether our Lord refers to the person of St. Peter as a

foundation for the Church, or to the confession of St. Peter made in the

preceding verse. “Thou art the Christ the Son of the living God.” A

large proportion of the fathers, including Hilary, Chrysostom, Theodoret,

Theophylact, and Augustin, {13c} understood our Saviour’s declaration as

referring solely to the confession of Faith made so distinctly and so

zealously by the Apostle. The text itself seems evidently to require the

interpretation. To speak strictly, Christ Himself is the sole foundation

of the Christian Church; and an Apostle could only be so in a secondary

sense. In this secondary sense, however, the Church is not founded upon

St. Peter only in particular, but on the Apostolic college in general; as

St. Paul more than once affirmed. “Ye are built,” he says to the

Ephesians, “upon the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself being

the chief corner stone.” {13d} “Other foundation,” he says to the

Corinthians, “can no man lay.” {13e} And again, addressing the Church of

Corinth, (when the same inspired writer reckons up the different

gradations of Christian ministers,) he does not mention St. Peter first,

as nearer the foundation than any other member of the Apostolic college;

but speaks of the whole body in the following general terms; “God hath

set some in his Church, first Apostles, secondarily prophets, thirdly

teachers.” {13f} The Revelations of St. John describe in like manner the

wall of the holy city, as having “twelve foundations, and in them the

names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb.” {14a}

There is not a vestige therefore of scriptural evidence, much less an

infallible demonstration, that the successors of St. Peter, whoever they

may be, are possessed of infallibility. And supposing his successors to

be infallible, there is not the slightest scriptural ground for believing

that his successors are the Bishops of Rome. On this point, so vitally

essential to the Papal cause, the sacred writings are wholly silent.

They indeed inform us that this Apostle preached at Jerusalem, at

Cæsarea, at Joppa, and at Antioch, but they no where even intimate that

he ever was at Rome: still less therefore can we expect them to affirm

that he was local Bishop of that See; and least of all, that the Roman

Bishops (in preference to the Bishops in other churches of which he was

the founder,) were heirs of his peculiar privileges; and along with other

Apostolic privileges, inherited infallibility, while they lost the gifts

of miracles and of tongues. {14b}

The absence of proofs from Scripture in favour of the Papal claims, is by

no means compensated by a plenitude of evidence from antiquity. In

ancient times the pretension to infallibility, instead of being

universally acknowledged, was not even alleged. It was never so much as

mentioned. Churches and Fathers, in the primitive age, on occasions of

their dissenting from the Roman Pontiff, so far from yielding reverently

and implicitly to his opinions, openly contested them like those of any

other bishop, metropolitan, or patriarch. Nay, they even sometimes

excommunicated their infallible superior. {14c} The Roman Pontiff, on

the other hand, so far from crushing opposition by the verdict of

infallibility, endeavoured always to support his doctrine by the

authority of Scripture, of reason, or of antiquity. When appeals were

made to him by disputants in a later age, it was never stated or imagined

to be their ground of selecting him as their arbiter, that his decision

would be infallible; but only that he merited such a tribute of respect,

either in consideration of his private character, as a wise, just, and

holy individual, or by virtue of his official rank as bishop of the

imperial city. {15a}

When Byzantium was raised to the same imperial eminence, by the name of

Constantinople, or New Rome, the Byzantine Patriarch was declared by the

second general council held A.D. 381, to be of equal dignity with his

Roman brother. Precedence only, or nominal priority, was reserved to the

episcopate of the more ancient capital. This reservation was confirmed

A.D. 451, by the fourth general council held at Chalcedon; in the decrees

of which the reason given for this nominal priority of Old over New Rome

is merely political, and has nothing to do with spiritual concerns. “The

Fathers,” say the members of this later council (referring to their

predecessors), “have justly assigned the eldership to the seat of elder

Rome—on account of the kingly or imperial authority of that city (_διὰ τὸ

βασιλεύειν τὴν πόλιν ἐκείνην_), and they have assigned equal privileges

(_τὰ ἴσα πρέσβεια_) to New Rome, rationally judging that the city which

was honoured by the imperial power and by the residence of the Senate,

and which enjoyed equal privileges with Royal Rome, its elder sister,

should, like her, be exalted in ecclesiastical rank.” (_πόλιν καὶ τῶν

ἴσων ἀπολαύουσαν πρεσβείων τῇ πρεσβυτέρα βασιλίδι Ῥώμης_.) {15b}

That the Roman Bishops were never allowed to arrogate infallibility by

the ancient Church is further evident from the fact, that they were not

allowed even to claim supreme jurisdiction. The Patriarch of Rome had no

ecclesiastical authority beyond certain provinces and churches termed

suburbicary (_ecclesiæ suburbicariæ_), including, at the most, certain

districts of Italy, together with the adjacent islands. {16a} The other

four Patriarchs (of Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem,)

were entirely independent of their Roman colleague, and of each other.

When John, Patriarch of Constantinople, towards the close of the sixth

century, put forth a claim to supreme and universal rule in the Church,

encouraged in this insolent pretension by the residence of the emperor

within the limits of his See—the Popes of that period, Pelagius and

Gregory the Great, resisted with great energy his pretensions; not

however as interfering with their own supremacy, but as being in

themselves presumptuous and anti-Christian. “Pay no attention,” says

Pelagius, “to the power which he unlawfully usurps under the name of

universality. Let no patriarch ever apply to himself so profane a title.

You may foresee, my dearest brethren, the mischievous consequences from

such beginnings of perverseness among the priesthood. For he

(_antichrist_) is near, of whom it is written that he maketh himself king

over all the sons of pride.” {16b} “No one of my predecessors,” says

Gregory the successor of Pelagius, “ever thought of using so profane an

appellation; for if one Patriarch assumes the title of universal, it is

lost to all the others. But far, very far be it from the mind of a

Christian, to grasp at any thing by which he may appear in any the

slightest measure to derogate from the honour of his brethren.” {17a} In

another passage he thus energetically addresses his overbearing fellow

patriarch; “What wilt thou say to Christ, the Head of the Universal

Church, in the trial of the last judgment, who, by the appellation of

Universal, dost endeavour to subject all his members to thyself? Whom, I

pray, dost thou mean to imitate in so perverse a word, but Him, who,

despising the legions of angels, constituted in fellowship with Him,

endeavoured to break forth unto the height of singularity, that He might

both be subject to none, and alone be over all? Who also said, ‘I will

ascend into heaven, and will exalt my throne above the stars.’—For what

are thy brethren, all the Bishops of the Universal Church, but the stars

of heaven, to whom, while by this haughty word thou desirest to prefer

thyself, and to trample on their name in comparison with thyself; what

dost thou say, but I will climb into heaven?” In other places he brands

the titles which John had assumed, as “pompous,” “foolish,” “proud,”

“perverse,” “wicked,” and “profane:” as names of “singularity,”

“elation,” “vanity,” and “blasphemy.” He insists that there was “one

sole Head of the Church, viz. Christ,” and sums up all with this strong

prophetic denunciation: “I may confidently declare, that whenever any man

styles himself, or desires to be styled, universal priest, such a man, by

so exalting himself, becomes forerunner of antichrist, because by pride

he sets himself above his brethren.” {17b}

The attempts which have been made to reconcile the indignant language of

Pelagius and Gregory, with the usurped prerogatives of their successors,

by ingeniously exaggerating the pretensions of the Eastern Patriarch, are

utterly ineffectual. Indeed, if evidence were required to prove that the

assumptions of the Papacy in the present day are not inferior to those of

the Patriarch of the East, we need not go farther in quest of such

evidence than the Papal Brief of September last. For we do not read that

John of Constantinople ever ventured of his own will and pleasure to

extinguish two ancient archiepiscopal sees, together with the whole

diocesan Episcopate of both provinces. We do not read that John ever had

the hardihood to abolish all the Constitutions and Canons, however

ancient, of an independent National Church, and to substitute for them

the _jus commune_, or common law of Constantinople. We do not read that

John ever presumed to grant territorial designations, and titles of

honour, to his own nominees, contrary to the civil constitution of a

powerful and independent kingdom, within which those titles and dignities

were to be assumed. On the contrary, we know that John, so far from

perpetrating aggressions on the prerogatives of foreign sovereigns, was

entirely subordinate to the civil power of his own country, and depended

solely on the favour and authority of the emperor for the support of his

assumptions. And yet Pius the IXth ventures to do what John of

Constantinople never even attempted; and has shut his eyes to the fact

that he has thereby exposed himself to the anathemas of his infallible

predecessors. Strong language has been used, (on some occasions too

strong,) by a justly indignant people in reprobation of his presumption;

but however strong that language may be, it has not as yet approached the

acrimony of the expressions used by Pelagius and Gregory the Great on far

inferior provocation.

We have seen that Scripture and antiquity are utterly irreconcilable with

the pretensions of the Papal chair. We may now adduce the moral

character of the Pontiffs themselves, as a fair ground of presumption

that they have not the privilege of infallibility. If indeed we could be

satisfied from history that they had all, or most of them, in long

succession, been pious and holy and exemplary men, in a degree beyond the

ordinary standard of Christian excellence; that they had been rich in

faith and in good works; that they had been exalted models of

disinterested beneficence, of real purity, and almost ascetic moderation;

men whose affections were fixed unquestionably upon the glory and

felicity of the heavenly state, to the exclusion of all concern for mere

earthly interests, and the little vanities of secular ambition:—we might

have been disposed to scrutinize with less distrust the claims of such

truly virtuous and estimable Christian pastors. But since the Papal

character has been acknowledged even by the ablest advocates of the

Papacy, to have been in general the very opposite of what we have been

describing, we have a strong presumptive argument that such men were not

infallible. {19}

Other strong objections to Pontifical infallibility arise from the want

of any certain rule for determining the validity of elections to the

popedom, and for issuing the infallible decrees. Before these decrees

can be infallibly relied upon, the following particulars must be

infallibly ascertained: who are the persons divinely entitled to give a

vote in the choice of a Pontiff? and how do those persons establish their

Divine title? What proportion of the voters are required by Divine

authority to be present, and what majority of numbers must decide? How

far shall simony, or fraud, or force, vitiate the election? In case of

two elections, how shall we infallibly distinguish between the claims of

rival Pontiffs? between the real Pope, whom, under the penalty of

condemnation, we are bound to obey, and the anti-pope, whom, under the

same high penalty, we must abjure? When schisms rend the Church (and not

less than twenty-six have rent the Church of Rome), how shall we discern

the true communion from the schismatical? And since the Pope is supposed

infallible only in his official, not in his personal capacity, how shall

we decide infallibly when he speaks as an ordinary individual, and when

as the successor of St. Peter? in other words, what solemnities exactly

are requisite to be observed, for constituting a judgment _ex cathedrâ_

from the Apostolic chair? what councillors must be summoned? what mode of

promulgation must be adopted? {20a} Such are some of the questions which

every candid Romanist must be desirous to hear definitely answered, and

which consequently must present themselves with much greater force to

every Protestant mind. When a privilege so important as infallibility is

understood to be granted, all the circumstances necessary for our

direction in receiving and submitting to it, require to be distinctly and

indisputably revealed to us. Unless these circumstances are fixed by the

same authority that is supposed to make the grant, namely, by Christ

Himself, we are as far removed from infallibility as ever; and in

deciding these essential and fundamental particulars, we are left to mere

argument and conjecture. {20b}

To disprove Papal infallibility much more will scarcely be expected by

our readers; but we will add one concluding observation on the

erroneousness and inconsistency of the supposed infallible decrees. If

Popes really were infallible, their doctrine would never vary, but would

remain, from age to age, unalterably the same: the judgment of one Pope

would never differ, on the same subjects, from the judgment of another;

and least of all would it be credible that any Pope should be convicted

of heresy. We know, however, from unquestionable documents of history

that this was not the case. Two Popes in the second century (Eleutherius

and Victor) were encouragers of the heretical fanaticism of Montanus.

{21a} Another Pope (Stephen) of the third century was heretical on the

subject of baptism: {21b} Pope Liberius condemned Athanasius, and

subscribed his name to the semi-Arian heresy: Pope Honorius was by a

general council condemned as a Monothelite. {21c} And (not to multiply

particular examples) we may remark, once for all, that a long line of

Popes promulgated, _ex cathedrâ_, a doctrine which, in the present age,

is abandoned by Rome itself, and is rejected universally as impious and

extravagant; the doctrine, namely, that the Roman See is vested with the

Divine right of temporal jurisdiction over all the kingdoms of the earth;

and that the Pontiff, as Vicar of Jesus Christ, and delegate of Him who

is King of kings and Lord of lords, may call civil magistrates to

account, and may depose kings and emperors, on the charge of heretical

depravity. {21d}

To these various objections against the doctrine of Pontifical

infallibility, our defender of the Roman Faith replies by a ready

acknowledgment that the great majority of Romanists themselves are of our

opinion: that much abler arguments have been urged by them than by

Protestants against this pretension of the Pope: {22a} that by them

infallibility is ascribed not to the Roman Pontiff, who “is liable to

err, and who frequently has erred;” but to a general Council,

representing the whole Church of Christ, and combining all its collective

wisdom. On our inquiry by what Scriptural evidence infallibility is

proved to lodge in a representative assembly thus constituted, we are

desired to read the following texts:—

“Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates

of hell shall not prevail against it.” {22b}

“If he neglect to hear the Church, let him be unto thee as an heathen man

and a publican.” {22c}

“Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world.” {22d}

“I will pray the Father; and he shall give you another Comforter, that he

may abide with you for ever, even the Spirit of truth.” {22e}

“For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us, to lay upon you no

greater burden than these necessary things.” {22f}

“These things write I unto thee; that thou mayest know how thou oughtest

to behave thyself in the house of God, which is the Church of the living

God, the pillar and ground of the truth.” {22g}

Our endeavours to extract out of these texts infallibility for the Romish

Church are as much in vain as in the preceding inquiry for supporting the

Papal claims. A general council seems to have as little warrant from

Holy Scripture to assure us that it is infallible, as the Roman Pontiff

himself. The first quotation refers to the perpetual _continuance_ of

the Christian society. Christ assures us that, to the end of time, the

gates of hell shall not prevail against his Universal Church; or, in

other words, that a community called by his name, and retaining the

essentials of Christianity, will never cease to be. But this consolatory

promise gives us no security that any one particular Church, or any

meeting of Church officers, shall be infallible. On this subject we

cannot forbear transcribing the judicious comment of a learned Romanist,

Tostatus of Avila, who flourished in the fifteenth century: “The

universal or Catholic Church never errs, because it never errs in all its

branches. The Church of Rome (_ecclesia latinorum_) is not the Catholic

Church, but only a certain branch of it; and, therefore, although the

whole of that branch should have erred, the whole Church could not be

said to err. Because the genuine Catholic Church remains in the unerring

branches, whether they be more or fewer than the branches which err.”

{23}

Again, the injunction of our Lord to “tell the Church,” if taken apart

from, and not in connexion with the preceding context, might seem to have

some distant bearing upon this question. But on examining the whole

passage, we perceive that our Saviour makes allusion to secular, not to

spiritual concerns; and is speaking only of private differences among his

followers. “If thy brother shall trespass against thee, go and tell him

his fault between thee and him alone.” Three successive steps are next

recommended for effecting an accommodation: first a private interview;

then the influence of mutual friends; and lastly, the authority of the

Church to which the parties belong. The contumacious wrong-doer who

could not by these methods be brought to reason, was no longer to be

regarded as a Christian brother, but as a heathen. He was liable to

excommunication, or expulsion from the society; and reparation of the

injury committed might now be sought for in a court of law. We do not

find in these directions the remotest allusion to infallibility.

The encouraging promise; “Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of

the world,” is not a grant of infallibility, but a promise of assistance,

protection, and consolation; and was indispensably required, when our

Lord delegated to his Apostles the perilous labour of propagating the

Gospel in opposition to all the rulers of this world, sending them forth

“as sheep among wolves.” {24a}

His promise that the “Spirit of truth” should “guide them into all

truth,” relates entirely to the extraordinary gifts with which they were

endowed, and is immediately connected with another promise, confessedly

peculiar to the Apostolic age. “He” (the Holy Ghost) “shall show you

things to come.”

The words, “It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us,” in the decree of

the first council at Jerusalem, have left no precedent for other councils

to use the same language; unless on separate evidence it can be shown

that those councils have the same authority of inspiration.

The position therefore, that general councils, as representing the Church

of Christ, are infallible, labours under a total want of Scripture

Evidence. There is not a single precept given for assembling them; not

one solitary rule for determining their proceedings. As the learned

Albert Pighius, an advocate of pontifical infallibility, very justly

argues: “There is not a word about general councils in the canonical

books of Scripture; nor did the primitive Church of Christ receive by

Apostolical institution any special direction respecting them.” {24b}

This able writer represents the practice of summoning a general council

in cases of ecclesiastical emergency, to be an expedient piously

introduced by the Emperor Constantine for the purpose of composing the

dissensions of the Church. But the same author insinuates a charge of

great ignorance against the Emperor and his council, who in adopting this

course, appeared not to know that the privilege of infallibility belonged

to the Papal chair, and that Rome was the proper Delphos where he might

receive the infallible oracles. This imperial ignorance is a remarkable

admission by the advocate of the Papacy in his zeal against general

councils. He succeeds in demolishing the latter; but acknowledges at the

same time a fact which is fatal to the former. For if Constantine and

the Bishops of his court were ignorant of the papal pretensions, it must

be obvious that such pretensions either could not have been put forth at

all, or could not at that time have been generally recognized.

But if the Scripture, instead of being totally silent on the subject, had

plainly and categorically declared, that general councils are infallible,

we should only be involved in fresh perplexities: for the question would

immediately arise, _what is a general council_? How do we know a

spurious from a genuine council? Councils have been assembled by

opposite parties on purpose to give opposite decrees; and how shall we

distinguish the fallible and heretical, from the orthodox and infallible

assembly? This vital question cannot be determined by the numbers

present, or the portion of the Christian world represented by them. The

orthodox Athanasius was condemned successively by councils representing

the Eastern and the Western Church. Various councils condemned by the

Church of Rome for heresy, were as numerously and respectably attended,

as more orthodox conventions. The Council of Milan consisted of 300

Bishops. At Ariminum not less than 400 Bishops were assembled. The

Council of Ephesus included 10 Metropolitans and 130 Bishops. The

Council of Constantinople included 338 Bishops. And when the rival

Councils of Sardica and Philippopolis fulminated mutual anathemas, the

latter, which was heretical, consisted of 94 Bishops, while their

orthodox opponents amounted only to 76. As most of these councils were

convened by imperial authority; represented large portions of

Christendom; and included men of the greatest learning and ability, there

seems nothing to distinguish them from other synods, which are

acknowledged to be general and infallible—nothing, if we except the

sanction of the Roman Pontiff.

Here we are informed by our pertinacious disputant, that the papal

sanction is commonly regarded in the Church of Rome, as the essential

distinction between a mere provincial synod, and a general council; that

the decrees of an alleged general council, not ratified by the Pope, are

not infallible; while the decrees of any council, after that

ratification, must be looked upon as infallibly determined.

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