Retrospect of Mr. Brooke's proceeding and prospects.--Visit of
a pirate fleet.--Intercourse with the chief leaders, and other
characteristic incidents.--War dances.--Use of opium.--Story of
Si Tundo.--Preparations for trading.--Conditions of the cession
of Sarawak.
I have gone into the details of this curious rebellion, and selected
from my friend's memoranda more, perhaps, than the actual and
present importance of the circumstances might seem to require; but I
have done so under the impression that in developing the traits and
lineaments of the native character, I am laying the foundation for a
more accurate estimate of them and their bearing upon futurity. The
difference between the Malay and the Chinese, between the sea and the
land Dyak, and even between one tribe and another, presents a variety
of elements out of which a consistent whole has to be compounded, and
a new state of things to be established in Borneo. It is, therefore,
of considerable interest to view these elements in their earliest
contact with European mind and civilization, and thence endeavor to
shape out the course which is best calculated to insure the welfare of
all in the closer ties and more extended connection which is springing
out of this new intercourse. To enlarge the beneficial effects
of trade and commerce, it is not enough to ascertain the products
of a strange country, nor even the chief wants of its population;
but to inform ourselves of their habits, feelings, and disposition,
and so devise the wisest measures for supplying what is immediate,
removing obstacles, and increasing demand by a continually growing
improvement in government and general condition.
Following the war, and receiving the investiture of the government of
Sarawak, Mr. Brooke was enabled, from the insight he had obtained into
the diversified relations and habits, motives and ways of thinking of
these people, to address himself clearly and at once to reform the
evils which oppressed, and the abuses which destroyed them. Had he
not mixed with them and shared in this protracted contest, he must
have begun rather as an experimentalist with a theory which might be
right or might be wrong. But he had acquired the necessary experience,
and could proceed to put his finger where it was required to repress
or to foster, without danger of mistake. It was extraordinary what
his energy produced within a small compass of time. Security succeeded
the utmost uncertainty, equal justice superseded tyrannical caprice,
order arose out of confusion, and peace was gradually spread over
the fruitful soil so lately polluted by the murderous warfare of
heads-taking and imperishable feud. It is to be hoped that such an
example will not be lost in the further prosecution of international
and commercial policy in this interesting and important quarter of
the eastern world. Piracy must be put down, slavery must be effaced,
industry must be cherished and protected; and these objects, we shall
see, from the model afforded by our truly illustrious countryman,
may be accomplished; and we may further learn from his example, that
from the experience even of "a little war," an enlightened observer
may deduce the most sound data on which to commence a mighty change,
leading, probably, to the happiness of millions, and the foundation
of colonial empire.
With these few retrospective remarks, I resume the sequel of my
friend's Bornean Journal.
"Our subsequent adventures," he notes, "may be easily related. We
lay for some days, after winding up our affairs, in order to have
an agreement drawn out between the rajah and myself, and during this
time heard the bruit of a pirate fleet being on the coast. In a day
or two after, certain news arrived of their having taken two Sadung
boats, bound from Singapore, and Datu Pangeran was, in consequence,
dispatched to communicate with them. He returned from Tanjong Datu,
bringing the fleet with him to the mouth of the river, whence they
requested permission to visit Sarawak, and pay their respects to the
rajah. I was consulted on the subject whether I would meet them; and
as I preferred a pacific to a hostile rencounter, and had, moreover,
a considerable curiosity to see these roving gentry, I consented
without hesitation. Reports--a greater curse in Malay countries than
elsewhere--stated their object to be the capture of the Royalist, as
they had, it was averred, received positive accounts of her having
fifty lacks of dollars on board, and that her figure-head was of
solid gold. As, however, we had no such treasure, and the meeting
was unavoidable, and might be hostile, I put myself into a complete
posture of defense, with a determination neither to show backwardness
nor suspicion. The day arrived, and the pirates swept up the river;
eighteen prahus, one following the other, decorated with flags
and streamers, and firing both cannon and musketry; the sight was
interesting and curious, and heightened by the conviction that these
friends of the moment might be enemies the next. Having taken their
stations, the chief men proceeded to an interview with the rajah,
which I attended to witness. Some distrust and much ceremony marked
the meeting; and both parties had numerous followers, who filled
the hall of audience and the avenues leading to it; and as few of
the Illanuns spoke Malay, the communication was rendered difficult
and troublesome. The pirates consisted of Illanuns and Malukus from
Gillolo. The Illanuns are fine athletic men, with a strong resemblance
in appearance to the Bugis; their bearing was haughty and reserved,
and they seemed quite ready to be friends or foes, as best suited their
purpose. The Malukus are from a bay in Gillolo, and their country is
now in possession of the Dutch; they are a darker and an uglier race,
but their manners more supple and pliant. They were the principal
talkers, while the Illanuns maintained a dignified silence.
"These Malukus, from their own account, since the capture of their
rajah, and the subjugation of their country, have led a wandering,
piratical life; they represent their force at about twenty-five boats,
of which three are now joined by the Illanuns, as a matter of mere
convenience. Beyond the usual formalities, this meeting had nothing
to distinguish it; one party retired to their boats, while the other
went to their respective houses, and every thing betokened quiet. In
the evening I pulled through the fleet, and inspected several of
the largest prahus. The entire force consisted of eighteen boats,
viz., three Malukus and fifteen Illanuns; the smallest of these boats
carried thirty men, the largest (they are mostly large) upward of a
hundred; so that, at a moderate computation, the number of fighting
men might be reckoned at from five to six hundred. The Illanum
expedition had been absent from Magindano upward of three years,
during which time they had cruised among the Moluccas and islands
to the eastward, had haunted Boni Bay and Celebes, and beat up the
Straits of Makassar. Many of their boats, however, being worn out,
they had fitted out Bugis prize prahus, and were now on their return
home. They had recently attacked one of the Tambelan islands, and had
been repulsed; and report said they intended a descent upon Sirhassan,
one of the Southern Natunas group. These large prahus are too heavy
to pull well, though they carry thirty, forty, and even fifty oars:
their armament is one or two six-pounders in the bow, one four-pounder
stern-chaser, and a number of swivels, besides musketry, spears, and
swords. The boat is divided into three sections, and fortified with
strong planks, one behind the bow, one amidships, and one astern,
to protect the steersman. The women and children are crammed down
below, where the unhappy prisoners are likewise stowed away during an
action. Their principal plan is boarding a vessel, if possible, and
carrying her by numbers; and certainly if a merchantman fired ill, she
would inevitably be taken; but with grape and canister fairly directed,
the slaughter would be so great that they would be glad to sheer off
before they neared a vessel. This is, of course, supposing a calm,
for in a breeze they would never have the hardihood to venture far
from land with a ship in sight, and would be sorry to be caught at a
distance. Their internal constitution is as follows: one chief, a man
usually of rank, commands the whole fleet; each boat has her captain,
and generally from five to ten of his relations, free men: the rest,
amounting to above four fifths, are slaves, more or less forced to
pursue this course of life. They have, however, the right of plunder,
which is indiscriminate with certain exceptions; viz., slaves, guns,
money, or any other heavy articles, together with the very finest
description of silks and cloths, belonging to the chiefs and free
men; and the rest obey the rule of 'First come, first served.' No
doubt the slaves become attached to this predatory course of life;
but it must always be remembered that they are slaves and have no
option; and it appears to me that, in the operation of our laws,
some distinction ought to be drawn on this account, to suit the
circumstances of the case. The Datus, or chiefs, are incorrigible;
for they are pirates by descent, robbers from pride as well as taste,
and they look upon the occupation as the most honorable hereditary
pursuit. They are indifferent to blood, fond of plunder, but fondest
of slaves: they despise trade, though its profits be greater; and,
as I have said, they look upon this as their 'calling,' and the
noblest occupation of chiefs and free men. Their swords they show
with boasts, as having belonged to their ancestors who were pirates,
renowned and terrible in their day; and they always speak of their
ancestral heir-loom as decayed from its pristine vigor, but still
deem the wielding of it as the highest of earthly existences. That
it is in reality the most accursed, there can be no doubt, for its
chief support is slaves they capture on the different coasts. If
they attack an island, the women and children, and as many of the
young men as they require, are carried off. Every boat they take
furnishes its quota of slaves; and when they have a _full cargo_,
they quit that coast or country and visit another, in order to
dispose of their human spoil to the best advantage. Thus a cargo of
slaves, captured on the east coast of Borneo, is sold on the west;
and the slaves of the south find ready purchasers to the northward,
and _vice versa_. As the woolly-haired Papuas are generally prized by
the natives, constant visits are made to New Guinea and the easternmost
islands, where they are procured, and afterward sold at high prices
among any Malay community. The great nests of piracy are Magindano,
Sooloo, and the northern part of Borneo; and the devastation and
misery they inflict on the rest of the Archipelago are well known;
yet are no measures adopted for their suppression, as every European
community, be it English, Dutch, or Spanish, seems quite satisfied to
clear the vicinity of its own ports, and never considers the damage
to the native trade which takes place at a distance. To be attacked
with success, they must be attacked on their own coasts with two or
three steamers. A little money would gain every intelligence as to
where they were preparing; and while the steamers were so worthily
engaged in suppressing piracy, they might at the same time be acquiring
information respecting countries little known, and adding to our stock
of geography and science. A few severe examples and constant harassing
would soon cure this hereditary and personal mania for a rover's life;
and while we conferred the greatest blessings on the rest of the
Archipelago, Magindano itself would be improved by the change.
"The Illanun Datus and the Gillolo chiefs visited the schooner
constantly, and were always considerate enough to bring but few
followers. We conversed much upon piracy in general, their mode of
life, their successes, and their privations. They seemed to have but
few fears of the Dutch or English men-of-war being able to take them,
and during their three years' cruise had never been chased by any
of them.
"After being three or four days in company with these worthies,
_i. e._, the fleet of Illanuns and Malukus, the Royalist dropped down
the river to Santobong, while Williamson and myself stayed yet a few
days with Muda Hassim in his house. We had a week's incessant torrent
of rain. Nothing could exceed the kindness of the rajah during our
stay, with his brothers, of all ages, as our constant companions. We
had one day a dance of the Illanuns and Gillolos: they might both
be called war-dances, but are very different. The performer with the
Illanuns is decked out with a _fine helmet_ (probably _borrowed_ from
our early voyagers), ornamented with bird-of-paradise feathers. Two
gold belts, crossed, like our soldiers', over the breast, are bound
at the waist with a fantastical garment reaching half way down the
thigh, and composed of various-colored silk and woolen threads one
above another. The sword, or 'kempilan,' is decorated at the handle
with a yard or two of red cloth, and the long upright shield is
covered with small rings, which clash as the performer goes through
his evolutions. The dance itself consists of a variety of violent
warlike gestures, stamping, striking, advancing, retreating, turning,
falling, yelling, with here and there bold stops, and excellent as to
_aplomb_, which might have elicited the applause of the opera-house;
but, generally speaking, the performance was outrageously fierce,
and so far natural as approaching to an actual combat; and in half
an hour the dancer, a fine young man, was so exhausted that he fell,
fainting, into the arms of his comrades. Several others succeeded,
but not equal to the first; and we had hardly a fair opportunity of
judging of the Maluku dance from its short continuance; but it is of
a more gentle nature, advancing with the spear stealthily, easting it,
then retreating with the sword and shield. The Maluku shield, it should
be observed, is remarkably narrow, and is brandished somewhat in the
same way as the single stick-player uses his stick, or the Irishman
his shillelah, that is to say, it is held nearly in the center, and
whirled every way round. I procured some of the instruments, and found
that the sword of the Malukus of Gillolo is similar to that of the
Moskokas of Boni Bay, in Celebes. All these pirates are addicted to
the _excessive_ use of opium; but the effects of it are by no means so
deleterious or so strongly marked as has been represented; and it must
likewise be remembered that they are in other respects dissolute and
debauched. Among the Chinese it would be difficult--nay, impossible--to
detect the smokers of the drug. Here and there you may see an emaciated
man; but, out of a body of five hundred, some are usually emaciated
and unhealthy. I do not mean to deny the bad effects of opium; but the
stories of its pernicious results are greatly exaggerated where the
habit exists in moderation. The Chinese themselves, when I spoke to
them of the bad consequences, always argued that, taken moderately,
it was a stimulus to industry and activity; but they allowed, at the
same time, that excess was highly injurious.
"The time at length came for my departure, but I was pressed to stay
one day after another, for our society was a relief to the usual
monotonous tenor of their lives. The papers were signed which made me
Resident of Sarawak. I started to Santobong, and reached the vessel
on the 13th of February; and after waiting two days, in the vain hope
of a lull or change of wind, we beat out of the channel."
Mr. Brooke did not remain long at Singapore. His principal object was
to procure a vessel to trade between that place and Sarawak. Trading,
however, was not his forte; but he already felt the deepest interest
in the welfare of those people. By accident--or, more properly,
by Providence--he appears to have been sent to put a stop to an
unnatural war, and to save the lives of the unfortunate rebels;
and the benefit he had conferred on so many of his fellow-creatures,
the good he had already done, and the infinity of good which he saw
he still might do, made him anxious to return.
After some difficulty, he succeeded in purchasing a schooner of 90
tons, called the Swift, which I recollected in the Malacca Straits as
the Zephyr, then a cruiser in the East India Company's service. Having
put a suitable cargo into her, he sailed with his squadron (Royalist
and Swift) for Sarawak early in April, 1841.
The rajah, already described as an indolent, weak-minded man, had
promised Mr. Brooke the government of the country; but, among other
obstacles with which he would have to contend in accepting it, I do not
think my friend calculated on jealousy, low cunning, and treachery,
or the dangerous enemy he had made in Pangeran Macota. He had been
an eye-witness to his cowardice, and had more than once detected
and exposed his cunning and trickery; sins not to be forgiven,
especially by a Malay. Notwithstanding this, firmness, courage, and
straightforward honesty gained the victory, as the sequel will show.
Among the characters with whom Mr. Brooke got acquainted during the
rebel war was a young chief named Si Tundo, who was constantly by his
side whenever there was danger. He was an Illanun, and had been sent
from Sadung, with some thirteen of his countrymen, by Seriff Sahib, to
offer his services to Macota, commander-in-chief of the rajah's forces;
and I resume Mr. Brooke's memoranda, with the following interesting
account of this poor fellow's fate: "On my arrival at Sarawak, we
were received with the usual honors; and the first thing I heard
of was the decease of my poor companion, Si Tundo of Magindano, who
had been put to death by the rajah's orders. The course of justice,
or, rather, injustice, or perhaps, more justly, a mixture of both,
is so characteristic of the people, that I am tempted to give the
particulars. Si Tundo fell in love with a woman belonging to an adopted
son of Macota, and the passion being mutual, the lady eloped from her
master and went to her lover's house. This being discovered in a short
time, he was ordered to surrender her to Macota, which he reluctantly
did, on an understanding that he was to be allowed to marry her on
giving a proper dowry. Either not being able to procure the money,
or the terms not being kept, Si Tundo and a relation (who had left
the pirate fleet and resided with him) mounted to Macota's hill,
and threatened to take the woman and to burn the house. The village,
however, being roused, they were unable to effect their purpose,
and retired to their own residence. Here they remained for some days
in a state of incessant watchfulness; and when they moved, they each
carried their kempilan, and wore the krisses ready to the hand. The
Rajah Muda Hassim, being well aware of the state of things, sent, at
this crisis, to order Si Tundo and his friend to his presence; which
order they obeyed forthwith, and entered the balei, or audience-hall,
which was full of their enemies. According to Muda Hassim's account,
he was anxious to save Si Tundo's life, and offered him another wife;
but, his affections being fixed on the girl of his own choice, he
rejected the offer, only praying he might have the woman he loved. On
entering the presence of the rajah, surrounded by foes, and dreading
treachery (which most probably was intended), these unfortunate men
added to their previous fault by one which, however slight in European
estimation, is here of an aggravated nature--they entered the presence
with their kempilans in their hands, and their sarongs clear of the
kris-handle; and instead of seating themselves cross-legged, they
only squatted on their hams, ready for self-defense. From that hour
their doom was resolved on: the crime of disrespect was deemed worthy
of death, though their previous crime of abduction and violence might
have obtained pardon. It was no easy matter, however, among an abject
and timid population, to find executioners of the sentence against two
brave and warlike men, well armed and watchful, and who, it was well
known, would sell their lives dearly; and the subsequent proceeding
is, as already observed, curiously characteristic of the people,
and the deep disguise they can assume to attain their purposes. It
was intimated to Si Tundo that, if he could raise a certain sum of
money, the woman should be made over to him; and to render this the
more probable, the affair was taken out of Macota's hands, and placed
at the decision of the Orang Kaya de Gadong, who _was friendly_ to
the offenders, but who received his private orders how to act. Four
men were appointed to watch their opportunity, in order to seize the
culprits. It is not to be imagined, however, that a native would trust
or believe the friendly assurances held out to him; nor was it so in
the case of Si Tundo and his companion; they attended at the Orang Kaya
de Gadong's house frequently for weeks, with the same precautions,
and it was found impossible to overpower them; but the deceit of
their enemies was equal to the occasion, and delay brought no change
of purpose. They were to die, and opportunity alone was wanting to
carry the sentence into effect. Time passed over, suspicion was lulled;
and as suspicion was lulled the professions to serve them became more
frequent. Poor Si Tundo brought _all_ his little property to make good
the price required for the woman, and his friend added his share;
but it was still far short of the required amount. Hopes, however,
were still held out; the Orang Kaya advanced a small sum to assist,
and other _pretended_ friends, slowly and reluctantly, at his request,
lent a little money. The negotiation was nearly complete; forty or
fifty reals only were wanting, and the opposite party were ready to
deliver the lady whenever the sum was made good. A final conference
was appointed for the conclusion of the bargain at the Orang Kaya's,
at which numbers were present; and the devoted victims, lulled into
fatal security, had ceased to bring their formidable kempilans. At
the last interview, the forty reals being still deficient, the Orang
Kaya proposed receiving their gold-mounted krisses in pledge for
the amount. The krisses were given up, and the bargain was complete,
when the four executioners threw themselves on the unarmed men, and,
assisted by others, overpowered and secured them. Si Tundo, wounded
in the scuffle, and bound, surrounded by enemies flourishing their
krisses, remarked, 'You have taken me by treachery; openly you could
not have seized me.' He spoke no more. They triumphed over and insulted
him, as though some great feat had been achieved, and every kris
was plunged into his body, which was afterward cast, without burial,
into the river. Si Tundo's relation was spared on pleading for mercy;
and after his whole property, even to his clothes, was confiscated,
he was allowed to retire to Sadung. Thus perished poor Si Tundo,
a Magindano pirate, with many, if not all, the vices of the native
character, but with boldness, courage, and constancy, which retrieved
his faults, and raised him in the estimation of brave men. In person
he was tall, elegantly made, with small and handsome features, and
quiet and graceful manners; but toward the Malays, even of rank, there
was in his bearing a suppressed contempt, which they often felt, but
could not well resent. Alas! my gallant comrade, I mourn your death,
and could have better spared a better man; for as long as you lived,
I had one faithful follower of tried courage among the natives. Peace
be with you in the world to come, and may the great God pardon your
sins and judge you mercifully!
"The case of poor Si Tundo proves that the feeling of love is not
quite dead among Asiatics, though its power is obscured by their
education and habits of polygamy; and that friendship and relationship
may induce a man here, as elsewhere, to risk his life and sacrifice
his property without any prospect of personal advantage. An old
Magindano man, a sort of foster-father of Si Tundo's, when he saw
me for the first time, clasped my arm, and repeatedly exclaimed,
'Si Tundo is dead; they have killed him;' adding, 'had you been here,
he would not have been killed.' I was touched by the old man's sorrow,
and his expression of feeling."
Datu Jembrong was likewise an Illanum, and retired to Sadung when the
rebel war had closed, and died after a few days' illness. Mr. Brooke
writes: "Thus I have lost the two bravest men--men whom I would rather
trust for fair dealing than any score of Borneons; for the Magindanos,
though pirates by descent and education, are a far superior people to
any in the Archipelago, with the exception of the Bugis. Whatever may
be their vices, they are retrieved by courage to a certain degree;
and where we find a manly character, we may presume that the meaner
arts of _finesse_ and treachery are less prevalent. Dampier and Forrest
both give them an excellent character; and it is a pity that of late
years little is known of them, and so little pains taken to hold a
friendly intercourse either with them or the Sooloos."
The important changes which ensued on the return of Mr. Brooke
to Sarawak, in the spring of 1841, now demand attention; and, as
heretofore, I proceed to describe them from the data intrusted to
my charge.
"In a former part of my journal," says Mr. Brooke, "I have mentioned
briefly the occasions which led to my invitation, and the reasons
which induced me to accept the offer of the Rajah Muda Hassim;
but I will repeat these, in order to bring the narrative at once
more distinctly before the memory. When I returned here for the
second time, in August of last year, it was with the determination
of remaining for a few days only on my way to the northward; and
nothing but my feeling for the miserable situation of Muda Hassim
induced me to alter my intention. The rebellion, which he had come
from Borneo to quell, had defied every effort for nearly four years;
and the attacks he had made on the rebels had failed entirely and
almost disgracefully. His immediate followers were few in number,
and aid from the neighboring countries was either denied, or withheld
on trivial excuses; while the opposition of Pangeran Usop in Borneo
paralyzed the efforts of his supporters in the capital, and, in case
of non-success, threatened his own power. The pride, the petty pride
of the Malay prince bent before these circumstances, and induced him
to state his difficulties to me, and to request my assistance. His
failure was strongly dwelt on, and his resolution to die here rather
than abandon his undertaking--to die disgraced and deserted! Under
these circumstances, could I, he urged upon me, forsake him? could I,
'a gentleman from England,' who had been his friend, and knew the
goodness of his heart, could I leave him surrounded and begirt with
enemies? It was possibly foolish, it was perhaps imprudent, but it
accorded with my best feelings; and I resolved not to abandon him
without at any rate seeing the probabilities of success; and it must
always be remembered that, in doing so, I had no ulterior object, no
prospect of any personal advantage. I joined his miserable army, which,
in numbers, barely exceeded that of the rebels, strongly stockaded. I
joined them at the outset of their campaign; and in a few days (ten
days) witnessed such scenes of cowardice, treachery, intrigue, and
lukewarmness among his followers, such a determination not to take
advice or to pursue any active measures, that I left them and returned
to my vessel. The Chinese I do not include in this representation;
they were true and willing, but wretchedly armed, and very justly
refused to be thrust forward into posts of danger, which the Malays
in their own country would not share. On my return to the vessel, I
frankly stated how useless my presence was among men who would not do
any thing I desired, yet would do nothing for themselves; and, under
the circumstances, I intimated my intention of sailing. Here, again,
I was pressed with the same entreaties; every topic was exhausted
to excite my compassion, every aid was at my disposal; and lastly,
if I would stay, and we were successful, the country was offered to
me. The only inquiry was, whether the rajah had the right and authority
to make over the country to me, and this I was assured he had. The
government, the revenue (with slight deductions for the sultan), and
one of his brothers to reside here in order to insure the obedience
of the Malays, were all comprehended in this cession, freely and
without condition. I might, at this point of the negotiation, have
insured _the title_ to the government as far as a written agreement
could give it; but for two sufficient reasons I declined all treaty
upon the subject until the war was over. The first of these reasons
was, that it would have been highly ungenerous to take advantage of
a man's distress to tie him down to any agreement which, in other
circumstances, he might not be willing to adopt; and by acting thus
ungenerously, it would be tempting the rajah to deceive me when the
treaty came to be ratified. The second reason was equally cogent; for
a mere barren bond, which I had no means to enforce, was worse than
useless, and no man would be nearer possession by merely holding a
written promise. I may add, likewise, that I saw so many difficulties
in the way of the undertaking, that I was by no means over-anxious to
close with it; and, previously to accepting and entering on so bold
a project, I was desirous thoroughly to be assured of the good faith
of the promiser. To the Rajah Muda Hassim's proposal I, therefore,
replied, that I could not accept it while the war was pending, as I
considered it wrong to take any advantage of his present situation;
and that, if he conferred authority on me in the camp, I would once
more go up the river and assist him to the utmost of my power. It
is needless to repeat any details of the war, except to say that I
found every support from him, and the highest consideration, both
in personal attentions and the bestowal of influence. He conquered,
I may say without self-praise, through my means; and on the close
of hostilities our negotiation about the country was revived. In its
progress I stated to him that Malay governments were so bad, that the
high were allowed so much license, and the poor so oppressed, that any
attempt to govern without a change of these abuses was impossible;
and as a foundation of my acceptance was the proposition, that all
his exertions must be employed to establish the principle that one man
was not to take any thing from another, and that all men were to enjoy
the produce of their labor, save and except at such times as they were
engaged in working for the revenue. That the amount of the revenue was
to be fixed and certain for three years, at a stated quantity of rice
per family; in lieu of which, should a man prefer it, he might pay in
money or in labor: the relative price of rice to money or labor being
previously fixed at as low a rate as possible. That the officers, viz.,
Patingi, Bandar, and Tumangong, were to receive stated salaries out of
this revenue, in order to prevent any extortion, either by themselves
or in their name; and that they were to be answerable for the whole
revenue under my superintendence. That the Dyaks were to be treated
the same as the Malays, their property protected, their taxes fixed,
and their labor free. At the same time, I represented to him the
difficulty of doing this, and that nothing but his power could effect
it; as any foreigner, without his unlimited support and confidence,
would have no chance of finding obedience from the numerous inferior
Pangerans and their followers. This, with much more, was the theme
of my conversation; to which was replied, _imprimis_, That their
customs and religion must not be infringed. That with regard to the
violence and rapacity of the higher classes, and the uncertainty
of taxation, which led to so much oppression, they were by no means
any part of the Ondong Ondong, _i. e._, the written law of Borneo,
but gross abuses which had arisen out of lax government. That it was
the wish of his heart to see these things mended; and that nothing
should be wanting on his part to assist me in accomplishing objects
so desirable, particularly with respect to the Dyaks, who were so
grossly abused. On this, a written agreement was made out, merely to
the purport that I was to reside at Sarawak in order to 'seek for
profit;' and on my remarking that this paper expressed nothing, he
said I must not think that it was the one understood between us, but
merely for him to show to the sultan at Borneo in the first place. I
accepted this version of the story, though it looked suspicious; and
on my part, over and above our written agreement, which expressed
nothing, I consented to buy a vessel, and bring down trade to the
place, in return for which I was assured of antimony ore in plenty;
and though I knew that profit was not to be expected, I was desirous
to comply, as, without a vessel regularly trading here, it would be
impossible to develop the resources of the country. While I went to
Singapore, the rajah promised to build me a house, in which I was to
take up my residence. I sailed accordingly, and returned within three
months, having performed all my engagements; but on reaching Sarawak,
the first disappointment I experienced was, that the house was not
commenced. I urged them to begin it, and after the most provoking
delays at length got it finished. I mention this because it was the
only instance in which good faith was kept.
"_August 3d._--The two schooners, Royalist and Swift, having arrived
at Sarawak, I found myself with a heavy monthly expense, and was
naturally anxious to dispatch them as speedily as possible. I was
assured that 6000 peculs of antimony ore would be down immediately,
and that whenever the people were set to work, any quantity might
be procured without difficulty; which, indeed, I knew to be true,
as Macotah had loaded a ship, a brig, and three native vessels in
six weeks. The procrastination, therefore, was the more provoking;
but as I had determined to arm myself with patience, and did not
anticipate foul play, I was content to wait for a time. The Swift
being leaky and requiring repairs, was another inducement to me to
lie by and land her cargo, which, ever since my arrival, the rajah
petitioned to have ashore, giving every pledge for a quick and good
return. At length I consented to let him have the cargo into his own
hands, on the assurance that the antimony ore" (_i. e._, the 6000
peculs which were ready?) "should be brought down directly. Nothing
could be more correct than the way they received the cargo, taking an
account of each separate article, comparing it with the invoice, and
noting down the deficiency; and the rajah himself superintended this
interesting process from morning till dark. At this time, having agreed
with him for the whole, as the easiest and best mode of dealing under
the circumstances, I did not much trouble myself about the deposit;
and my attention was first roused by the extreme apathy of the whole
party directly the cargo was in their possession--overhauled, reckoned,
and disposed of among them."