Article 1. Confirmed the treaty of Nankin of 1842, and abrogated the

supplementary treaty to that so named, and the general regulations of

trade then agreed upon.

Art. 2. Agreed to the residence of ambassadors at the courts of the

powers party to the treaty.

Art. 3. Guaranteed regulations for the residence of an English minister

at Pekin.

Art. 4. Provided for the correspondence of the British minister at

Pekin.

Art. 5. The ministers of the Emperor of China should transact business

with the British minister at Pekin on terms of perfect equality.

Art. 6. Concedes to a minister of China in London the same privileges.

Art. 7. Permits consuls in the open ports of China.

Art. 8. The Christian religion, as professed by Roman Catholics and

Protestants, to be protected by the Chinese government.

Art. 9. British subjects to travel, for pleasure or trade, into all

parts of the empire with passports from their consuls, countersigned by

the local authorities.

Art. 10. Regulations for trading ships.

Art. 11. Five more ports to be opened to foreign trade.

Art. 12. British subjects may purchase and hold landed property in

China.

Art. 13. British subjects may employ Chinese subjects.

Art. 14. British subjects free to hire boats; the Chinese authorities

free to punish smugglers.

Art. 15. British, authorities to decide upon all questions of rights and

property between British subjects.

Art. 16. British offenders to be punished according to the laws of

England; Chinese subjects to be punished according to the laws of China.

Art. 17. Settles the modes of procedure in case of offences.

Art. 18. Protection of the persons and goods of British subjects.

Thus apparently ended the war of 1856–7–8. Nothing remained but the

ratification of the treaty, and the fulfilment of its stipulations,

which the Chinese court never intended to perform.

JAPAN.

Lord Elgin resolved to proceed to Japan, and endeavour to open that

jealously guarded country to foreign intercourse. He made for his excuse

to enter the Japanese waters, that his queen authorized him to bear from

her a present of a beautiful steam-yacht to the Emperor of Japan. It was

on the 3rd of August, 1858, that Lord Elgin reached the capital of the

Japanese empire; but the circumstance is related in this chapter to

preserve a continuous account of his excellency’s important mission

to the Eastern Seas. Lord Elgin’s mission was successful. A treaty

substantially the same as that with China was formed, and the trade of

that country opened to Europe. As in China, so in Japan, American and

Russian jealousy played an unworthy and not altogether ineffectual part.

COLONIAL.

The general colonial interests of the United Kingdom were flourishing.

Extensive reports were published this year by government, which showed

that nearly all the colonies were making great and rapid strides on the

road of material progress and prosperity.

SARAWAK.

The independent British settlement of Sarawak, in the island of Borneo,

was exposed to imminent peril of utter destruction. Sir James Brooke,

anxious to restore British influence in the Eastern Archipelago, which

the policy of former governments of Great Britain had ignorantly and

recklessly sacrificed to the Dutch, established at Sarawak an English

settlement, upon which chivalrous attempt he expended a large private

fortune, risked life in almost every form, and by undaunted courage,

perseverance, energy, and talent, succeeded in his undertaking. The

British government, after recognising his position and fostering it,

refused to accept its sovereignty for her majesty, or to adopt the means

necessary either for forming Sarawak into a colony, or establishing

there an ostensible and real protectorate. Sir James Brooke did great

things for his country, and met with injustice, and as far as the

government was concerned, ingratitude, in return. A concession of

Sarawak having been made to him by the prince who had power to make it,

the English government recognised him as rajah of the territory, but

left him to his own resources, except as an occasional ship of war

arrived, and joined with him in some gallant exploit to put down piracy

in the neighbouring seas. In the industrial enterprises of the rajah,

Chinese immigrants were encouraged to work the mines, and toil in other

industrial pursuits. These persons rose in insurrection against

the rajah, and brought on a terrible catastrophe of bloodshed and

destruction. In waging the war of 1856–7, the Chinese government sent

orders to its subjects, emigrants in British settlements, to hold

themselves in readiness to obey the commands of their mandarins, and

attack the British in those countries whenever summoned to do so.

These commands were received with ready obedience, and consequently at

Hong-kong, Australia, Singapore, and Sarawak, mischief was effected in

proportion to the number and relative power of the Chinese. In Australia

they could effect nothing except a few trivial but treacherous outrages,

which incurred a barbarous retaliation. At Hong-kong the agitation,

inconvenience, and danger of the English were very great. At Singapore

a terrible outbreak was threatened and expected, but the energy and

steadfastness of the English, their success in China, and the bloody

defeat of the insurgents at Sarawak, deterred the Singapore Chinese from

any combined and vigorous attempt. It would appear that batches of fresh

immigrants arrived from Penang and Malacca, and brought orders from

their mandarins to rise and attack the English. The Chinese population

of Sarawak exceeded 5,000, about one-tenth being children, and perhaps

a twentieth women. These settlers lived in communities, were very

industrious and very prosperous; they were favoured by the English

because of their plodding perseverance, and hard-working habits. They

made no complaints, were treated kindly, and were apparently as happy as

in their industrial pursuits they were successful. On the night of the

18th of February, marching in a body, the whole Chinese force of the

settlement attacked the little capital, set fire to the houses, murdered

several English and their servants, endeavoured to seize the person

of the rajah, and succeeded in making the bishop captive, burning

his valuable library, and committing every sort of depredation. They

preserved the bishop unmolested, in the hope of using him, in case of

defeat, to make better terms for themselves, or, in case of success,

to induce him to act as their negotiator with foreign barbarians! The

rajah, and most of the English settlers, escaped to the opposite side of

the river, where they concealed themselves in various places adapted

to their purpose, until a body of Dyaks (natives of the country) were

gathered for their defence. A small British steamer opportunely entered

the river, which, with the English residents and the Dyaks, attacked the

Chinese, defeated them, slew three-fourths of the men, drove the rest

into the interior, burned down their villages, and executed upon them

a terrible vengeance. Sir James Brooke, with his usual energy and

dexterity, repaired the disaster, and subjected future Chinese settlers

to regulations which rendered rebellion too desperate for attempt.

INDIA.

The year 1857 will be ever memorable in the history of India. A mutiny,

chiefly of the Bengal army, and a rebellion, chiefly in the Bengal

provinces, disturbed the whole country from Cape Comorin to the

Himalayehs, agitated deeply the British empire, and excited the

attention and astonishment of the world. The progress of commerce,

revenue, and prosperity in every form was of course interrupted.

Nevertheless, during a portion of the year, and over a large area, the

usual operations of trade were continued. While a brilliant career of

material improvement and commercial advancement was developed by our

Indian empire, the event burst forth which deluged the Bengal provinces,

and Central India, with blood, and appalled the world. It is now our

duty to give a brief record of that terrible event.

THE MUTINY.

In a previous chapter it was related, that at the close of the year 1856

symptoms of mutiny were exhibited in the Bengal army. At the beginning

of 1857 these symptoms became demonstrative and terrible. It is

difficult to say how far an acute and foreseeing government might have

prevented the evil, but the last persons to observe the signs of the

times, and provide against the rising calamity, were those in high

authority. “There were,” wrote the editor of an Indian paper, “deep

tokens of disaffection everywhere, suspicious looks and expressions

daily heard in the bazaar, and a belief that all was not sound in the

minds of Englishmen unconnected with the services. Every class, except

the members of the governing body, was impressed with a foreboding

of evil. No one, however, without the pale of authority dreamt of the

magnitude of the dangers by which we were about to be assailed; and

inside that potent circle not a soul had gained an inkling of the coming

horrors. The ship of the state was struck by a white squall, with every

sail set, and not a man at his post to warn the crew of their peril. On

the 22nd of January, 1857, Captain Wright, of the 70th native infantry,

brought to the notice of Major Bontein, commanding the depot of musketry

at Dum-Dum, the fact that there was a mutinous spirit among the

troops in connection with the greased cartridges.” From that date the

conspiracy developed itself rapidly, but at no stage of its incipient

progress did the government show sagacity in detecting the causes of the

outbreak, or efficient means for its repression.

At Barrackpore and Berhampore indications of mutiny of a decisive nature

were made. General Hearsey, who commanded at Barrackpore, gave the

government explicit information, and foretold results. The government

would not be warned.

A mutiny of the 19th regiment led to the disbanding of that corps. This

regiment was by no means among the more disloyal sepoys; it had been

seduced into acts of insubordination, and regretted it. There was,

however, little discrimination on the part of the Calcutta authorities.

Some corps attempted to murder their officers, and were treated with

surprising leniency. General Anson, who commanded the forces in India,

was at Simlah, where the military records also were, and much loss of

time and great confusion resulted from the necessity of the government

at Calcutta carrying on a correspondence, with so remote a station,

on subjects of such vital moment. When at last the commander-in-chief

became convinced of the danger that existed, he hurried down to

Umballah, and issued a conciliatory proclamation to the army, which had

the effect of increasing the pride and self-importance of the sepoys.

Matters proceeded in this way until May, when the first grand effort of

mutiny burst forth at Meerut. The sepoys suddenly arose there, attacked

their officers, murdered some, and, having set fire to the cantonments,

marched to Delhi. Major-general Hewett, who commanded the garrison,

showed extraordinary weakness and vacillation, and took no prompt or

vigorous measures to intercept the flight of the fugitives, or to pursue

them. The mutiny occurred on Sunday evening, the 10th of May. The rabble

of the neighbourhood joined the mutineers. Both the revolted sepoys

and the insurgents showed a sanguinary delight in murdering women and

children. As soon as the fugitive mutineers arrived at Delhi the whole

city rose in insurrection; its garrison revolted, women and children

were butchered, the ex-king of Delhi, a pensioner of the British

government, was placed at the head of the revolution, and his sons

were leaders in every act of barbarity and cowardice. The magazine

was defended by a few officers and soldiers. Among them was Lieutenant

Willoughby, who, when defence was no longer possible, blew up a large

portion of the magazine, causing the death of a considerable number of

the assailants, estimated, according to different testimonies, at from

one to two thousand.

On the 18th of May the general at Meerut sent a despatch to say that he

could not move his troops against Delhi, or for any operations in the

field, _for want of carriage_. Such was the management of military

affairs in India.

General Anson slowly collected a force at Umballah, and Sir John Lawrence

sent Sikh troops from the Punjaub. General Anson died, and the command

devolved upon General Barnard, who marched upon Delhi. It must not be

supposed that Sir Henry Barnard, in his advance to Delhi, was unopposed.

Whatever the sepoys may have been in British pay, in revolt they were

energetic and persevering, and, as long as they entertained any hope

of success, fought with keenness; as a loyal native in Delhi described

them, “they were willing to take life, and willing to give their lives

away.” It had been arranged, before General Anson’s death, that a

brigade should advance from Umballah, under General Barnard, and that

General Hewett, at Meerut, should order another brigade to advance from

that station, the two forces to form a junction, and storm or lay siege

to Delhi. In pursuance of this plan General Hewett placed a small body

of troops under the command of Colonel Archdale Wilson, consisting of

five hundred men of the 60th Royal Rifle regiment, two hundred of

the carbineers, and one battery of artillery, to which a troop of

horse-artillery was subsequently added. They marched on the 27th of

May, and encamped on the 30th at Ghazeeoodeen Nuggur, a large Hindoo

village on the left bank of the river Hindoun, eighteen miles east of

Delhi. At that place there was a suspension bridge, the possession

of which commanded the passage of the Hindoun from Meerut. Brigadier

Wilson was attacked there by a force from Delhi, who hoped, by

defeating the colonel, to prevent the junction of his forces with troops

from Kurnoul. A battle ensued, the first of the war, as the previous

struggles between mutineers and loyalists did not assume the form of

a regular engagement. The rebels not only disputed the passage of the

river, but opened a heavy cannonade with five guns from a well-chosen

position. Wilson brought all his troops into action. The rifles were

very efficient, fighting in a mode similar to that afterwards attributed

to the Turcos of the French army in the war in Italy. They rushed

forward with great rapidity for short spaces, then falling flat on their

faces, timing their intervals of movement by the play of the enemy’s

guns, which they watched skilfully. In this way they suffered

exceedingly little in their advance, until at last springing upon the

guns they captured them instantaneously, piercing the gunners with their

sword bayonets. The sepoy infantry made a stand, but the rifles, in a

hand to hand combat, were easy victors. The battle was decided in

favour of the British; the sepoys fled, pursued by the carbineers,

who continued the pursuit until night closed around conquerors and

fugitives. The loss on the part of the English was eleven killed, and

twenty-one wounded and missing. Of the killed five met their death by

the explosion of a powder-waggon, fired by a desperate sepoy. Captain

Andrews, of the Rifles, was one of those blown up.

On the 31st Colonel Courtance, of the carbineers, was actively employed

watching strong reconnoitering parties of the enemy’s horse, so that

the brigade could not advance far on the left side of the river without

another action. At one o’clock five thousand mutineers and irregulars

took up a position on an elevated sweep of land. A battle of artillery

ensued; the mutineers of the 3rd Bengal cavalry charged the English guns

repeatedly, but were repulsed. After more than two hours, spent in a

contest of this kind, Colonel Wilson ordered his line to advance, and

the mutineers were routed. The English were too much exhausted by the

heat to pursue: several men in all branches of the service dropped

dead from sun-stroke. The rebels bore away their guns. The English lost

twenty-four men; about half from sun-stroke. Lieutenant Perkins was

among the slain; Captain Johnson, and Ensign Napier, among the wounded.

The stubbornness of the mutineers led Colonel Wilson to maintain his

position and await orders and reinforcements. On the 3rd of June he was

joined by another company of the Royal York Rifle regiment, and by a

battalion of Goorkhas. These troops remained faithful, for, although

attached to the Brahminical religion, they are more superstitious than

fanatical, and hold the sepoys, and even Sikhs, in contempt, while

the British are objects of military admiration to them. On the 6th the

brigade reached the rendezvous at Rhagput.

The force from Umballah left that place on the 24th of May, and readied

Kurnaul on the 25th. Anson died on the 27th. In his last illness he

confided the capture of’ Delhi to General Barnard, and telegraphed

to Lord Canning that he had done so, who confirmed the general in the

command of the forces acting against Delhi. Before the command delegated

to Barnard by Anson could be confirmed at Calcutta, General Reid, in

virtue of seniority, became chief of the army, but he carried out

the wish of General Anson in confiding the attack on Delhi to Sir. H.

Barnard.

After various misunderstandings and serious delays on the part of

Colonel Wilson, caused by the obstruction offered by the sepoys, and by

taking a circuitous and difficult route, the two brigades met on the 6th

of June, and on the 7th the whole force was re-organized near Delhi.

The brigades under both generals had been considerably augmented on the

march. The officials took no steps for preventing disaster, but acted in

the same way as in England and elsewhere, that occasioned so much loss

of life and reputation before Sebastopol. Sir H. Barnard found himself

and all about him, upon whom in the first instance the duty devolved,

bewildered, and incapable of combining, arranging, or devising

expedients to supply governmental and commissary defects. The army

before Delhi, on a small scale, for a time repeated the faults and

follies of the army before Sebastopol. Those upon whom the army depended

for intelligence, succour, and directions, gave no real aid, but created

additional embarrassments. The time consumed in deciding anything was

extraordinary, although in the early part of the siege the telegraphic

wire lent all its aid between Agra and Calcutta. General Barnard found

that he could not take Delhi by storm; a regular siege was therefore

resorted to. Throughout the month of June a fierce conflict raged around

the once proud capital of Hindostan. During July these conflicts were

continued, and rendered fiercer by the arrival of large forces-of

mutineers from Rohilcund. Mutiny was discovered in the camp of the

besiegers. Sickness also smote the British, so that by the end of July

there were 1,200 invalids in the little army. Battle and disease must

have utterly wasted it had not Sir John Lawrence sent troops’ and

supplies, and with them the skilful and intrepid young General

Nicholson. The sickness and ultimate decease of Sir Henry Barnard caused

the demand to devolve on the senior general, Reid. His health also

giving way, General Wilson, an excellent artillery officer, assumed the

command.

Early in August the English made an effort to destroy the bridge of

boats, by floating detonating machines, which was unsuccessful, and the

mutineers continued to make it available for purposes hostile to the

besiegers, and advantageous to themselves. On the 1st of August 5000 men

made a sortie, if such, in the peculiar circumstances of the siege,

it could be called. The Metcalf picket-house and the flag-staff tower

became the objects of incessant attack. The sepoys, however, fought in

vain. During August reinforcements for the rebels poured into the city

of Delhi, from the various districts, far and near, where revolt had

raged.

In the beginning of September the siege-train arrived, and strong

reinforcements of troops; the sick and wounded then reached the number

of 3000. A terrible bombardment was opened against the city on the 11th,

which continued until the 14th, when the assault was ordered, and after

desperate fighting it proved successful. It was not, however, destined

to triumph on the first day. On all points but one the British

were victorious. The attack on the western suburbs failed from the

inefficiency of the Cashmere contingent, the bravery and number of the

sepoys, and their contempt for the native force under Captain Dwyer’s

command. After a fearful conflict for possession of the Redghat, the

whole attack on the western side was abandoned. The English held the

posts won within the gates: the enemy showed unflinching resolution,

and even threatened the English flanks and rear. Night closed over the

sanguinary scene, the English having lost 8 officers killed, and 52

wounded; 162 English and 103 native soldiers killed; 512 English, and

310 natives wounded. The first and second columns held all the towers,

bastions, and ramparts from the vicinity of the Cashmeregate to the

Cabulgate; the third column and the reserve held the Cashmeregate, the

English church, Skinner’s house, the Water bastion, Ahmed Ali Khan’s

house, the college gardens, and many buildings and open spots in that

part of Delhi; while the fourth column, defeated in the western suburbs,

had retreated to the camp or the ridge. It was not until the end of

that the long and bloody succession of assaults ended in the total

subjugation of the place, after deeds of slaughter seldom paralleled.

The king and several members of his family escaped, but were pursued by

Major Hodson, and captured under circumstances of extraordinary daring

and presence of mind on the part of that officer.

The taking of Delhi was a deadly blow to the hopes of the rebels all

over India.

The progress of the mutiny and its suppression in other directions must

now be related. It was alleged that the King of Delhi was treated with

extraordinary indulgence, reinstated in his palace, and was treated by

the company’s civil officers with even marks of homage. These reports

were set at rest by a letter written to the brother of his captor, by

Mrs. Hodson, the major’s wife. The letter was deeply interesting, and

depicted the ex-royal family as in a condition of abject ignorance and

moral degradation.

The narrative of the siege of Delhi having been conducted to its close,

it is necessary to show the occurrence of events taking place in other

directions, which were contemporaneous with those which happened around

and in the capital of the Mogul.

While the incidents just related passed in and around Meerut and Delhi,

Scinde and the Punjaub were greatly agitated. Conspiracy to revolt and

murder, similar to what had taken place elsewhere, were discovered

in these two provinces. In both they were promptly and effectually

suppressed. Scinde remained tranquil, after a few arrests and executions

had been effected. In the Sikh districts Sir John Lawrence acted with

extraordinary sagacity, management, vigour, and courage, putting down at

once, and with a high hand, all attempts at mutiny or insurrection, so

as to direct the great resources of the Punjaub to the assistance of the

other provinces, and especially during the siege of Delhi. The services

of that great man have never been sufficiently acknowledged by the

British government.

In the presidencies of Bombay and Madras the army and people, with few

exceptions, remained quiet, and to a considerable extent were loyal.

In Central India the disturbance was universal, and the contingents of

native princes burst into open hostility. The presidencies of Madras and

Bombay were much endangered by this state of things, but “field forces”

were organized in the presidencies, by which the rebel districts of

Central India were penetrated from the south and west, until the revolt

was crushed. The troops of Madras displayed more loyalty than those of

Bombay. Some of the Bombay regiments mutinied, bringing upon themselves

a swift and terrible punishment.

In the eastern districts of Bengal there were only the perturbations

caused by the great earthquake of revolution, which had its centre far

north and west. The disposition to insurrection in Assam and Chittagong

was kept down by astonishingly weak forces. Along the Assam frontier a

few troops sufficed to preserve tolerable quietude. A small detachment

of British sailors, acting as infantry of the line, awed a vast region

of eastern Bengal.

The native troops of the Bengal army, stationed on the eastern shores

of the Bay of Bengal, showed the same disposition to revolt as upon

the eastern land confines of that presidency; but the people of Pegu,

Martaban, and the other provinces on the sea-coast, were loyal.

The troops there were mostly European, and were moved up the bay to

Calcutta, as occasion demanded and opportunity served.

In Lower Bengal the people were too unwarlike to aid the troops who

mutinied.

Upper Bengal and the dominions which had been recently wrenched from

the King of Oude, were the grand foci of mutiny and rebellion; although

Jhansi, Delhi, and Meerut, were also centres of active revolt.

Agra, the queen of the upper provinces, suffered much. Mr. Colville

acted with prudence, temper, and energy; but committed the general

fault of the officials, civil and military, of placing too much

confidence in the native troops.

Benares, the ecclesiastical capital of heathen India, was more loyal

than any city in the disturbed regions. The protection afforded to

the religious rites of the Brahmins in that city, and the security of

pilgrims travelling to its far famed shrines, through the order enforced

by British power, caused a respect for the English name and authority

not only in the city of Benares, but throughout the province, which

acted favourably to the preservation of order. The vigour of Brig.-gen.

Neill, and the fear he inspired, had also much to do with these results.

Allahabad was the centre of many intrigues hostile to British power: the

heroic little garrison of that place suffered much, and endured nobly

and successfully until help arrived, and Brig.-gen. Neill quelled the

power, if not the spirit, of rebellion all around.

Throughout Oude, comprising in the designation the provinces, whether of

older or more recent date, which fell within the circle of that kingdom,

the mutiny and rebellion were fiercest. Cawnpore was one of the great

capitals of revolt. Situated near Bithoor, the residence of the infamous

Nana Sahib, the principal chief of the insurrection, it suffered much,

possibly more than any other place. “The Nana” collected all the force

which his retainers and the people of his district could contribute, and

with the mutineers of Cawnpore, and neighbouring garrisons, he attacked

the British quartered in that city, who were under the command of the

veteran hero, General Wheeler. In vain the little band of English were

assailed; they remained unconquered by the multitudes of their enemies,

and by famine and fatigue, until treachery secured their destruction.

They were induced to capitulate, under promise of protection and safe

escort. They were brutally and barbarously murdered by the bodyguards of

Nana Sahib; women and children, as well as soldiers and civilians, were

unpityingly consigned to a common slaughter, and their bodies cast into

the well of Cawnpore. Since the mutiny, a memorandum upon the events

connected with the Cawnpore mutiny and massacre has been prepared by

Lieutenant-colonel Williams, military secretary to government in the

north-western provinces:—“Forty-two depositions from persons of all

classes and creeds—Christians, Mahomedans, and Hindoos—have

been recorded, and valuable evidence obtained from respectable and

influential residents in the city. These depositions, together with the

native journal of a city resident, have been translated, and relate the

first attempts made by the Nana to tamper with the troops, his ready

success, the earliest meeting held by the conspirators, and their

proceedings on and subsequent to their mutiny, from the 1st of June to

the advance of the British force in July. The evidence shows the Nana’s

brother, Bala Sahib, to have taken as (if not more) active and prominent

a part as even the Nana himself. There are no traces of any conspiracy

prior to the arrival of the Nana at Cawnpore, on the 22nd of May, 1857,

with the two guns, and 300 horse and foot, for the avowed purpose of

aiding in the maintenance of order. But about that time it would seem

that two sowars, the one named Rahem Khan, of Bishenpore, near Bithoor,

the other Muddut Alee, of Bancla, and in the service of the Nana, were

employed by Bala Sahib to corrupt the fidelity of the troops. The 2nd

Cavalry, already ripe for mutiny, needed but little persuasion.” Among

those who perished were the heroic General Wheeler and his heroine

daughter.

In Lucknow, the capital of Oude, Sir Henry Lawrence (brother to Sir

John) maintained a resolute defence, but was wounded in a sortie, and

died of his wound. Colonel Inglis afterwards maintained the defence with

true British obstinacy and intrepidity.

The time at last arrived when the tide of tumult and blood should be

rolled back upon the mutinous garrisons and rebel cities in the southern

parts of Upper Bengal, in Oude, and in Central India. Brig.-gen. Neill,

of the Madras Fusiliers, having with detachments of his regiment been

sent on to Allahabad, restored order and even tranquillity to that

place, as related on a previous page. On the return to India of the

portion of the expeditionary army of Persia, under General Havelock,

that officer was sent on to Allahabad, and superseding Brig.-gen. Neill

in the command, he marched at the head of what forces he could muster,

about 2,000 men, to the relief of Cawnpore. He had to fight his way

thither, displaying extraordinary valour and military genius. With his

small force he conquered Cawnpore, and drove the rebel Nana to Bithoor;

but, alas! the noble garrison of Wheeler was not relieved on the advance

of Havelock: the Nana, driven to despair, perpetrated the wholesale

murder which blackens the page of Indian history with the name of

Cawnpore. Havelock resolved on tracking the murderer to his den: Bithoor

was attacked, and the Nana beaten. Havelock ordered Neill to bring on

all his forces from Allahabad that could possibly be spared, and that

officer took the command of Cawnpore, where, as at Allahabad, he

soon created order, and subjected to his stern and resolute rule all

disaffection. He took terrible vengeance upon the captured mutineers

and rebels. Havelock pressed onward to relieve the garrison at Lucknow.

Battle after battle was fought, Havelock, with a handful of men,

dispersing hosts. Never, in the history of English military glory, were

such achievements performed by so few. Even the mighty deeds of Clive

and Wellington in their Indian warfare were surpassed by Havelock in his

extraordinary marches upon Lucknow. At last, his troops were so reduced

by battle and sickness that he retired upon Cawnpore and awaited

reinforcements. These arrived, and with them a superior officer, General

Outram. That hero refused to deprive Havelock of his command, and acted

as volunteer in Havelock’s army. The garrison at Lucknow was relieved;

provisions, medicine, money, and men were conveyed to the city and

the Alumbagh a strong place on the Cawnpore road, within four miles of

Lucknow. So numerous was the enemy, that the relieving army, like

that which it relieved, was hemmed in by a host of mutineers and rebel

zemindars, with their retainers. It became necessary that another army

should relieve Outram, Havelock, and Inglis. Sir Colin Campbell had been

sent from England to bring the insurrection to a speedy termination, the

supreme military authority having been committed to him.

The arrival of Sir Colin Campbell to take the command of the army was

not hailed with so much satisfaction in India, as the event was regarded

with confidence in England. Sir Colin, however, knew how things

were managed by governors-general in India, and by officials

at head-quarters. He therefore expected to find much confusion,

embarrassment, and neglect. The chief military authority in India was

supposed to be at Calcutta, but the records were at Simla, the sanitary

station to which the commander-in-chief was wont to repair, and where in

fact commanders-in-chief spent most of their time, having generally

been very old and feeble men. Sir Colin set to work with indefatigable

industry to gather up an intelligible and connected account of the

military condition and resources of India, especially of the Bengal

provinces. This was essential to any consecutive plan of operations,

and in this work, and in other important preparations, his time was

consumed, when every day’s delay, every hour’s hesitation, every act of

procrastination or tardiness, was perilous beyond estimate.

At Calcutta, in their conveyance to the different spheres of action,

or in the provision made for their comfort, our gallant army was not

thought of, either by the officials at Calcutta, or by the government

at home, with that wisdom, consideration, or generosity which befitted

their merits, the occasion, or a great country. Sir Colin organized

a system for the general suppression of the mutiny, and he himself

advanced with a very inadequate force, for the second time, to effect

the relief of the British garrison of Lucknow. This was achieved after

battle and victory highly honourable to the British name. Sir Colin

brought off the women and children, sick and wounded, leaving the

cantonments and the neighbouring Alumbagh well garrisoned. General

Wyndham had been left in command at Cawnpore. During the operations of

the commander-in-chief at Lucknow, Wyndham was attacked by vast

numbers of the enemy, and beaten. Sir Colin hastened to the rescue, and

Cawnpore, after a sanguinary action, was saved. Reinforced, and with a

plan of combined action by different forces from various directions, Sir

Colin advanced upon Lucknow for its relief the third time. After regular

approaches and bombardment, Lucknow was taken by storm; but to the

discredit of the commander-in-chief and some of his superior officers,

the rebels escaped, to make war and havoc elsewhere. General Havelock

died of fatigue and exhaustion, regretted by all men, and leaving behind

him an immortal fame.

Among the losses of British officers, caused by the efforts to relieve

Lucknow, was the death of Brig.-gen. Neill, whose services had been so

eminently valuable. A statue, by the sculptor Behnes, is to be erected

to the memory of General Havelock, in Trafalgar Square. Brig.-gen. Neill

has had this honour conferred upon his memory in a most conspicuous

manner. A magnificent colossal statue of the general has been ordered

to be placed in the city of Madras. It has been executed by a sculptor,

Matthew Noble, whose genius is as much an honour to his country as the

heroic deeds of him whom that genius thus commemorates. The same great

sculptor executed another statue of Neill, which has been erected in

Ayr, the hero’s native place.

Sir Colin committed the following up of the enemy to Grant. He was as

unsuccessful in this as he had been in preventing the escape of the

rebels from Lucknow, and returned to head-quarters utterly baffled.

Rohilcund continued in arms; the great cities and towns, such as

Bareilly, Shajehanpoor, and Moorshedabad, were in the hands of the

rebels. Khan Bahadoor Khan ruled at Bareilly, and his force was not to

be despised. It now became apparent to everybody how serious were

the consequences of the bad generalship which allowed the rebels and

mutineers to escape from Lucknow.

The plan of the commander-in-chief was now to scour the borders of the

province with two columns, which, setting out in opposite directions,

should meet at Bareilly, the capital where two of the Delhi princes had

taken shelter with Bahadoor Khan. Brigadier Jones was ordered to advance

from Roorkee, with what was designated the Roorkee field force, and to

take a direction south-east. The other column was to leave Lucknow

under Brigadier Walpole, and both columns were to form a junction at an

appointed rendezvous. Walpole had experienced a severe reverse, but

at last the different forces met before Bareilly. Again the

commander-in-chief was victorious, and again permitted his beaten enemy

to escape. After long and harassing operations, continued through the

year 1858, Oude and Rohilcund were restored to order.

In Central India long-sustained and fierce conflicts followed brutal

and cowardly massacres. General Rose crowned his name with many honours,

having defeated Tantia Topie, the Rhani of Jhansi, and the rebel

leaders, and sweeping with his avenging sword the revolted provinces

of Central India. Nana Sahib, the Begum of Oude, and other leaders

retreated through the jungles into Nepaul, where most of them perished

of jungle fever, and many by the arms of Jung Bahadhoor, the Regent of

Nepaul. It was not until 1859 that the traces of the great rebellion and

mutiny were completely cleared away, and Lord Canning could pronounce

India once more subject to the sceptre of England.

HOME.

The year 1857 began its course under circumstances favourable to the

domestic peace and prosperity of the country. The mind of the public was

directed towards the remission of taxes, and legal and social reform.

The London clubs were more than usually active with political and party

gossip at the opening of the year. Mr. Gladstone, and the Peel party

of which he was the leader, kept the quidnuncs constantly busy as to

probable parliamentary coalitions and party movements. The versatile

gentleman, whom the Peelites delighted to honour, and who was also much

in favour with the Manchester party, was supposed to be favourable to a

coalition between his followers and the Tories. An arrangement between

Lord Derby and the Peelite financier was much talked of, and scandalized

the country. Most persons in political circles outside the houses of

parliament believed that such a combination would be too unpopular for

either the Conservatives or the Gladstone section to accept. In and out

of parliament it was asserted that should such an alliance be formed it

would break up any conservative ministry, and throw Lord Derby out

of power before he could consolidate, even if he should be able _pro

tempore_ to obtain, a parliamentary majority. Such was the condition of

feeling in England when the session of 1857 began. The close of the year

was marked by commercial and monetary panic, wide-spread, and entailing

disastrous results.

PARLIAMENT.

The first session was opened on the 3rd of February. Earl Grey in the

lords, and Mr. Disraeli in the commons, opened the party campaign by

assailing the foreign policy of the government; and Disraeli was alike

caustic and unjust upon Lord Palmerston, scarcely avoiding personality,

while inveighing against the public conduct of the veteran statesman.

One of the first subjects of a practical nature introduced to parliament

was law reform, which the lord-chancellor brought forward. His lordship

seldom gained the approbation of the house for his measures, and when

he was successful it was always under circumstances which betrayed the

weakness of his personal influence. Lord Cranworth was neither popular

in the lords nor in the country, and was less so in his ostensible legal

reforms than on any other subject. Politically he was the incubus of

the ministry, although as a chancery judge, or at all events a chancery

lawyer, he possessed reputation. Some improvements were effected during

the session, but on the whole the country was disappointed, and this

disappointment was chiefly occasioned by the incapacity, intellectual

and administrative, of Lord Cranworth to deal with any comprehensive

public measure.

Mr. Locke King introduced his motion for the extension of the county

franchise to £10 householders. Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham

advocated the measure, which they had previously so strenuously opposed.

As this was obviously for the purpose of defeating the government, and

gaining popularity for party purposes, the public gave them no credit

for sincerity, and even expressed disapprobation. This measure was lost

by the small majority of thirteen.

A committee of inquiry into the operation of the Bank Charter Act was,

early in the session, nominated in the commons.

On the 13th of February the chancellor of the exchequer made his

financial statement. Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone offered an unworthy

party opposition to almost every item of the budget, but they were

defeated by very large majorities. Lord John Russell appeared to

advantage in these discussions, as he seconded the just and reasonable

views of government, although it was well known that he was desirous

of a coalition with the Peelites and the Manchester school to turn them

out.

DEBATES ON THE CHINESE WAR-DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY.

The grand party struggle in parliament took place upon the subject of

the Chinese war. The opposition had previously made attempts, led by

Lord Grey and Mr. Disraeli, to overturn the cabinet on the subject of

the Persian war, but signally failed. Lord Derby proposed a vote of

censure, in the lords, against Dr. Bowring, for his conduct at Canton,

and the policy of the cabinet by which he was supported. The lords, by

a considerable majority, upheld the government. Mr. Cobden made a motion

in the commons similar to that made by Lord Derby in the House of Peers.

The Peelites and the Manchester school coalesced, Lord John Russell, Mr.

Roebuck, and other independent “members,” fell in with the coalition,

and the government was beaten by a majority of sixteen. The ministry did

not resign, but adopted the alternative of dissolving parliament.

PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION.

On the 21st of March parliament was prorogued to the 30th of April. On

the same day the dissolution took place, which was to test the opinion

of the country for or against the ministry.

GENERAL ELECTION.

The election was attended with great excitement, and resulted in a great

increase of members supporting the ministry. Many of the Manchester

school were thrown out; not because of their economical philosophy, but

because of their supposed readiness to sacrifice national honour and

justice for the temporary and passing advantage of the manufacturing

interest. Mr. Cobden lost the representation of the West Riding of York,

Mr. Bright and Mr. Gibson lost that of Manchester, and the followers of

these gentlemen fared no better than their chiefs.

REASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.

On May 7th the houses resumed business. It was announced by the ministry

that the Princess Royal was betrothed to Prince Frederick William of

Prussia. The house made provision for the princess.

The abolition of “ministers’ money” in Ireland was accomplished, after

a determined opposition by Mr. Disraeli in the commons, and the Earl of

Derby in the lords. The tax so called was a source of heart-burning and

contention in Ireland, a country afflicted by so many causes of social,

political, and religious disputes, that it might be supposed parliament

would have eagerly adopted any course to remove some of those occasions

of discontent. The Derby-Disraeli opposition was overborne by large

majorities, although the final struggle in the lords was ended by only a

majority of seventeen.

Long and violent debates ensued on an attempt by Lord Palmerston to

remove the ineligibility of Jews to sit in parliament. In the commons

his lordship triumphed, but in the lords was defeated. Sir F. Thesiger

in the commons and the Earls of Derby and Shaftesbury in the lords, were

the leading opponents of the measure. The Jews were much excited by

this defeat, and were, it was alleged, resolved to put forth their great

wealth to agitate the question on an extended scale: the temper of the

country would have been favourable to such an attempt.

Lord John Russell made another effort to obtain the admission of Jews,

but failed. The exasperation felt by the Jewish community now reached

a degree of great intensity, and the public sympathized with what was

considered their wrongs. Much indignation was felt against certain Irish

Roman Catholic members of parliament, who, in the supposed interests of

their own church, opposed the emancipation of their Jewish brethren.

The remainder of the session was chiefly occupied by party squabbles,

to the exclusion of useful and practical business. The opposition raised

numerous debates on the Persian war, and the Indian mutiny, which

were defeated. Mr. Disraeli signalized himself by much bitterness

of invective, and the avowal of principles which when in office,

previously and subsequently, he neither advocated nor acted upon. Some

useful discussions upon military and legal questions took place, and

a bill for facilitating divorce, in cases where that would be just and

moral, was carried. On the 28th of August parliament was prorogued.

SUDDEN CONVENTION OF PARLIAMENT IN DECEMBER.

The assembling of parliament in December was rendered necessary by the

terrible monetary panic which, originating in New York, extended to the

continent of Europe, and the British Isles. The rate of discount was

raised by the Bank of England to 10 per cent. That corporation applied

to the government to relax the restrictions of the Bank Act of 1844.

This was adopted by the government, and the convention of parliament on

the 3rd of December was mainly to pass an act of indemnity.

Commercial law reform, Jewish disabilities, church questions, and the

Indian mutiny, occupied the attention of the house until the close of

1857.

THE COURT.

On the 14th of April her majesty was safely delivered of a princess, her

fifth daughter, and ninth child. The infant was baptized on the 16th of

June. She was called Beatrice Mary Victoria Feodore. The sponsors were

the Princess Royal, the Duchess of Kent, and Prince Frederick William of

Prussia.

On the 5th of May, his Royal Highness Prince Albert opened the great

exhibition of Art Treasures in Manchester.

On the 26th of June Prince Albert received the title of Prince Consort.

The 6th of August was signalized by a visit to the queen on the part of

the Emperor and Empress of the French. The visit was paid at Osborne,

and was generally believed to have been a political one, having for its

object some agreement between the governments of England and France

in reference to their general policy, which had for some time been so

divergent.

Two ambassadors from Siam arrived in November, and attracted great

notice.

The great event of the years 1857–8 to her majesty and the court was the

marriage of the Princess Royal of England with the heir-presumptive to

the Prussian throne. “A treaty” for this purpose was concluded between

her majesty and the King of Prussia, which was signed at London on the

18th of January, 1857. The ratifications were exchanged in London on

18th of January, 1858. The solemnization of the marriage subsequently

took place in the chapel of St. James’ Palace, exciting deep and

universal interest among the people.

ART EXHIBITION IN MANCHESTER.

The exhibition in the Hyde Park Crystal Palace in 1851 suggested various

other enterprises of a similar kind. Those of Paris and Dublin were

especially brilliant. In Manchester, however, a plan was devised by

which the glories of all those exhibitions were surpassed. The scheme

was to gather the art treasures of the United Kingdom, and present

them together before the public. A building suitable to the purpose

was erected. It was not only not beautiful itself, but was exceedingly

unsightly. It was, however, spacious, convenient, and so lighted as

conduced to effect in an artistic display. The collection of productions

was estimated, in money value, at six millions sterling. Amidst this

glorious arrangement of works of genius, none probably attracted so much

attention as those of MacDowell, the Irish sculptor. His _chef-d’ouvre_,

the “Death of Virginia,” occupied the centre of the exhibition, and in

this advantageous position commanded extraordinary admiration. On the

day of opening the Prince Consort inaugurated the auspicious occasion.

Her majesty and many foreign princes afterwards visited it. All these

rich trophies of genius were restored without injury to their owners,

except a very valuable China vase, which was knocked down and broken.

CHAPTER LXX.

{VICTORIA. 1858–1859}

Foreign Affairs..... Various important transactions in

Asia..... Breaking out of a new War with China.....

Violation of treaty by Japan..... Russian designs upon that

Empire..... Russian encroachments upon China..... French

attempts at conquests in Cochin China..... France: Rivalry

with England; irritating language of the French Press;

ostensible alliance and co-operation with England; real

jealousy and contravention of British interests and policy;

dispute about a Ship Canal across the Isthmus of Suez; also

concerning electric communication between England and

France..... Commercial intercourse..... Supposed designs of

France in Northern Africa..... Attempt to Assassinate the

Emperor of the French, and effect upon the alliance with

England..... War between France and Austria, and its

influence upon English public opinion and policy.....

Naples..... Prussia: closer alliance with England.....

Spain: war with Morocco; English protests..... Hanover: the

Stade dues..... United States of America..... Relations with

the South American States..... Colonies: India, Borneo,

Australia, New Zealand, African Settlements, British

Colombia, Jamaica..... Ireland..... Home: the Court,

National Finance, Commerce..... General Home Polities and

Prospects..... Parliamentary Affairs..... Conclusion of this

History.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.—CHINA AND JAPAN.

{A.D. 1858–1859}

The foreign transactions of 1858 have been partly related in the last

chapter; the conclusion of a peace with China, which was hailed with

great satisfaction in Europe, was among those transactions. After the

peace a work was published by Mr. Laurence Oliphant, who held a position

on the civil staff of Lord Elgin, relating the events of the war. Mr.

Oliphant had been distinguished as a traveller and writer, and his work

upon the mission of Lord Elgin to the Eastern seas naturally excited

very great attention. In that work it transpired that Sir Michael

Seymour, the admiral commanding the British fleet in the Chinese waters,

did not heartily co-operate with Lord Elgin. The admiral disapproved,

or affected to disapprove, of the actively hostile proceedings of Lord

Elgin. He was for carrying on the war by blockades and compromises,

after the fashion desired by certain merchants in China and in England

connected with the Chinese trade, who did not wish China thoroughly

opened to all nations, or to all English merchants, and who desired

to go on much in the old way—dealing and quarrelling with the Chinese

alternately, enduring all insults except personal oppressions, the

plunder of property, and the stoppage of trade; so that a restricted

intercourse with the Chinese might continue available to these

merchants, already in the trade and experienced in Chinese intrigue,

but calculated to deter others from entering a field of commerce

so hazardous and uncertain. With this British merchant-clique

the Manchester party in England sympathized. This at first seemed

inconsistent with the principles of that party, which involved free

trade with all nations. The system adopted in China, however, was

believed by many of the party to work well enough for the trade of

Manchester. Many of that school, who did not think so, believed that

a Chinese war would prove so expensive, and inflame the minds of the

Chinese so much, that on the whole it was better to patch up a peace any

how, or endure a troublesome peace, rather than have open hostilities.

The general conviction in Lancashire that a war anywhere, great or

small, was injurious to the trade of the district, had much to do with

the inveterate objection of the northern politicians to a Chinese war.

A considerable number of influential persons, in the middle and northern

counties of England especially, adopted the peace principles as a

religious dogma. They held that war, under any circumstance, for

whatever purpose, offensive or defensive, was a sin, and they deemed

it their duty to oppose whatever government went to war. On a vote

connected with the Chinese war the government of Lord Palmerston was

defeated, by a combination of the tory and the Manchester parties: the

latter, acting conscientiously as opposed to war; the former, taking a

party advantage of the situation, and voting against the government for

doing what, in office, they would do themselves. These two parties

were strengthened by Lord John Russell, then in opposition, and a small

section of Whigs led by him, who, in a spirit as factious and still

less honourable, joined the great conservative party to throw out the

Palmerston ministry. Sir J. Pakington, a determined Tory, became first

lord of the admiralty, and the other lords were of course of the same

party, they had come into office by a vote adverse to the Chinese war

and to the Palmerston government for lending any sanction to it.

When Admiral Sir Michael Seymour learned these facts, he thwarted Lord

Elgin as much as he could in the naval operations, especially in the

Peiho. This Lord Elgin and Mr. Oliphant declared; and the admiral

admitted that his slowness to cany out the plenipotentiary’s

requisitions arose partly from disapproval of the policy that

functionary was sent out to enforce. In fact, Sir Michael knew that he

would be backed by a tory admiralty, at the head of which was such a

thorough-going party man as Sir J. Pakington, in adopting their policy,

and thwarting a whig plenipotentiary. Sir Michael judged correctly;

his very bad conduct was pronounced exemplary by the admiralty, and the

queen’s plenipotentiary was hindered and affronted with impunity. That

was not the first time a British admiral acted similarly, very much

to the injury and peril of his country. In the history of the British

empire in the East there are various exemplifications of admirals

setting at defiance or impeding the authorities which they were bound in

duty to obey.

The work of Lord Elgin was not destined to prove stable in China.

The treaty was broken when the English minister, the Honourable Mr.

Bruce—sent to Pekin for its ratification—appeared in the Peiho.

Fortifications had been thrown up; the approach of the English and

French envoys refused; their escorts were attacked; and after a

desperate effort on the part of the small allied squadron to force its

way up the Peiho, it was beaten back with terrible slaughter, by a large

Tartar army defending the fortified obstructions raised against its

progress. The British admiral, Hope, after displaying extraordinary

gallantry, was terribly wounded. The allied French and English withdrew,

and awaited reinforcements and the further orders of their governments.

Those governments resolved to enforce the treaty, and conquer a passage

to Pekin. Large forces, comparatively with those of former expeditions

against the Chinese, were sent forth, and such was the attitude of

affairs when the period to which this History is conducted closed.

The treaty of Lord Elgin with the Emperor of Japan did not work

so smoothly as was expected, any more than that with China. The

ratification of the treaty, was effected on the 11th of July, 1858;

soon after, the Japanese government attempted to evade it by seeking to

confine foreigners to a small island about ten miles from Yeddo, and

to establish the same sort of _surveillance_ over them as they formerly

exercised at the Dutch settlement of Décima. They further sought to

establish a new coin as the only one to be used in commercial dealings

with foreigners, but at the same time forbidding its currency among the

natives, so that all payments in the new coin would have to be exchanged

at the government treasury for the old itzabon; and the relative values

fixed by the government produced a depreciation of 66 per cent, on

foreign coins, which, according to treaty, were to be received at their

intrinsic value as metal. Mr. Alcock, the British consul-general, issued

a protest, and stopped the trade. The calm and firm attitude he

assumed had the desired effect. Soon after, a variety of dishonest and

extraordinarily scandalous practices on the part of the British traders

exasperated the Japanese people and government. The interference of the

English consul to restrain the nefarious practices of his countrymen,

and maintain the character of his country, restored matters to a

peaceful aspect.

It is remarkable, that during the state of things recorded in the

foregoing chapters, of British relations with China and Japan, that

a large trade took place. The following is taken from an issue of the

_Chinese Telegraph_ at the close of 1859:—

“The aggregate amount of our trade with China, imports and exports,

including those of India, in 1857, reached £22,122,469, although there

was a cessation of the tea trade with Canton. Last year, even with the

effects of the commercial panic of the previous year, and the stoppage

of Canton trade, the aggregate commerce with China, British and Indian,

was over £20,000,000, exclusive of any colonial trade, Australian,

or with the Archipelago. In 1833, the declared value of the British

manufactures exported to China was only £630,578; in 1840 it was as low

as £524,198; and at the close of the war of 1842 it stood at £969,381.

In a few years after the opening of the five new ports to foreign

commerce, the value of British goods shipped had increased fully 50 per

cent., while it has now nearly tripled in value.

“The import and consumption of tea in this country has more than doubled

since the consular ports were thrown open. So also with silk. As we

have formerly shown, the demand has been extensive, and China can supply

enormous quantities. From a trivial export, silk has become the second

great staple of shipment. Although our imports from China have hitherto

consisted chiefly of three or four principal staples, there is no

reason, looking at the extensive resources of that vast empire, why

they should continue so restricted. Something has even been done of late

years in this respect. Chinese wool has come in to some extent, having

risen in some years to half a million of pounds; although, from its

harsh quality, and mixed and dirty character, it is only fitted for

coarse woollens, yet it is saleable at low prices. There are other

drugs, besides camphor, rhubarb, and essential oils to be obtained

thence. A demand has sprung up for sugar, and we can draw supplies

from China as well as from Manilla. There are other spices too, besides

cassia lignea, to be procured from China.

“In addition to the exports to Great Britain, China exports tea, silk,

drugs, and sundries to the continent of Europe, North and South America,

Australia, New Zealand, India, and the various settlements of the

Eastern Archipelago. The Indian trade has now reached about £10,000,000

in value, one article, opium, constituting the chief export; and

this, since the recent treaty, had increased in value by upwards of

£1,500,000. The shipments of cotton from India to China would seem to

be declining. Whether this arises from a greater demand from England,

an increased home production in China, or the internal rebellion, we

are not prepared to state. The American imports from China, since the

opening of the five ports, have more than doubled in value.

“The British interest in the indirect trade is also worthy of notice. In

addition to the large balance against us on the direct trade, we have to

provide for that created by the excess of value in exports to Australia,

America, &c, all of which are paid for by bills drawn on London. We may

except a small portion remitted direct by Australia in gold. India forms

the only exception. Her exports amount to over nine millions, while the

imports are under one million. In this way we settle, indirectly, the

balance of trade.”

The commerce with Japan was too imperfectly organized at the period

when this History closes to afford reliable statistics. It was, however,

considerable, especially in mineral productions. Gold, silver, copper,

and iron abounded; and as the Portuguese and Dutch in former days

enriched themselves by importing the precious metals from Japan, so it

promised, in 1859, to be the Ophir of the Eastern seas, if not of the

world. The war with China, and the opening of commercial relations with

Japan, were not the only matters of interest in the relations of England

to these countries. Russia opened a negotiation with the Japanese

emperor, for the cession of a position upon a small island, which there

was no doubt in England was intended as a _point d’appui_ for Russian

aggression. In China the same power made prodigious inroads, and it was

believed in Great Britain and in India, that Russian agents and Russian

material of war contributed to the defeat of Admiral Hope and his French

allies in the Peiho.

The following communication from St. Petersburg contains interesting

details relative to the extension of the Russian dominions in Asia:—“I

have received an interesting letter from the harbour of Weg-Chaz-Weg, in

the Yellow Sea, dated the 13th of July, 1858. It announces that

Count Mouravieff Amoorski arrived there that day on board the steamer

_America_, coming from Japan and Corea, to visit the coast of China. The

port is in the neighbourhood of the Gulf of Pechelee. Colonel Boudgoski,

chief of the commission for fixing the boundaries between the Russian

possessions in Mantchouria and the celestial empire, is going to Pekin

to obtain the approbation and definitive confirmation of the new limits

of Russia in Asia. According to the new line, the entire coast of

Mantchouria, on the Yellow Sea, and all that part of the country

not hitherto claimed by any power, becomes a Russian possession. The

territory acquired by the last treaty with China is thus considerably

increased. All the southern part of the coast near Corea—that is to

say, all under the same latitude as the Caucasian provinces, is supplied

with a considerable number of excellent harbours. In fact, in no other

country in the world is there to be found so many good harbours so near

to each other; in fine, it is difficult to decide which is the best.

The famous port of Sebastopol, and the Golden Horn in the Bosphorus, are

inferior as compared with these bays and ports. The land on the borders

of the coast is covered with virgin forests, in which are to be found

oaktrees of nine feet in diameter. The writer of the letter adds that

the sight of this gigantic vegetation filled him with amazement. It

is expected that this newly-acquired territory will become of immense

importance, the forests being situate so near such magnificent harbours.

The labyrinth of bays, harbours, and islands is called the Gulf of Peter

the Great, and the best port is named Vladiwosjok (Dominator of the

East), because it is the cradle of the Russian fleet in the Pacific

Ocean, and the commencement of Russian domination in the East. This

letter was received at St. Petersburg through Pekin, and thence by a

Chinese courier through Mongolia and Kiachta. This gives an idea of

the celerity with which communications are transmitted between St.

Petersburg, Pekin, and the Gulf of Pechelee.”

France had also designs of Oriental empire, which, however awkwardly

prosecuted, had never been abandoned. Her efforts during 1857–8–9, in

Cochin China, to establish a position there and make acquisitions of

territory, were expensive and persevering, although not attended with

the success which English and Russian enterprise has so generally

secured.

FRANCE.

England and France were ostensible allies during the period of which we

now write; but there existed a mutual jealousy, certainly provoked by

France, which seemed to regard rivalry with England as the grand object

of her political mission. The emperor made great efforts to bring up the

revenues of France to a standard that would enable him to undertake

all the schemes of his ambition. The actual results in that part of his

labours were as follows, taking the statement of the government official

organ, the _Moniteur_:—“The general revenue for the year 1858–9

amounted to 1,094,614,000 fr., being an increase of 2,916,000 fr. on

1857–8. The items which show an improvement are: import duty on foreign

sugar, 12,020,000 fr.; duty on potable liquors, 8,439,000 fr.; postage,

3,462,000 fr.; sundry duties and receipts, 2,864,000 fr.; import duty on

sundry merchandize, 2,697,000 fr.; salt duties, 1,496,000 fr.; sale of

tobacco, 1,471,000 fr.; import duty on corn, 577,000 fr.; navigation

dues, 557,000 fr.; stamp duties, 521,000 fr.; customs’ export duties,

425,000 fr.; money orders, 185,000 fr.; transit charge on foreign

letters, 26,000 fr. Those which have fallen off are registration duties,

15,036,000 fr.; duty on beetroot sugar, 6,286,000 fr.; sundry customs’

receipts, 1,489,000 fr.; sale of gunpowder, 597,000 fr. The increase of

revenue in 1859, as compared with 1857, was 41,931,000 fr.”

These returns were no doubt coloured, as French official reports

generally are; but, if correct, showed that the financial resources of

France were far inferior to those of England.

A variety of irritating topics were got up in France, and continued

to be so discussed in the press, with the connivance of the French

government, that the minds of the people of both countries became

inflamed with anger, and a disposition to adjust differences of

opinion and policy by the sword, eagerly advocated by the French, was

reluctantly adopted by the English. The French emperor, finding that

the English alliance had again become indispensable to him, silenced

the aspersers of his ally, or directed the same journals to uphold the

alliance they had so bitterly and pertinaciously decried. The creation

of a ship-canal across the isthmus of Suez was one of the most popular

themes of French vituperation. A French company desired to carry out

this object, or at all events to gain _grants of territory in Egypt_

for that ostensible purpose. The demands made for territorial concession

upon the pasha would have given the French government in Egypt a hold

upon that country subversive of its independence, and of the rights

of the Porte, most menacing to British rule in India, and dangerous to

Europe. Even if the scheme for the ship-canal were never executed, no

one doubted that France would make use of the territory granted for that

purpose to consolidate power in Egypt, England successfully opposed the

concession to a French company of any portion of the Egyptian territory.

Russia, Austria, and Prussia, from jealousy of England, and especially

of her Eastern dominions and marvellous commercial prosperity, aided

France in her efforts to induce the sultan to comply with her requests.

The policy of England on this subject was still in the ascendant at

Constantinople when the session of the British parliament rose in 1859.

Electric communication between England and France formed another subject

of difference. The French government was anxious, for its own political

purposes, to give exclusive advantages to a particular company; the

English government communicated its wish to throw open to competition

such undertakings. France pretended acquiescence at one time and

indifference at another, but at length, in harmony with the emperor’s

usual mode of acting, he suddenly granted a thirty years’ monopoly to

the company which, for the reasons referred to, he all along secretly or

openly favoured. During the latter part of 1859, the British government

made efforts to induce that of France to slacken the restrictive

commercial system which it had favoured. At a later period, a treaty was

made with such object, through the intervention of Lord Cowley and Mr.

Cobden on the part of England.

A war broke out between Morocco and Spain, which England used great

exertions to prevent, but which France not only encouraged but

instigated. The British government protested against Spain conquering

territory, and occupying strongholds on the African coasts opposite to

Gibraltar. So far as France was concerned in this war she betrayed a

desire that Spain should do what England was interested in preventing;

the French knowing that they could, from their own conquests in Africa,

drive out the Spaniards when they pleased, while the two nations united

in holding positions of strength in Africa, might countervail the power

in the Mediterranean which England derived from Gibraltar.

On the 12th of January an attempt was made to assassinate the Emperor of

the French, while in his carriage proceeding to the opera. The plot was

concocted by an Italian refugee, named Orsini, who was aided by

others, especially three Italians, named Rudio, Pierri, and Gomez. The

instruments of murder were shells, so made as to be thrown by the hand,

and detonate when coming in contact with any hard substance. These

shells had been manufactured in Birmingham, where Orsini, and some of

his companions, had temporarily resided. This circumstance inflamed

the mind of the French emperor and the French army against England.

The latter presented addresses to his majesty, from various corps,

denouncing England as the asylum of conspirators, and a den of

assassins; and denominating the English people as the confederates and

encouragers of conspirators and assassins. Offers were made by some

of the corps of the French army to invade England, and drag from “the

assassins’ den” the conspirators. These inflammatory addresses were well

received at the Tuileries, and answers given which were not respectful

to England. These proceedings in France were followed up by addresses

from the senate, in which foreign governments were called upon, in a

dictatorial and insolent tone, to make their laws against refugees more

stringent. These addresses, and the way in which the French emperor

received them, produced a great ferment in all the free countries of the

world, and the people of England were stung to the quick. The English

government, however, bore tamely these insults. An affrontful despatch,

through the French ambassador, made a climax to the haughty proceedings

of France, and the mode in which the government received it was so

time-serving and timid in the eyes of the English people, that the

popularity of the Palmerston administration was destroyed. That

administration had been restored to power with increased popularity, as

well as a large majority, upon the dissolution caused by the defeat of

the previous year on the Chinese question, but the timidity shown in

dealing with the insolence of the French ambassador, army, emperor,

press, and people, deprived it of all weight in the country. The defeat

and resignation of the English ministry resulted from this feeling. The

general tone of the French government, however, became modified by the

strength of will shown on the part of the English people, united

with their unmistakable abhorrence of the crime which led to the bad

feeling—at all events the immediate bad feeling—between the two

countries. The emperor made such acknowledgments to the British

government as amounted to an apology, and the mind of the people

became quieted on the subject, especially as the ministry was, for

its pusillanimity, hurled from power. Still, during the whole of 1858,

although the ostensible alliance was never broken, there existed no good

will towards England on the part of France, and no confidence in the

peaceful disposition of France and its emperor either to England or any

other power pervaded the public opinion of Britain. The suspicions of

the English people were verified in 1859. On the first day of that year,

at a reception in Paris, the emperor lectured the Austrian ambassador in

a manner insulting to the sovereign he represented, and which portended

war. The Austrian dominion in Italy was harsh, bigoted, and unjust. The

Germans, always so invidious in pride of race, were so in Italy to a

degree which goaded the Italians to desperation. The Austrians at last

violated the Sardinian territory, and France declared war. The French

and Italians, allies in a short campaign, drove the Austrians, with

terrible slaughter out of Lombardy, and all their Italian provinces

except Venice. The French emperor made peace as suddenly as he had made

war. A convention at Villa-franca, followed by a conference and treaty

at Zurich, settled the affairs of Italy, as far as the two emperors were

concerned. The Italian people were not, however, parties to the treaty,

and would not be bound by it. They determined upon annexation to

Piedmont, whereas the emperor resolved to restore the Italian duchies

to the sovereigns. Events may here be anticipated, so far as to say

that the diplomatic interposition of England was used in favour of

the Italian people, and influenced France in favour of a policy less

concessive to Austria. Throughout the period 1858–9, the firmness

and good sense of the people of England, acting decisively upon their

government, ensured peace with France, which the intemperance, intrigue,

and arrogance of our ally made it difficult to preserve.

NAPLES.

For many years the intercourse between the governments of her majesty

and the King of Naples were unsatisfactory, for the reasons assigned in

previous chapters. During the period included in this chapter, Naples

was in a very disturbed state, and the people of Italy were desirous

to aid their brethren of that kingdom in bringing about a revolution.

A ship, called _Cagliari_, the property of Sardinian subjects, was

engaged, ostensibly for other purposes but really to land a small force

in Naples, with supplies of arms and munitions of war, and precipitate a

revolution. The captain of the ship was a Sardinian, and ignorant of the

plot. The engineers were Englishmen, and also ignorant of the plot. The

conspirators seized the ship, and compelled the captain and engineers

to direct the vessel to Naples. The government of that country had

information of the design, and sent a war vessel to intercept that on

board of which the conspirators were. The capture was effected. The

Sardinian captain and British engineers, although obviously innocent,

were subjected to cruel injuries and indignities. The Sardinian

government interposed, but was not in a condition to enforce its rights.

Lord Palmerston’s cabinet neglected the claims of the British subjects

so injured, except by empty and futile remonstrances. When that cabinet

was thrown out for its timid policy towards France, on the refugee

question, the government of Lord Derby took the matter up with energy,

and Lord Malmesbury, then foreign secretary, adopted a tone as bold and

as English, as his conduct in the case of Mr. Mather, in Tuscany, some

years before, was incompetent and cowardly. The threat of force by the

English government secured the restoration of the unjustly imprisoned

English, and some measure of compensation. This circumstance gave weight

to the government of Lord Derby, both at home and abroad.

PRUSSIA.

On the 20th of January the Princess Royal of England was married to the

eldest son of the Crown Prince of Prussia. For a time this increased the

influence abroad both of England and Prussia, and the two nations seemed

to be very firmly allied. After a short time, Prussia relapsed into

her old pro-Russian sympathies, and lost all popularity in England. The

marriage of the heir-presumptive of the Prussian throne and the Princess

Royal of England caused great festivities, both in London and Berlin, in

January, and gave satisfaction to the freer nations of the Continent.

SPAIN.

During the years 1858–9 a feeling sprang up in Spain hostile to England.

This was partly attributable to France, which, in every direction,

professing alliance with England, endeavoured to foster jealousies and

enmities against her. Partly the feeling arose from the demands of the

English government for the payment of a debt due by that of Spain

ever since war between Don Carlos and Christina. Nearly half a million

sterling was then advanced by England to aid the cause of the Spanish

queen. The queen and her government, while indulging in the most

reckless extravagance, were unwilling to pay.

In 1859 Spain went to war with Morocco, on grounds which England did

not deem sufficient, and projects of territorial aggrandizement were

suspected as actuating the Spanish administration. England could not

allow Spain to erect a fortress opposite to Gibraltar, on the Straits,

and such was believed throughout Europe to be the real object of the

Spanish minister. France was solicitous to weaken the power of the

Moorish empire, and so promote her own designs of encroachment.

A Spanish war was favourable to such an object. It would also be

practicable for the French, at any time, to expel the Spaniards, and

seize upon their positions, and hold a point as powerful for the command

of the Straits of Gibraltar as the rock itself. The policy of France was

anti-English and anti-Spanish throughout, although O’Donnel, the Spanish

minister, regarded it as advantageous to Spain. The demand by England

for repayment to her of the loan so long due by Spain, at such juncture,

was interpreted by the Spanish government and people as an act of

hostility; and the press of Paris, with the connivance of the imperial

government, kept up, and, to a great extent, created the opinion.

The _modus operandi_ of the English government was, however, so

conciliatory, yet firm, as to force respect from the cabinet of Madrid,

and evoke assurances which were satisfactory, although few in England

believed them sincere.

HANOVER.

The Hanoverian government had levied for a long time, at the mouth

of the Elbe, certain monies, called “Stade dues.” This excited much

complaint amongst English merchants, and led to an investigation in the

English house of commons, in 1858, of the claims put forward by Hanover

to such exactions. The committee of the commons reported that the

imposts were injurious to British trade, and that Hanover rendered no

return. This led to negotiations which, after much tedious diplomacy,

ended in the extinction of the rates thus levied upon British ships.

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

The opening paragraphs of the message of the President of the United

States contained the following statements, which were as just and true

as they were remarkable, coming from that source:—

“It has been the misfortune of both countries, ever since the period

of the revolution, to have been annoyed by a series of irritating and

dangerous questions threatening their friendly relations. This has

partly prevented the full development of those feelings of mutual

friendship between the peoples of the two countries, so natural in

themselves, and so conducive to their common interest. Any serious

interruption to the commerce between the United States and Great Britain

would be equally injurious to both. In fact no two nations ever existed

on the face of the earth which could do one another so much good and so

much harm.”

The year 1858 terminated one of the questions thus referred to by the

president—“the right of search.” It was settled, as all questions

between England and the United States have been, by concession on the

part of the former. English ships of war were, on no pretence, in time

of peace, to board, or detain, the American commercial marine on any

pretence whatever.

SOUTH AMERICAN STATES.

COLONIES.—INDIA.

The colonies of Great Britain, stretching over so large a portion of

the globe, could not fail to attract the attention of the people and

government of the British empire. The most important of all these

territorial acquisitions was India. The extinction of the mutiny and

revolt in the Bengal provinces of that country was related in a previous

chapter. It is here necessary to point out the issue of that mighty

struggle. The political power of the East India Company was abolished

by an act of the imperial parliament, and the government of India

vested solely in the crown. Her majesty was proclaimed Empress of India,

throughout all its provinces, to the amazement of princes and peoples,

with the mute submission of many, and the joyful acclamations of more.

A letter from Calcutta, in the August of 1859, thus reported:—

“Our trade returns, up to the 1st May, 1859, have just been published.

They show an increase of about a million:

Year. Imports. Exports. Total.

1858–9 15,46,49,766 15,25,67,555 30,72,17,321

This total includes treasure, but the chief increase is in merchandize,

especially the following articles:—

Increase.

Cotton.............................. 10,37,928 Rs.

Haberdashery........................ 8,18,318

Hardware............................ 5,99,185

Copper.............................. 6,51,599

White and grey cottons.............. 1,7228,679

Ale................................. 15,00,821

Twist............................... 31,20,698

The commerce of England and her friendly relations with several of the

South American States were much developed during the period to which

this chapter refers, although with other portions of that vast region it

was impossible to hold any intercourse, so riven were they by faction,

oppression, and civil war. With Brazil the commercial connections of

England were important, and the amity of the two states assured. Chili,

Peru, and Panama dealt largely with the European western nations, and

should the liberal party in those countries succeed in checking

the encroachments of the priests, it is obvious that a much further

development of commercial intercourse would take place.

Showing a new trade of £2,000,000 sterling with Manchester alone.

“In exports, the great fluctuations have been in—

Increase.

Silks.................................... 10,26,928 Rs.

Opium.................................... 42,85,474

Sugar .................................. 38,63,928

Jute..................................... 21.49,089

Linseed ............................... 20,81,914

Mustard seed............................. 14,84,683

“The exportation of rice has decreased by half a million sterling. The

increase in the import of Manchester goods will not be so rapid this

year, the market showing some signs of a glut. The import of silver has

been twenty-six millions in five years!”

Such a condition of commercial development and prosperity, during a

period of terrible contest, is one of the most marvellous of modern

historical facts. The progress of railways was, if possible, more

surprising as to the development of the material resources and aptitudes

of India at such a period. The condition of material prosperity shown

by India, in spite of the sanguinary sepoy revolt, was scarcely more

encouraging than the reports of the way in which the finance of India

passed through the terrible convulsion.

THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES.

_South Australia_.—The extraordinarily rapid progress to wealth, power,

and importance of the Australian colonies was one of the great wonders

of the age. The following account of the condition of South Australia,

in 1859, is full of interest to every patriot and every friend of human

progress:—“The population was estimated at upwards of 120,000, and the

total immigration, from the 1st of January to the 8th of October, had

been 3,881. There had been an emigration, however, to the extent of

2,139 persons, leaving a balance in favour of immigration of 1,742,

comprising 917 male adults, 579 female adults, 101 male children, and

145 female children. The average number of destitute persons relieved at

the public expense in the three months ending the 27th of September was

756. The extent of crown lands sold, from the 1st of January to the 13th

of October was 113,731 acres, which realized £150,616—an amount

and acreage below the average of former years. The earnings of the

government railways—from Adelaide to Port Adelaide, and from Adelaide

to Gawler Town—amounted to £37,205 in the first 41 weeks of the

present year, being an increase of £1,340 as compared with the

corresponding period of 1858. There are 254 permanent ecclesiastical

buildings in the colony, besides 104 dwelling-houses and places

temporarily used for religious worship; sittings are thus provided for

51,831 persons, and the average congregations are estimated at 41,000.

The Wesleyan Methodists provided 16,261 sittings; the Church of

England, 6,335 sittings; the Roman Catholics, 4,790 sittings; and the

Congregationalists, 6,051 sittings. The remainder were supplied by other

denominations too numerous to particularize; but it may be added

that the German Lutherans figure in the return to the extent of 5,164

sittings. The total number of children in the various schools in the

colony maintained at the public expense was in 1858, 8,237: viz. 4,395

boys, and 3,842 girls. The total number of schools was 182, and the

amount of government aid given was £11,329. These figures exhibit an

astonishing advance as compared with 1849, when there were only 27

schools, with 848 scholars, and government aid to the extent of £707.

There were besides 11,982 scholars in Sunday schools in 1858, and 210

of those institutions were in existence, as compared with 45 schools and

2,563 scholars in 1848.”

_Victoria_.—The progress of this colony was more rapid and extensive

than that of any other in the Australian group. The balance-sheet of the

colony for 1858 revealed the following startling facts. The receipts for

that year amount in round numbers to £3,000,000, the import duties alone

amounting to £1,318,000, the export duty on gold to £316,000, the sales

of public lands to £628,000, the rent of public lands and licences of

different trades to £331,000, and the postage to £89,000. The surplus

revenue was expended by the assembly of representatives in the following

manner:—£114,000 for education, £24,000 for scientific purposes,

£25,000 for sanitary improvements, £769,000 for useful public works,

£25,000 towards the relief of sufferers by the sepoy mutiny, £7,000 for

a public library, £8,000 for an university purely secular. After these

and similar votes, a cash balance of nearly half a million sterling

remained in hand.

BRITISH AMERICA

Nothing peculiarly calling for statement or remark was presented in the

aspect of the British American colonies in 1858–9, except Jamaica and

British Columbia.

_Jamaica_.—This island has been well styled the Queen of the Western

Indies. Slavery, bad government, the ignorance and bigotry of the

colonists, had all militated against its improvement—1858–9 was no

exception to these remarks. According to _De Cordova’s Mercantile

Intelligencer_, the Commercial annals of the year “were peculiarly

unhealthy.” This was the only British American colony to which such a

remark would apply.

_British Columbia and Vancouver’s Island_.—This new settlement made

great progress from the very dawn of its recognition as a colony. The

capital, called Victoria, sprang up as if by magic, and became a centre

of business activity and colonial enterprise. Situated on the

Pacific, the climate is favourable, and the position, politically and

commercially, most important. The citizens of the United States laid

claim to an island near Vancouver’s Island, which was a source of alarm

lest war between the two states should arise from the dispute.

This question was not adjusted when this History was brought to a

termination.

In 1859, the _Canadian News_ contained the following statements

illustrating the value of this colony:—“Her majesty’s ship _Plumper_

arrived at Esquimault on the 1st of November from Nanaimo, having

concluded her surveying operations on the northern part of the Strait

of Georgia for the present season. During this cruise, several new

anchorages have been discovered and surveyed between Nanaimo and Cape

Laso (or Point Holmes, as it is sometimes called), a distance of about

fifty miles. But, perhaps, the most important discovery is the existence

of a considerable river in Vancouver’s Island, navigable for boats or

small stern-wheel steamers, on the banks of which are extensive tracts

of excellent land, varying from 20 to 100 feet in elevation, and clothed

with a rich luxuriant grass. This land is ready for the plough, is

entirely clear of the pine-tree, and studded here and there with

a better kind of oak than is usually found on the cleared lands

of Vancouver’s Island. This river, which has received the name of

Courtenay, in honour of Admiral Courtenay, who formerly commanded her

majesty’s ship _Constance_ in these waters, empties itself into a good

and spacious harbour, Port Augusta, which lies in about 49° 36′ north

latitude, and is scarcely 50 miles from Nanaimo. Major Downie was on his

way down from the Upper Fraser River region by the Lillooet trail

and Port Douglas. There were reports of his having made some valuable

geographical discoveries on his journey from the coast to Port

Alexander, among which were a chain of lakes extending along the route

150 miles, so that steamers drawing 12 inches of water can navigate a

distance of 100 miles further than steamers drawing 4 feet, which latter

run on Senas River, and a practicable portage of 40 miles will then

reach Fort Alexander. These reports are looked upon at Victoria as

important, as, if true, the upper mining districts will be much

more accessible than heretofore, being brought almost within water

communication with Victoria.”

IRELAND.

Of this country, at the close of our History as well as so frequently

during its progress, it is a painful duty to relate that its moral and

material progress was retarded by barbarous and cruel assassinations

perpetrated by member’s of a secret conclave, called the Ribbon Society.

This society was exclusively composed of Roman Catholics, and fanatics

of that creed. Their brutal murders were partly agrarian, and partly

of a bigoted character; but the effect upon the social condition and

prosperity of the country was disastrous. Still progress was made, and

agricultural and commercial enterprise increased. A government report,

on the agricultural statistics of Ireland for 1858, just published,

gives the following particulars:—“The land under crops was 5,882,052

acres; under grass, 9,354,117 acres; fallow. 42,551; woods, &c, 313,271;

and bog or waste, 4,667,331 acres. In some counties the area under

tillage continues to increase; in 13 of them it has diminished. The

total increase last year, on 1857, was 22,935 acres. The principal crops

grown in Ireland, are oats, potatoes, and hay, which in 1858 occupied 78

acres in every 100 of the entire extent under cultivation. In that year,

the proportionate area under oats was 34, potatoes 24, and hay 24 acres

in every 100. Wheat covered only nine, turnips six, and flax not quite

two acres per cent, of the whole area under crops. The area under crops

in 1858 is thus divided:—Wheat, 546,964 acres; oats, 1,981,241; barley,

190,768; rye, 11,470; and beans, 11,038; potatoes, 1,159,707; turnips,

338,202; mangold-wurtzel, 29,547; flax, 91,646; rape, 14,067; and meadow

and clover, 1,424,495 acres. The grass lands of Ireland cover nearly

one-half of the entire surface of the island. These tracts do not

include the land under meadow and clover (or the hay-producing lands),

but merely those returned to the enumerators as used for pasture at

the time of the collection of the statistics. The turf-bog is a very

valuable portion of the land, the turf being used for fuel, and till

coal becomes cheap enough to supersede it, the reclamation of bog will

be but slow in many parts of the island. There were 599,178 holdings in

Ireland in 1858: viz. 38,198 of 1 acre (not exceeding); 83,219 of 1 to 5

acres; 181,267 of 5 to 15 acres; 139,618 of 15 to 30 acres; 71,791 of

30 to 50 acres; 53,544 of 50 to 100 acres; 21,566 of 100 to 200 acres;

8,383 of 200 to 500 acres; and 1,592 of above 500 acres. The holdings

have increased by 4,786. Of the entire 20,259,322 acres forming the area

of Ireland, nearly one-half is in the possession of farmers holding from

15 to 100 acres, of which 1,475,433 acres, or 14·9 in every 100 is waste

or unproductive; about one-third is under farms of 100 to 500 acres, of

which 1,741,956 acres, or 28.5 per cent., is bog or waste, and

one-tenth of which, more than 1,260,535 acres, or nearly one-half, are

unprofitable for tillage, is occupied by farms of above 500 acres; the

remainder, which includes only 189,407 acres of the waste lands, is in

the hands of farmers holding under 15 acres. The following is the return

of live stock for 1858: viz. 630,611 horses and mules, 163,323 asses,

3,667,304 cattle, 3,494,993 sheep, 1,409,883 pigs, 228,351 goats,

and 9,563,185 poultry. The value is computed at £34,977,244. The weed

nuisance is still bitterly complained of by the Irish registrar-general,

who urges the passing of a bill to compel the destruction of weeds with

winged seeds before they are allowed to ripen. Besides the Blue-book

from which the above figures are copied, two small papers have been

printed, giving briefly the statistics for 1859. Last year, then, it

appears that 465,497 acres were under wheat, 1,981,197 under oats,

1,200,144 under potatoes, 322,266 under turnips, 136,329 under flax, and

1,436,680 under meadow and clover. The gross total area under crops

was 5,861,666 acres, against 5,882,052 in 1858. There was a decrease in

cereal and an increase in green crops. The net total decrease was 20,386

acres. Weeds are again complained of. The live stock in 1859 included

628,916 horses, 3,810,136 horned cattle, 3,588,356 sheep, and 1,262,873

pigs.”

HOME.—THE COURT.

The marriage of the Princess Royal took place January the 25th, under

the circumstances referred to in a previous chapter.

One of the earliest incidents connected with the court, of any general

interest, was the investiture of the King of Portugal with the order of

the garter. This event took place in Lisbon, where the Marquis of Bath

and Sir George Young officiated, as her majesty’s plenipotentiaries, in

conferring the honour. The ceremony took place on the 27th of May, 1858.

On the 15th of June her majesty, accompanied by Prince Albert, visited

Birmingham, on occasion of a “People’s Park” being set apart. Her

majesty was the guest of Lord Leigh, of Stoneleigh Abbey.

A distribution of the Victoria Cross took place on Southsea Common, by

her majesty in person, on the 2nd of August.

Soon after, her majesty, attended by a brilliant court, proceeded to the

inauguration of Cherbourg as a great port and arsenal, and the opening

of the Napoleon Dock at that place. The attendance of the Queen of

England upon an occasion intended to celebrate a work accomplished for

the menace of her dominions, and more especially of her naval power in

the Channel, was generally regarded abroad as a sign of timidity on the

part of the English government, and of a willingness to conciliate the

French emperor at all costs, even of national respect.

On the 10th of August her majesty sailed from Gravesend for Germany, to

pay a visit to her daughter, the Princess Frederick William of Prussia.

The year 1858 was remarkable for the number of visits paid by the court.

On the 6th of September her majesty visited Leeds. Avast concourse of

people, from every part of the great West Riding of York, thronged the

town, and the demonstrations of loyal attachment made by the people

were most gratifying to their sovereign. The object of the visit was the

opening of the Town Hall. A great musical festival followed, one of the

most successful ever held in England.

The court, during that portion of 1859 which falls within the limits of

this History, was not in any especial way connected with great public

events.

COMMERCE AND FINANCE.

One of the most remarkable features of the commerce of the period

was the importation of corn:—In 1858, wheat, 4,275,435 qrs.; barley,

1,673,477 qrs.; total of all grain, 11,572,702 qrs.: 1859, wheat,

4,023,578 qrs.; barley, 1,742,217 qrs.; total of all grain, 10,516,193

qrs.

In 1858 there was a reduction of taxation to the amount of £2,100,000;

new taxes were imposed to the extent of £456,780.

The rental value of land in England in 1859 was estimated at

£41,000,000.

The following statement of railway property at the close of 1858, is

from a return ordered in consequence of a parliamentary motion, made by

Mr. Henley, in the session of 1859:—“The grand total amount of

railway capital authorized by act of parliament previous to the 31st of

December, 1857, was £287,908,636 by shares, and £98,273,070 by loans. In

1858, £5,253,792 was authorized by shares, and £2,199,409 by loans. The

total capital and loans authorized previous to the 31st of December,

1858, was £392,682,755; £181,837,781 of the capital was not receiving,

nor entitled to receive, any preferential dividend or interest. The

total dividends on the share capital amounted to £6,161,099; £61,854,547

was the stock receiving, or entitled to receive, preferential dividend

or interest, to the amount of £829,331. The total debts of companies

at the end of 1858, amounted to £81,683,179; and the interest thereon

payable to £3,591,148. £325,375,507 was the total sum which at the

end of 1858 the railway companies had raised by shares or loans, and

£67,307,248 the total amount which at the same period they retained

power to raise, either by existing or by new shares, or by loans.

The total amount expended on railroad works and rolling stock was

£287.800,208. The total length of line and capital appropriated by

parliament for the construction of lines, for which the powers for the

compulsory purchase of land have been allowed to expire previous to

the 31st of December, 1858, without the exercise of such powers, were

respectively 2,534 miles, and £41,082,954.”

The value of imports and exports to the United Kingdom for 1858 and 1859

was enormous. The following comparative view, based on the returns of

the board of trade, is therefore of much interest. The general increase

of exports in 1859 over 1858 was £13,831,671, while to the colonies

and the United States it was £14,022,424. The balance of our business

carried on with all other parts of the world resulted, therefore, in a

falling off.

The total income of the national exchequer, when the accounts were

made out in 1858, was a little more than sixty-eight millions. The

expenditure amounted to nearly two and a half millions more.

PARLIAMENTARY AND POLITICAL.

On the 4th of February, 1858, the business of parliament began. The

life of the French emperor having been attempted by an assassin, who

had resided as a refugee in England (as recorded under the head of

our relations with France), the government brought in a bill to bring

refugees more stringently under the cognizance of the executive. The

spirit of the measure was to conciliate France, and gratify the French

emperor. This was distasteful to the nation; for the French press, and

the French army, with the connivance, and even at the instigation of the

French government, abused and menaced England, in a manner such as no

great nation before had endured from another in time of peace. The

bill of Lord Palmerston was supported by the whole strength of the tory

opposition. The independent Liberals, however, made so determined an

opposition to the measure, and to the whole policy of the government in

truckling to France, that the tory party resolved to make that hostility

available to overthrow the government. It appeared that an insulting

despatch had been sent by Count Walewski, the French minister, to the

English minister for foreign affairs. To this despatch no reply was

returned, whereas the house of commons and the country considered that a

reply, prompt and indignant, should have been given. Mr. Milner Gibson,

then especially hostile to the Palmerston government, moved what was

tantamount to a vote of censure, on the ground of the silence of the

cabinet under the singularly offensive despatch of the French minister.

The combination of independent Liberals and Tories, upon this motion,

threw out the government.

Lord Derby was sent for by her majesty, and empowered to form a

ministry. The new cabinet was thus composed:—

First Lord of the Treasury....... Earl of Derby.

Lord-Chancellor.................. Lord Chelmsford.

President of the Council......... Marquis of Salisbury.

Lord Privy Seal.................. Earl of Hardwicke.

Home Secretary................... Mr. Spencer Walpole.

Foreign Secretary................ Earl of Malmesbury.

Colonial Secretary............... Lord Stanley.

Secretary at War................. General Peel.

Chancellor of the Exchequer...... Mr. Disraeli.

First Lord of the Admiralty...... Sir J. S. Pakington.

President of the Board of Control Earl of Ellenborough.

President of the Board of Trade Mr. Henley.

First Commissioner of Works.......Lord J. Manners

The members not in the cabinet were selected from the other leading

members of the late tory opposition in both houses.

So unpopular had the ministry of Lord Palmerston become, by its

subserviency to the French emperor, and its neglect of the honour of

England, in the instance of the two English engineers, captured on board

the Sardinian ship, _Oagliari_, by a Neapolitan frigate, that there

was a very general disposition, among all parties, to give Lord Derby’s

government “a fair trial.”

The course of this ministry did not, however, run smooth, and they,

soon lost popularity and power, by their prejudices, incapacity for the

crisis, and a disposition to increase their power by petty trick and

indirect artifice. This last feature of their ministerial character was

most especially exemplified in the commons by Mr. Disraeli.

The Earl of Derby abandoned the foreign refugee bill, which he and his

followers had, when out of office, supported.

During the discussion which arose concerning India, and the transaction

of business with that empire resulting from the mutiny, the Earl of

Ellenborough acted with a partizanship so flagrant and unjust, that in

order to save the cabinet it was necessary that he should retire from

it, go strong was the indignation against him both in the commons

and the country. Lord Stanley, who had filled the office of colonial

secretary with great ability, assumed the office vacated by Lord

Ellenborough, and was afterwards made “secretary of state for India,”

an office created by “the government of India act.” Sir Edward Bulwer

Lytton became secretary for the colonies in the room of Lord Stanley.

The chief work of the new tory ministry was to carry a bill for the

government of India. Almost every other measure introduced by them was

unpopular, yet the feeling against the late Palmerston ministry was so

strong, that there was no desire to expel the cabinet.

Lord Lucan, in spite of the public opposition, and still more

intense private opposition of Lord Derby, carried a measure for the

parliamentary emancipation of the Jews, which was admirably devised, and

ably brought forward and supported by the noble earl.

The grand failure of the Derby ministry was a reform bill, which was an

indirect and sly scheme to increase the power of the landed interest.

The bill was ignominiously spurned by the people and the popular branch

of the legislature. From that hour the Derby ministry was doomed,

although another question was that upon which its defeat was destined to

take place. A very important measure was carried by Mr. Locke King,—the

abolition of the property qualification for members of parliament.

The same honourable member carried a bill for enfranchising ten pound

householders in counties, over a second reading in the commons, signally

defeating the government. The lateness of the session at the time when

this was achieved prevented the further progress of the bill.

On the 3rd of August the session of 1858 terminated.

The session of 1859 opened at the usual period. Rumours of war between

France and Austria gave an extraordinary interest to the occasion. That

war broke out, after strenuous efforts by Lord Derby’s government to

prevent it. The _animus_ of Lord Malmesbury’s diplomacy was evidently

in favour of Austria, and without any sympathy for Italy, while it was

decidedly hostile to France. By this policy the cabinet was overthrown,

and Lord Palmerston formed a ministry. Public opinion in England was

hostile to the Emperor of the French, but still more so to the kasir,

while an intense desire for Italian freedom existed in the United

Kingdom. The general sentiment of the nation was therefore adverse to

the foreign policy of the Derby government, and, before a motion in the

commons condemnatory of that policy, the cabinet fell. Lord Derby was

not disposed to yield to an adverse vote without taking “the sense of

the country;” but the country showed him no favour, and he resigned.

Lord Palmerston had the honour of forming the new cabinet. He became

first lord of the treasury; Lord John Russell, minister for foreign

affairs; Sir G. Grey, home secretary; Mr. Gladstone, chancellor of the

exchequer; Sir Charles Wood, secretary for India; the Duke of Newcastle,

for the colonies; Lord Granville, president of the council, and Mr.

Sidney Herbert, minister of war. This was a strong government. The

elections were decisively in their favour. The party conflicts of the

year impeded legislation. Mr. Gladstone startled the house by a bold

and comprehensive system of finance, and when in August the session

terminated, Lord Palmerston held the reins of power with a firm hand,

and the country felt that after all his faults, and the vicissitudes

of his career, he was the great statesman of the age, to whom the

government of England could be most safely entrusted, whenever a great

emergency demanded that a great man should hold the helm of affairs.

THE END.