The Russian armies crowded down to the sweeps of the Danube, occupying

every strategical position, and fortifying themselves by entrenchments

and other defences as occasion seemed to require; the Russian leaders

the while consolidating their hold upon the provinces thus occupied by

deposing the hospodars, levying taxes and rations for the troops, taking

the direction of the militia and municipalities, and when payments were

made for anything giving only Russian paper, which it was never intended

to redeem. Vast quantities of corn were accumulating upon the Danube and

at Odessa, which could not be exported. The Russian armies must be fed;

and it was a part of the policy of the occupation to detain these stores

for any emergency that might arise. With all these evils pressing

down the unfortunate Wallachians and Moldavians, forced enlistment was

resorted to; and the boyards who refused complicity with the treasonable

hospodars were placed in the Russian ranks. To crown all the horrors

which filled with fear these wasted and tortured lands, cholera, which

broke out in the corps of General Luders, communicated itself to the

people of the country, and every town and many districts, from the

windings of the Danube to the confines of Podolia, were swept by the

cold hand of the unseen messenger of woe. As statements of all these

calamities reached Western Europe, the people of England were

indignant; and although the desire for peace was intense, the increasing

indignation of the British people was loudly expressed. None of

these things moved their government—their faith was in protocols

and protests, both very gentle and harmless; and the Western powers

literally did nothing effective during the summer and autumn until the

10th of September, when the French ambassador, as if in sudden alarm,

and without any orders from his government or concert with his colleague

of the British embassy, ordered three frigates to ascend the Sea of

Marmora and anchor in the Bosphorus. The English minister, after much

importunity, adopted a similar measure; but pains were taken to make the

Czar and the world believe that this measure was intended to protect the

Porte from its own subjects, and not from him. Indeed, the allies seemed

to name Russia with “’bated breath;” while Russia was filling the world

with boasting, fabricating reports of successes over the tribes

of Central Asia, pushing a force even to Bokhara, and menacing and

wheedling Persia by turns. The _Petersburg Gazette_ threatened that if

England went to war, peace should be dictated to her from Calcutta; she

was treated by the emperor and his subjects with utter disdain.

The Turkish government took example from Russia rather than from the

allies; she made prodigious efforts to meet the exigency. Her first care

was wisely not in the direction of the Danube. She knew that, numerous

as were the Russian legions, they could not force the passage of the

Balkan, and meet her in defence of her capital upon the plains of

Roumelia, before the allied fleets and allied troops would secure

it. She had another and more urgent danger; that pointed out by Lord

Aberdeen in his despatch upon the treaty of Adrianople.

* * * * *

Russia might penetrate through Armenia into Asia Minor; she might,

from the southern shores of the Black Sea, rundown new hosts, overrun

provinces comparatively unprotected, and by another route reach the

Dardanelles, and menace not only Constantinople, but the allied fleets

within its waters. The divan accordingly organized an army of Asia,

and with it occupied Anatolia. Selim Pasha was appointed as

commander-in-chief and seraskier of the province. Had he possessed the

genius of Omar Pasha, to whom the army of the Danube was committed,

he might, as events have since proved, have driven the Russians from

Georgia and Circassia, and freed the Caucasus from their presence. He

was wholly unfit to command a division, much less an army. The Asiatic

danger provided against, Omar was sent to collect and organize an army

in Bulgaria, and strong reinforcements were promised to be held ready at

Adrianople. Two conscriptions, of 80,000 men each, were made before

the end of September; and Russia replied to these demonstrations by two

enormous levies.

Thus the note of preparation sounded through all the vast empire of the

sultan, from Hindostan to the Bosphorus, and thence to the Danube.*

* Nolan’s “History of the War against Russia.”

The allies made attempts to open negotiations at Vienna, in which the

Russian, Austrian, and Turkish diplomatists proved themselves superior

to those of Western Europe. The only result was to prove that the

dispute could be settled only by the arbitrament of war. This the sultan

declared on the 4th of October, the new year’s day of the Turks. Fifteen

days were given by the sultan for the czar to withdraw his armies before

any attack was made upon them.

The events which followed will best and most briefly be depicted by a

quotation from the author’s work already referred to.

Four days after the declaration of war, the sultan made a formal demand

for the allied fleets to enter the Dardanelles. The demand was complied

with, and the ministers of the Western powers presented the admirals

with great “pomp and circumstance” to the sultan. The further request

of the sultan that the fleets or a portion of them should pass also the

straits of the Bosphorus was refused by the ambassadors, on the ground

that the Western powers were not at war with Russia. In vain the foreign

minister of the sultan urged the danger to which his ships and coasts

were exposed in the Black Sea. The answer was, that Prince Gortschakoff

had promised to make the war on the part of Russia strictly defensive;

and that Count Nesselrode, in his circular despatch (above referred to),

had repeated that promise. There was, in the opinion of the ambassadors,

no reason for doubting the good faith of the Russian government; and

they would not, by a demonstration so hostile as that of sending the

fleets into the Enxine, provoke Russia to change the character of the

war, and make it one of offensive operation. The reply of the Turkish

minister was, that Russia could not make the war offensive upon the

shores of the Black Sea if the fleets were to cruise there and that the

only chance of her being able to convert the war upon the Danube into

one of active offensive operations, was her having command of the Black

Sea for the easy transport of stores of all kinds to the vicinity of the

armies. This reasoning, irrefutable although it obviously was, and most

important as it soon and fatally proved itself to be, was met by the

reply that the ambassadors had no instructions for any demonstration

more active than the assemblage of the fleets for the protection of

Stamboul. Again the Turkish minister pressed upon the ambassadors and

admirals the exposed situation of the coast of the Black Sea and the

Turkish squadron within its waters; and showed that, for the present,

there was no necessity for the allied fleets in the Sea of Marmora; that

the sultan, in calling them through the Dardanelles, contemplated their

further progress through the other straits; that the Russians could not

endanger the capital until they had forced the Danube, captured Shumla

and Sophia, forced the passes of the Balkan, and were victors at

Adrianople; or, from the eastern frontier, had pushed a victorious

campaign from the Caucasus, through Asia Minor. It was, however, in vain

that the enlightened men then in the Turkish foreign-office demonstrated

that if the fleets were sent to defend Turkey, the Black Sea was their

appropriate sphere of action: the admirals had no orders, and the

ambassadors would give them none, and pleaded the absence of any

discretionary power.

While the fleets spread the tricolor and the union-jack upon the gentle

breezes of the Bosphorus, Omar Pasha, with frame of iron and intellect

of light, seemed to do everything, as well as direct everything, upon

the northern frontier of Bulgaria; and only just allowed the fifteen

days’ “notice to quit” to expire, before he showed Russia and the world

that the Turks had a general, and that with a general they were still

soldiers, as when the blazing scimitar of Orchan first flashed upon

Europe, or Byzantium shook before the thunder of the artillery of

Mohammed II. They were still worthy of their father, Osman, the

“Bone-breaker;” and, in hand-to-hand combat, an overmatch for the boors

of Russia, both in courage and strength. It must be said, to their

disadvantage, that they were not very precise concerning the declaration

of war; for on the very day it was declared, and without the knowledge

of their chief, a semi-brigade hurried over the river, fell upon a

Russian detachment, routed it, seized a considerable booty, and, like

true Bashi-bazouks, were away again upon their own side before the foray

could be chastised.

With the end of October, the time granted to Prince Gortschakoff by Omar

Pasha expired; by whom strong detachments were immediately expedited

to the Russian side of the disputed river. Crossing at once in several

places, they were soon established in some force upon the frontier of

Wallachia, and pushing forward a strong advance-guard upon the Russians,

the latter skirmished, refused battle, and slowly and sullenly retreated

upon Slatina. The Turks fought and gained several sanguinary battles on

the Danube during the month of November, which was followed by various

contests, less important, but scarcely less sanguinary.

The month of November, however glorious to the Turkish armies, was

disastrous to its navy. The fleet lay in the harbour of Sinope, upon the

Black Sea. The Russians, contrary to the official declaration made to

the allies, to confine the war to defensive operations, resolved to

attack the Turkish fleet by a surprise. The enterprise of the Russian

admiral was successful. The unsuspecting Turks were surprised; no

opportunity of surrender was given; the attack led, not to a battle,

but to a massacre. The whole fleet was destroyed, with an unsparing

barbarity and a vindictive bloodthirstiness that must leave a stain for

ever upon the pages of Russian history.

War continued to roll along the Bulgarian and Wallachian frontiers

to the close of the year; the Turks displaying undaunted heroism, and

surpassing the Russians in nearly every soldierly quality, so that the

Russian armies lost by battles and marches 35,000 men, exclusive of the

sick and wounded.

Prodigious efforts were made by the Russian emperor and the nation. The

people contributed voluntarily 150 millions of silver rubles for the

expenses of the war between the date of Omar Pasha’s crossing the Danube

to the end of the year. Of this vast sum the clergy contributed nearly

one-half. All Russia was wrought up to a pitch of fanatical enthusiasm

for the war, and every heart burned with ambition to see the Greek cross

upon the dome of St. Sophia.

Tidings of the massacre of Sinope flew through Europe, and every man out

of Russia, Austria, and the countries inhabited by Greeks, perused the

harrowing story with indignation and disgust. In England and France the

popular feeling against the tardiness of their governments rose high.

The English ministry never regained the confidence of the public. The

Earl of Aberdeen, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert, and the Duke

of Newcastle, were known to be the members of the cabinet chiefly

accountable for the policy of respect and timidity towards Russia, which

had caused the British nation to take so tame and unworthy a part.

The diplomatists continued to lose time by tedious and worthless

negotiations, giving Russia the advantage of calling forth and

organizing her resources, and fomenting by her agents sedition and

insurrection among the Greek subjects of the Porte.

Little was effected by the hostile powers upon the theatre of Asia

after the declaration of war during that year, but the clangour of arms

resounded on the shores of the Black Sea, and along the confines of the

two great empires.

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.

On the 10th of February parliament assembled. The usual fencing occurred

between the leaders of parties. Lord Derby was fiery and impetuous,

Lord Aberdeen reserved and pragmatical. Law reform first engaged

the attention of the peers. The lord chancellor did not possess the

confidence of the house, either as to his capacity or zeal in that

direction, and, at the hands of Lord St. Leonards, his proposals

received severe and able animadversion.

The topics in both houses were interesting during the first few weeks

of the session, but only as connected with passing events. There was

nothing done worthy of extended record, nor of particular notice within

the space allotted to these volumes. The question of Jewish disabilities

occupied the attention of members, under the auspices of Lord John

Russell; but a bigoted hostility to the measure pervaded a large

minority in the commons and a large majority of the lords. The leader

of the party opposed to any concession to the Jews was the Earl of

Shaftesbury, who, in a speech mild and impressive in manner, but bigoted

and illogical in matter, succeeded in persuading the lords to throw out

the bill.

The financial plans of the government met with the support of

the commons. Mr. Gladstone introduced the budget in a speech of

extraordinary eloquence, which lasted five hours, and was applauded

throughout by a great majority of the house. There were no original

propositions, no very ingenious contrivances; but the right hon.

gentleman threw around his statements an attraction by his eloquence

which won his audience: like his preceptor, Sir Robert Peel, he proved

himself to be, in the language of Disraeli, “a very great member of

parliament.” In the debates which followed, Mr. Gladstone received

several severe defeats from the more advanced liberals on his own side

of the house; but all efforts on the part of the tory and protectionist

section to defeat his proposals, upon their own principles, were

abortive.

INDIA BILL.

The house, the public, the East India Company, and all interested in

the great Eastern dependencies included under the general name of India,

looked forward with anxiety to the bill which it was necessary to pass

in reference to the relations of the country and the East India Company.

On the 3rd of June, Sir Charles Wood, in a speech of five hours’

duration, proposed his plan for the future government of India.*

* See Nolan’s “History of the British Empire in India and

the East.”

Mr. Bright, in one of his most elaborate parliamentary efforts,

criticised the measure; he eloquently inveighed against the East India

Company, but his information upon subjects connected with India did not

support the influence his parliamentary powers were so calculated to

command. Lord Stanley, during the debates that ensued, distinguished

himself for the first time on Indian subjects, over which in a few

years he was destined to hold so important an influence. The bill of the

government passed the commons, but was subjected to various alterations

in the interest of the East India Company in the lords. Thus amended, it

was accepted by the commons and became law.

To give even the briefest abstract of this measure would be as

unnecessary as it is undesirable, within the limits of our space, for

in a few years a great insurrection in India led to the abolition of the

act, and the removal of the East India Company from all political power

in India, and the vesting in the crown the government of all our eastern

possessions.

The main objects of the act of 1858 were to lessen the power of the East

India Company still more than it had been fettered by previous acts;

to enlarge the scope of the board of control; to increase the direct

authority of the president of that board and the governor-general of

India; and to simplify the procedure of the home, action, on Indian

government.

DISCUSSIONS ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS.—RUSSIA AND TURKEY.

Some party debates ensued upon certain speeches made “out-of-doors”

by cabinet ministers about French affairs, in which some personalities

towards the French emperor were indulged. Hardly any other foreign topic

engaged the debating powers of the members, except the all-absorbing one

of the hostile proceedings of Russia against Turkey. It was the general

opinion of the English people, that the French emperor, for dynastic

purposes, brought on the war. He had not been recognised by the Russian

emperor, and the policy was obviously to bring on a conflict in which,

with England and Turkey for allies, victory was certain, and the beaten

czar would be obliged to recognise an emperor in the person of his

conqueror.

Discussions upon the relations of Turkey and Russia began as early as

April, and were continued, with short intervals of intermission, while

parliament sat. During these debates the ministry was severely arraigned

for incapacity, tardiness, crotchety and conceited views, confidence

in the czar, which could only be inspired by sympathy with his despotic

views, and instability of purpose. To the Aberdeen section of the

cabinet these failings were especially attributed, and the justice of

the imputations was too plainly established. The Earl of Derby, Lord

Lyndhurst, and the Marquis of Clanricarde, showed a large acquaintance

with the subject, and their orations against the policy of the

government were the happiest political and parliamentary efforts ever

made by those noblemen. In the commons, Mr. Layard, Lord Dudley Stuart,

and Mr. Duncombe, made severe and eloquent denunciations against

the ministerial policy, which “out-of-doors” encountered universal

reprobation. It was the general opinion that Lord Palmerston ought to

be placed at the head of affairs: even the conservative section of the

country desired such a change, but were of opinion that his lordship

should serve as minister for foreign affairs, or minister of war, under

Lord Derby as premier. It was plain that while Lord Palmerston supported

his colleagues ostensibly, he did not interfere much in foreign affairs,

but attended to the duties of the home-office, which had never before

been so efficiently performed. He was an object of jealousy, both to

the Russell Whigs and the Aberdeen Peelites, and possessed more of the

confidence of his opponents than of either. Much dissatisfaction was

created throughout the country by the temper and policy displayed by

Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Fox, and other gentlemen of the Manchester

school. The great abilities of those gentlemen, the general conviction

entertained of their honesty of purpose, and their past services to

their country, on economical questions especially, made men reluctant

to exhibit the dissatisfaction felt, and which, at a later period,

displayed itself by strong practical demonstrations. These gentlemen

lauded Russia as a highly civilized and Christian state; Turkey, on

the other hand, was denounced as a robber power, which ought to be

dispossessed. It was asserted that it was for the good of English

trade that Russia should succeed in conquering Turkey; and that, at all

events, it was the interest of England to be neutral, and leave France,

Turkey, and Russia to concuss, as the waves of the sea against one

another and the shore. A general impression, however, arose, that as the

Manchester trade with Turkey and Eastern Europe was mainly transacted

through Greek merchants and agents, it was the commercial interest

of these men to conciliate the enemies of the sultan, apart from the

political aspect of their relations. The cabinet was undoubtedly much

influenced by this section of its supporters in the blind confidence

it snowed to the czar, in their presumption that moral influence would

suffice to prevent a war, and in the niggardly, and therefore unwise,

and ultimately costly scheme upon which armaments were provided.

Probably never in the House of Commons was rebuke more eloquently and

sincerely given, or more justly merited, than when Lord Palmerston

exposed the contradictory, selfish, and unpatriotic policy advocated by

Mr. Cobden.

The hostile feeling of the Manchester section of the liberal party

towards Lord Palmerston increased from that time, and his lordship made

no efforts to conceal his dislike of the party, but sometimes showed it

in a manner even contemptuous. The influence of the party was exercised

upon the cabinet, and Lord Palmerston felt himself treated by so little

consideration, that on the 16th December he resigned. Her majesty wisely

refused to receive his resignation. No explanations of the cause of the

circumstance were ever given in parliament, but the country, una voce,

pronounced that it arose from his lordship’s dissatisfaction with

the truckling policy of the Aberdeen party in the cabinet, and his

popularity rose still higher.

The session of 1853 was not unproductive. Various measures of importance

were transacted. The cabinet possessed much administrative ability, and

displayed it by carrying a number of bills of great practical utility.

It was a good peace, but a bad war, ministry.

DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.

In modern English history much of the greatness and glory of the country

may be learned by noticing the names, characters, and exploits of the

eminent persons who pass away from the theatre of life and action. So

fruitful is the country in men of renown, and men who deserve renown,

that to notice these is to see the mighty position which Great Britain

occupies, and is likely to occupy, in the world.

The obituary of 1853 was not more remarkable than that of previous

years; but still the number of the great and good who dropped into the

silence of the grave was too great for any justice to be done to their

memories, or to their country, jealous of their fame. Throughout the

year, admirals and general officers, who had well served their country,

were removed from the ranks of her defenders. So numerous were these,

that it would be invidious to select from them any for particular

notice.

Among the men of other professions it is more easy to point out a few of

those whose decease excited general regret.

In January, Jonathan Pereira, Esq., M.D., F.R.S., and F.L.S. He was

distinguished as a professor of _Materia Medica_, and a writer on

medical subjects.

In February, Dr. Kay, Bishop of Lincoln. The son of a linen-draper of

Hammersmith, near Kensington. He rose by force of his superior intellect

to the highest honours in the church. As a general scholar, as well as a

theologian, he attained great eminence.

In June, the Earl of Ducie. This nobleman was one of the most

excellent in the peerage. His religious zeal and charity received the

acknowledgments of all classes of men, although his resources were

small. He was a proficient in agricultural science, and invented

various agricultural implements of utility. As a breeder of stock he

was unequalled. His “Example Farm,” at Whitfield, gained him much

reputation. He was a sound political economist and freetrader. The

author of these lines had opportunities of seeing his lordship’s

attainments in these respects severely tested in private intercourse

with men of the highest name.

July witnessed the death of Lady Sale, widow of the heroic General Sale,

who died from wounds received upon the field of battle. Lady Sale was

one of the captives made by Akbar Khan in the disastrous Affghan war.

During that war, and more especially during her captivity, she displayed

wonderful fortitude. She possessed extraordinary military skill and

knowledge, and showed judgment in campaigning and in diplomatic affairs,

far superior to most of the chief officers with whom she came in

contact. Her narrative of the Affghan war is ably written, and a record

of most romantic events. After the death of her gallant husband, she

received a pension of £500 a year from the queen. She returned to

India, and resided among the hills, and ultimately died at Cape Town,

Florentia, on the 6th of July, universally regarded with respect and

admiration.

Although the names of eminent officers in the army and navy, who died

in this year, have been passed over in these notices, from their great

number, one is especially deserving of being selected from the heroic

crowd.

Lieutenant-general Sir Charles James Napier, G.C.B. This extraordinary

man was the eldest son of the Hon. Colonel George Napier, comptroller

of the army accounts in Ireland. Before he finished his twelfth year, he

was appointed to an ensigncy in the 22nd regiment of foot; and it is a

remarkable fact, that his conquest of Scinde was mainly effected by the

instrumentality of that regiment. His services were arduous and heroic.

His mind was original, and active exceedingly. He possessed amazing

vigour in command, and powers of organization rarely exhibited. The

great duke held him in high estimation as a general. He was seventy-one

years of age at his death, which took place at Oaklands, near

Portsmouth. A monument, to celebrate his exploits, has been erected in

Trafalgar Square, near to that of Nelson.

As December opened, Mrs. Opie, so celebrated as a writer, died at

Norwich, her native place, in her eighty-fifth year.

On the 17th, the Marchioness of Wellesley, an American lady of Irish

parentage. Her life was an eventful one. She was much esteemed as the

lady of the Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, when the noble marquis held that

post. She had been for many years a favourite of Queen Adelaide, and

died in the Palace of Hampton-court.

The Rev. W. Jay, the eminent Congregational minister of Bath, died on

the 27th, in his eighty-fifth year. He began to preach before he had

attained his sixteenth year. Before he was of age, he had delivered

about one thousand sermons. He had been sixty-two years minister of

Argyle Chapel, Bath. His writings were varied, beautiful in style, and

rich in thought and illustration. They were productive of a vast amount

of good, as all denominations of Christians and all ranks of men perused

them. The author of this History was on terms of intimacy with this

remarkable man, and can testify that his powers of conversation were

as varied and rare as his talents in the pulpit, and as a writer on

religious subjects.

CHAPTER LXVI.

{VICTORIA. 1854}

Home Affairs: General excitement at the beginning of the

year..... Declaration of War against Russia..... The

Court..... Tidings of the loss of Captain Franklin.....

Cholera..... Ireland: Party animosities and

murders...... Colonies: Their General peace and

prosperity..... Foreign Relations: The French Alliance.....

War with Russia..... Battles by sea and land..... Dreadful

sufferings of the British Army..... Parliament: Contests

concerning the conduct of the war..... Break-up of the

Aberdeen government..... lord Palmerston premier..... Deaths

of Eminent Persons.

HOME AFFAIRS.—GENERAL PROSPECTS.

{A.D. 1854}

The year 1854 opened gloomily upon the United Kingdom. Sickness

prevailed; bad harvests in western and southern Europe caused a dearth

of food; and there was reason to fear that the fleets and armies of

England and France would encounter those of Russia in open war. There

was much dissatisfaction with the government. The Earl of Aberdeen

and the whole Peelite section of the cabinet were believed to be

too friendly to the czar, and adopting a policy unworthy of English

greatness and of English honour. The court was supposed to be influenced

by the German powers in favour of Russia, and to be secretly hostile to

the French emperor. An active and almost authoritative interference

in the administrative affairs of the government, home and foreign, was

attributed to Prince Albert; and that interference was believed to be

unfavourable to free opinions at home, and a dignified attitude on the

part of England to foreign powers. A passion for Germanizing the army

and the home-office, for centralization—so contrary to English opinions

and traditions—and for subjecting the policy of England to German

interests, necessities, or views, was believed to possess the prince,

and to spread its influence in the court. The prince, who had won so

wide a popularity, became, in fact, unpopular. No open demonstrations

were made of this feeling, but his royal highness was received coolly

when he appeared in public, and the newspapers of the whole of the

united kingdom gave him the discredit of such rumours. Happily, when

parliament met, the statements of the ministers lessened these unpopular

impressions, but did not efface them. It was thought that the public men

who were favourable to England’s taking a spirited part in defence of

Turkey, in conjunction with France, and against the wishes of the German

courts, were thwarted by the prince.

The desire was universally entertained that parliament should meet at

the beginning of January, but it was the last day of that month before

it assembled.

The approaching rupture with Russia occupied the attention of the public

intensely; the youth of the country burning for war against a power so

despotic and cruel. The massacre of Sinope had goaded the English

nation to a feeling of resentment against the czar personally, and to an

antipathy to the genius and spirit of the nation which he governed. For

sake of treating the events of the time with unity, we shall pass over

the home incidents connected with the proclamation of hostilities until

the peaceful incidents which were important to the country are first

recorded.

A new Crystal Palace was erected at Sydenham, which excited a

wide-spread interest, that even the thunders of war could not distract.

The friends of literature were gratified by the erection of a monument

to Thomas Hood, in the cemetery at Kensal Green. No writer of modern

times, in prose or verse, possessed his facility for touching the hearts

of his countrymen, and leaving his words deep in their memory.

In the autumn the public were much affected by tidings concerning the

fate of the great arctic navigator, Captain Franklin, which left no

longer a hope that he had survived the perils of the polar seas. Dr.

Rae, the celebrated American traveller, landed at Deal, in October, and

made a communication to the admiralty to the following effect: that the

captain and his whole party had, according to the testimony of certain

Esquimaux, perished of cold and famine in the spring of 1850. Dr. Rae

and his party purchased various articles from these people, which were

undoubtedly relics of the unfortunate expedition. During September, the

screwsteamer, _Phoenix_, had arrived at Queen’s Town, on her return from

a searching voyage in connection with the gallant captain. This vessel

was the remains of the little squadron, commanded by Captains Collinson,

McClure, and Belcher. Captains Collinson and McClure succeeded in

establishing the fact of a north-west passage. They were, however,

unable to discover any traces of the Franklin expedition, such as would

lead to any certainty as to his fate.

During the summer and autumn the cholera smote London and the provinces

with great severity. During the quarter ending September, about thirty

thousand persons perished in England of cholera and diarrhoea; during

the three months ending with December, several thousands more were added

to the sad enumeration.

One of the events of the year which most interested the commercial

public, was the great loss of property by shipwreck. The coasts of

the United Kingdom were strewn with wrecks in every direction, but

especially along the north-east of England. There were upon the coasts

of Great Britain and Ireland nine hundred and eighty-seven wrecks.

During the first month of the year the greatest havoc was made. During

that month four hundred and sixty-seven lives were lost. The total

number lost by shipwreck during the year was one thousand five hundred

and forty-nine. Such was the report of the Admiralty’s register; but

it is certain that omissions were made, and that the number was

considerably higher.

THE COURT.

The Russian war caused her majesty many anxieties, and an expression

of care and deep concern was observed upon her countenance when she

appeared in public. The festivities usual to the British court, and

the rural enjoyments to which her majesty and her court were so much

addicted, were greatly abridged by the demands of public business upon

the queen, and the exciting vicissitudes of the war.

The events of chief interest to the court, apart from the great turmoil

of public affairs, were the visits of certain royal persons to the

queen, and a visit made by the royal consort to the Emperor of the

French.

On the 2nd of June, the young King of Portugal, with his brother, the

Duke of Oporto, arrived at Buckingham Palace. Every hospitality was

shown to these princely guests; and they accompanied her majesty

and Prince Albert to various places worthy the inspection of foreign

princes.

The Egyptian prince, El Hami Pasha, heir of Abbas, the Pasha of Egypt,

arrived at Southampton in July. The prince was attended by various great

officers of the Egyptian viceroy.

On the 5th of September several princes visited the French Emperor at

Calais and Boulogne. Among them was Prince Albert and his uncle, the

King of the Belgians. The prince was attended by detachments of the Life

Guards and the Horse Guards as an escort. These troops were objects of

much curiosity and admiration on the part of the French citizens and

soldiers.

On the 14th of September her majesty paid her customary autumnal visit

to her Scottish Highland retreat. _En route_ she slept at Holyrood, the

palace of the famous and unfortunate Mary, Queen of Scots. On the 12th

of October her majesty left Balmoral for Windsor.

IRELAND

As usual, the people of England were, from time to time, startled

by accounts of agrarian outrage, and of murders perpetrated under

circumstances of savage ferocity hardly paralleled anywhere. Some of

the worst criminals were found guilty; generally, juries in the Roman

Catholic districts were unwilling to convict, and frequently the

prosecution rested on the evidence of informers too infamous to believe.

All the old evils which had so long harassed that distracted country

remained in full force. The spirit of party, and of religious rancour,

raged fearfully. The most terrible exemplification of sanguinary bigotry

which, perhaps, the world ever witnessed, occurred in the north in

September. During periods of persecution in all countries, man has

proved himself swift to shed blood under the influence of intolerance

and fanaticism; but seldom, if ever, in cold blood, had so horrible

an atrocity been contemplated, as was attempted by the anti-Protestant

party in Ulster, on the 15th of September.

The city of Londonderry, it is well known to the readers of English

history, made an extraordinarily gallant defence against the army of

James II., during the revolutionary war of 1688–9. Ever since it has

been customary for the Protestant citizens of Derry to commemorate

the glorious event. So it was, also, in the September of 1854. A

large number of Protestants, many of whom were Orangemen, residing in

Enniskillen and the neighbourhood, resolved to join their brethren of

Derry in their festivities. For this purpose they hired a train on the

railway. They arrived at Derry, joined in the demonstrations made by

“the maiden city,” and resumed their places in a returning train. The

hostile party determined to effect the destruction of the whole party.

Impediments were placed ingeniously on a particular part of the road,

by which one of the two engines that drew the train was thrown down

an embankment, and the other flung back upon the carriages. One of

the engine-drivers was killed; two were terribly wounded. The Earl

of Enniskillen, who headed the party, was on the engine, and narrowly

escaped death. Several passengers were injured. It was wonderful that

any escaped. The country people could hardly be prevailed upon to render

assistance, they sympathised with the murderous purpose which had barely

failed. The Roman Catholic party raised a great outcry against the

Orangemen _for provoking_ such an outrage. The liberal party in

parliament and in the press could not afford to do without the Roman

Catholic vote, and took up the same key-note of denunciation of the

Orangemen. It is astonishing how little indignation the British public

showed at this attempt at wholesale assassination by fanatics. A verdict

of wilful murder was returned by a coroner’s jury against six navvies

who worked upon the rail. No adequate means were adopted by the

government to trace out the offenders, or bring them to the condign

punishment so extraordinary an atrocity deserved.

COLONIAL.

The colonies were generally prosperous and peaceable; much alarm was

excited, especially in Australia, India, and the Straits of Malacca, by

the want of fortifications and ships of war for their protection. It

was deemed possible that a Russian fleet might sail through the straits,

from its Siberian rendezvous, and commit great ravages in India, and

that Australia was still more open to attack. Great efforts were made by

the colonists to place the colonies in a good defensive condition, and

even to aid the parent country in a war so popular in every part of the

empire.

In Canada several public disasters occurred during the year: chiefly

a terrific fire at Quebec, by which a large portion of the city was

destroyed.

The coasts of India, especially of Western India around Bombay, suffered

from storm. The war with Ava bore its fruits; peace was confirmed, the

Birmese were taught a salutary fear of British power, and deprived of

the resources by which they might again make war upon our Indian empire.

There were various matters of moment to India. Oude was, like Ireland,

in chronic distraction; and the policy pursued towards it by the

governor-general of India and the board of control was neither salutary,

nor even safe. The space allotted to this History does not allow of even

a review of the affairs of the vast empire of Hindostan.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.—THE ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE, THE WAR WITH RUSSIA.

As the events of 1853 upon the Danube and in Asia Minor became known in

Western Europe, the bonds of amity between the two great Western nations

were drawn more closely, and it was finally resolved to unite with

Turkey in war against the haughty and sanguinary autocrat of the North.

As before related, the British parliament met on the 30th of January. It

was anxious, if possible, to avert war. Whatever the events which fill

up the measure of national calamities, it was felt that war was, of all,

the most terrible. Still, the parliament and nation felt the truth

of language directed by Lord Palmerston against Mr. Bright: “War is a

calamity; but there is a greater calamity than war—national dishonour!”

This was the sentiment of the nation, and of its representatives in

parliament assembled. Fiery debates filled up the interval until war

was actually proclaimed, and then her majesty put forth her manifesto of

hostilities, with the unanimous support of a mighty people.

On the 8th of February the Russian ambassador withdrew from the British

court, and the British ambassador was ordered from St. Petersburg.

During the month of February troops continued to embark for Malta

and for the Bosphorus. Sad were the scenes of parting which were then

witnessed throughout the British Isles; more especially in the great

metropolis, through or from which a large proportion of the number of

troops sent proceeded. It was most touching to witness the battalions of

glorious men, attended by sympathizing crowds, passing along our great

thoroughfares to the expressive music of their bands—“We are going Far

Away,” “Love Not,” “Cheer, Boys, Cheer,” “The Girl I left behind Me,”

and other popular pieces, which suggested the sad but gallant emotions

that filled the breasts of our brave. Her majesty took leave of her

guards with touching tokens of her confidence, hope, and yet sorrow,

for the need that arose of their services; they responded by the most

enthusiastic demonstrations of loyalty and devotion. Yet, after all, it

was but a demonstration of ten thousand men, which the ministry thought

would exercise a decisive _moral_ influence upon the proceedings of the

czar. Mr. Gladstone was great with indignant and pompous eloquence upon

the glory of this achievement.

The troops landed on the shores of the Bosphorus unprovided with almost

all the great essentials of a modern army. The Duke of Newcastle and Mr.

Sidney Herbert, upon whom the arrangements mainly devolved, were unequal

to the task. Lord Hardinge presided at the Horse Guards—a man of party

prejudices, and who was ever willing to sacrifice the interests of the

army to family influence and political considerations. Lord Raglan was

nominated to the command in chief—an officer who had never commanded

a brigade in the field, and found himself destitute of the chief

qualitities necessary in a commander of an army in a campaign. These

proceedings passed before war was proclaimed. It was supposed that the

mere demonstration would effect the end really in view—to cause the

czar to recede somewhat in his demands. At last war was proclaimed. On

the 29th of March this august solemnity took place. The people hailed it

with pleasure, for it was felt that, however undesirable the event, it

had been impolitically delayed. France made a similar declaration.

The two great Western nations went to war with the Muscovite for the

integrity of the Ottoman empire.

On April the 21st, her majesty proclaimed a day of fast and humiliation,

which was observed by the whole nation on the 26th. A French journal

observed, that “seldom was a sublimer spectacle presented to the world

than a mighty nation, which had buckled on its armour for war, humbling

itself before the Almighty, and appealing to his power and protection

with one voice.” Such were the leading home incidents preparatory to

the great struggle in which great nations battled for ascendancy.

Preparations still went on in England for the struggle, which was so

soon to ensue in all its sanguinary earnestness. The estimates, which

parliament was asked to vote for 1854, beginning on the 1st of April,

were utterly inadequate to to the crisis; they were—

Proposed Vote. Increase.

For the Army.... 6,287,488 262,470

„ Navy.... 7,487,948 1,202,455

„ Ordnance 3,854,878 792,311

£17,630,314 £2,257,236

These estimates were of course the occasion of much parliamentary

discussion, the feeling of the house being in favour of a larger vote.

The chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Gladstone, hoped by this “bit by

bit” preparation for the war to show his majesty the czar British desire

for peace; and expected to conciliate him by showing how few regiments

we were willing to raise, and the modicum of expense wo contemplated.

All who knew the habit of thought in Asiatic nations—and Russia

is essentially an Asiatic nation—were aware that this parsimonious

war-making would have a contrary effect: the czar understood it as a

token of a commercial disgust to war, and a dread of adding to the

national debt, and he was encouraged to proceed. That such was the

feeling at St. Petersburg private letters at the time, and subsequently,

abundantly established.

The naval preparations for the war made better progress than those of

the army. A fleet was fitted out, the most magnificent the world ever

saw, and was committed to the command of Vice-admiral Sir Charles

Napier. Rear-admirals Chads and Plumridge were also appointed to

important commands under Sir Charles. This fleet was exercised daily

off Portsmouth by Admiral Chads, especially in gunnery, who had obtained

great celebrity in that department of a naval officer’s qualifications.

The Russian fleets had paraded about the Gulfs of Bothnia and Finland

the preceding autumn, and the usual boastings were heard through the

Russo-German organs of the press, and from the friends of Russia in the

London clubs. In consequence of these boastings, the public were very

anxious for the dispatch of the Baltic fleet as early as possible in the

spring, and the 11th of March was fixed upon.

The powerful fleet under Sir Charles Napier’s command was reviewed by

her majesty on the 7th of March. It consisted of sixteen war steamers;

of which two, the _Duke of Wellington_ and the _Royal George_ were,

three-deckers, while three carried admirals’ flags—Sir Charles

Napier’s in the _Duke_, Admiral Chads’ in the _Edinburgh_, and Admiral

Plumridge’s in the _Leopard_. The _Euryalus_, screwsteamer, was

subsequently added.

The second division, under Vice-admiral Corry, which afterwards joined

Sir Charles Napier, consisted of—seven ships of the line, four screw

ships, and twelve steam frigates, sloops, &c.

Sir Charles Napier stated publicly, and personally assured the author of

this History, that his fleet was badly manned as to the quality of the

men, and inadequately as to the numbers on board. The proportion of

skilled seamen was altogether beneath what the necessities of the fleet

required, and exposed it to great danger. The admiral went so far as to

aver, that had the Russian fleet the courage to come out, so unskilfully

manned were his ships, that the enemy might have secured an easy

conquest. This statement excited strong protests and contradictions, and

has been always regarded with indignation by the gallant men who walked

the decks of these proud ships of war.

It may be here a suitable place to state the force and the arrangement

of the troops ultimately constituting the British expeditionary army in

Turkey. It was of course subjected to various modifications afterwards,

but the following is an accurate representation of the divisional

arrangement of the army, and its constituent regiments:—

_First Division.—Lieut.-gen. the Duke of Cambridge._ _First Brigade_

(under the command of Major-general Bentinck).—Grenadier Guards, 3rd

battalion; Coldstream Guards, 1st battalion; Scots Fusilier Guards,

1st battalion. _Second Brigade_ (under the command of Major-general Sir

Colin Campbell).—42nd Royal regiment, or “Royal Highland Watch;” 78th

regiment (Rosshire Buffs); 93rd, or Sutherland regiment.

_Second Division.—Lieut.-gen. Sir De Lacy Evans._ _First Brigade_

(under the command of Major-gen. Pennefatuer).—30th regiment; 55th

regiment; 95th regiment (a new regiment). The old 95th served throughout

the Peninsula and at Waterloo. _Second Brigade_ (under the command of

Brigadier-general Adams).—41st regiment (Welsh); 47th regiment (The

Lancashire); 49th regiment (The Princess Charlotte’s).

_Third Division.—Lieut.-gen. Sir Richard England._ _First Brigade_

(under the command of Brigadier-general Ryhe).—1st regiment (The

Royal regiment, formerly called Royal Scots); 28th regiment (North

Gloucester), during the present century this regiment has been Irish;

38th regiment (1st Staffordshire). _Second Brigade_ (under the command of

Brigadier-general Sir J. Campbell).—44th regiment (East Essex), during

the present century this regiment has been an Irish one; 56th regiment

(West Essex); 68th regiment (Durham Light Infantry).

_Fourth Division.—Lieut.-gen. Sir George Cathgakt._ _First Brigade_

(under the command of the senior Lieut.-col., as Brigadier).—20th

regiment (East Devonshire); 21st regiment (Royal North British

Fusiliers); 1st battalion Rifle Brigade. _Second Brigade_ (under the

command of the senior Lieut.-col., as Brigadier).—63rd regiment

(West Suffolk); 46th regiment (South Devonshire): 57th regiment (West

Middlesex).

_Fifth, or Light Division.—Lieut.-gen. Sir George Brown._ _First

Brigade_ (under the command of Brigadier-general Goldie).—Royal Rifle

Brigade, 2nd battalion; 7th Royal Fusiliers; 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers;

33rd regiment (Duke of Wellington’s own). _Second Brigade_ (under the

command of Brigadier-general Buller.)—19th regiment (1st York, North

Riding); 77th regiment (East Middlesex; 88th regiment Connaught

Rangers).

_Cavalry Division.—Lieut.-gen. the Earl of Luoan_. _First Brigade,

Heavy_ (under the command of Brigadiergen. the Hon. J. Scarlett).—1st

(Royal) Dragoons; 2nd (Royal) Dragoons (Scots Greys); 4th Dragoon Guards

(Royal Irish); 5th Dragoon Guards (commonly called Green Horse); 6th

Dragoons (Inniskillens). _Second Brigade, Light_ (under the command of

Major-gen. the Earl of Cardigan).—4th Light Dragoons (Queen’s own);

8th King’s Royal Irish Hussars; 11th Hussars (Prince Albert’s own); 13th

Light Dragoons; 17th Lancers.

It was finally agreed upon between the two Western governments, that

England should furnish 30,000 men, and France 70,000. It was then

thought that an allied force of 100,000 men in support of a Turkish army

equally numerous, would be sufficient to drive the armies of the czar

out of the Principalities.

Leaving for a while the din of preparation, and the dispatch of troops,

it is necessary to return to the operations of the Turks upon the

Danube. It is not suitable to this History to record all the victories

gained by the Osmans, it is only necessary to observe, that they were

almost uniformly victorious, and fought with dazzling bravery. The

grand struggle, however, on the part of the Turks was in the defence of

Silistria. Against that place a powerful Russian army, under its ablest

artillerists and engineers, was directed. The Turks were few and badly

provided, but they were encouraged by the presence of various

British officers of the most heroic mould. Among these none was more

distinguished than Captain Butler, who perished from a wound received

in the defence, while beside the gallant British General Cannon (Behram

Pasha), by whom the garrison of Silistria had been reinforced.

There was something mysterious about the policy pursued during the siege

of Silistria. The place was driven to the utmost straits, although Omar

Pasha was at the head of a large army at Shumla, and the Western allies

were at Varna. The latter declared that they were unable to move from

want of those campaigning appliances, which a French army has not been

usually known to stand in need of either before or since. Omar

Pasha said he could not move for want of beasts of burden, and from

strategical reasons; although he supplied the allies in Bulgaria with

pack animals and 500 _arobas_, or carts, from Shumla, and no reason

could be seen why he did not push on his troops to the relief of the

beleaguered and endangered city. At last he sent a portion of his troops

forward, and Russia was destined to undergo a signal humiliation. When

the troops of Omar Pasha sent to relieve the place advanced for that

purpose, the Russians had so completely invested it against the approach

of a relieving army that there seemed no hope of accomplishing that

object. The Turkish army was not strong enough to fight a pitched

battle, and cause the Russians to raise the siege. It was of the last

importance that the drooping, wearied, and dispirited garrison should be

relieved by fresh men. This exploit was accomplished by the genius and

promptitude of one heroic man—General Cannon, bearing the Turkish title

of Behram Pasha. He commanded the light division of the Turkish army.

He caused letters to be written to the officers of the garrison, laying

down a plan by which they were to co-operate with him in entering the

city at a certain hour, by a certain point. These letters he managed

should fall into the hands of the Russians. They accordingly prepared

in great strength to defeat the stratagem they had, as they supposed,

so opportunely discovered. The British general made a long detour, and

after a night of forced marching he came upon an opposite part of

the city, an entrance by which the Russians could not have supposed

possible, and to the joy and wonder of the garrison, the best division

of the Turkish army, with its best general at the head, marched into the

city. From that hour the contest was no longer dubious. The Russians

saw that the prize was carried from their grasp. They at last raised the

siege, to be pursued by Cannon and other British officers, at the head

of their gallant Turks, from victory to victory, until the baffled and

beaten Muscovite fled through the Principalities he had so boastingly

invaded, and so ruthlessly plundered and oppressed. To General Cannon’s

skill and courage the raising of the siege of Silistria, the grand

turning-point of the campaign, is to be attributed. The conception of

the plan, the peril of the attempt, and the glory of the achievement

were all his own.

Contemporaneously with the war on the Danube, operations were conducted

in Asia Minor, but no British or French troops were sent there at any

period of the war.

During the closing months of 1853, the Russians organized a powerful

army to drive the Turks out of Asia, but the Circassians and other

tribes of the Caucasus were in arms against Russia, and fought so

gallantly and perseveringly, that the troops of the czar were unable to

effect anything until late in the summer of 1854. The Turks organized an

army for the defence of their Asiatic possessions, and committed it

to the command of Jazif Pasha, an utterly incompetent man and bigoted

Mohammedan. Under him was another officer, of like character, Selim

Pasha, who experienced defeat at the hands of far inferior forces of the

enemy. A number of Polish and Hungarian officers, who had fought in the

Hungarian revolution of 1848, were sent to assist the Turkish Muchir in

forming and disciplining an army. Some of these men became Mohammedans,

and obtained substantial rewards and honours; others, refusing to

renounce the profession of Christianity, were not allowed to hold real

authority, but acted as a species of aides-de-camp of high rank,

and counsellors of the pashas. Among the foreign officers of this

description was a native of the west of England, named Guyon, a man of

rare genius, and as rare bravery. He had taken part in the Hungarian

revolution, and as the despotic power of Austria was sacred in the

eyes of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the British ambassador at

Constantinople, and all revolutionists, however honourable their cause,

were hateful to his lordship, Guyon met with no countenance or support

from him. The personal prejudices and predilections of the noble

ambassador were always in the ascendant, and often were sufficiently

strong to injure the cause of Turkey and the allies. Guyon was, however,

raised to the rank of pasha, and got the surname of Kurschid. The native

pashas set his advice and authority at defiance, plundered the troops,

the people, and the government, and acted more like the allies of Russia

than generals or dignitaries of Turkey. Such a state of tilings in the

Turkish army encouraged the Russians, and they advanced, notwithstanding

the embarrassments created by the intrepid raids of the mountaineers of

the Caucasus, under the enterprising Schamyl and his lieutenants. The

Polish officers in the Turkish service were jealous of the superior

skill and chivalrous heroism of Guy on. Indeed, throughout the war in

Asia, the English officers who acted there were opposed with envenomed

rancour by the Poles who happened to serve in the same cause with them,

and one or two Germanized-Hungarians joined in this anti-British

feeling. But for Guyon the Turkish army would have been annihilated

before the autumn of 1854, and yet the mendacious Muchir and his

Feriks laid the blame of every defeat upon the European officers, but

especially upon the best and the bravest of them all—the dauntless and

noble-hearted Guyon.

During August, 1854, the Russians advanced, with the design of attacking

Erzerum. The Turkish pashas were too much intent upon plundering every

one within the range of their power to offer any effectual resistance.

Hungarian, German, and Polish officers, especially the two latter, were

equally zealous in quarrelling with one another. Guyon alone, among the

officers of superior rank in the Turkish service, displayed activity,

intelligence, foresight, and spirit; but he was thwarted by the other

Europeans, and insulted and defied by the Turkish Muchir, Feriks, and

Beys. Again and again he pointed out the sure road to victory, and the

fact that the Turks were superior in numbers and resources to their

foes: his counsel was despised, delays were interposed, when no

alternative but the ostensible adoption of his plans remained, and the

result was the almost total dispersion of the Turkish armies, and the

imminent danger of Erzerum, and even Kars, falling into the hands of

the enemy without a struggle. This state of things continued until

Lieut.-colonel (afterwards Major-general Sir Fen wick Williams, Bart.)

Williams appeared upon the scene as the commissioner of her Britannic

majesty. In that character he was invested with an authority poor Guyon

could not claim, and without which the latter officer struggled in vain.

Colonel Williams, like Guyon, was an object of the insatiable jealousy

of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who gave him no support, and, in

spite of the entreaties—and, at last, of the commands—of the English

minister for foreign affairs, thwarted Colonel Williams in every

conceivable way. Supported, however, by the decision, perseverance, and

intelligence of Lord Clarendon, the English commissioner held his ground

in spite of the coldness, and even opposition, of the ambassador, and

was enabled to re-organize the dispersed armies of the Porte, to

place Kars and Erzerum in conditions of defence, and to throw such

obstructions in the way of the Russians, then flushed with success, as

retarded their advance, until the fall of Sebastopol decided virtually

the fortunes of the war.

Leaving the struggle in Asia in the position above noticed, it is

necessary to turn once more to Turkey in Europe.

When the conquering Turks drove the flying Russians before them through

the Principalities, the Austrians marched in and took possession of the

quarters abandoned by the fugitives. Interposing between the victors

and the vanquished, the Austrians rendered valuable services to the

Russians, and, perhaps, preserved their army from total destruction.

Without the knowledge of the Western allies, Austria concluded a

convention with the Porte for the occupation of the Provinces. There

were many circumstances to prove that the French government was privy to

this design, and a special policy on the part of France began to develop

itself. Whatever the motives of that policy, it had, for its effect, a

concert with the Austrians in exercising a domination over the Roman

Provinces far more intolerable than that from which Turkish valour had

delivered them. The oppressed Romans sought and obtained the sympathy

of the English; but both Austria and France were jealous of that

sympathy, and dreaded the dissemination of English constitutional

opinions. Austria, ever the foe of freedom, barred out, as it were,

English intercourse and views, in virtue of the power she obtained by

her convention of occupation with the sultan. The policy of Austria was

also vacillating and indeterminate. At one time she would appear ready

to join the fortunes of the allies, and immediately after direct her

endeavours to secure the Russian frontier from the assault of the allied

armies. It was generally believed that Russia was more vulnerable from

the confines of Podolia, and by a campaign carried into Poland, than

elsewhere. Austria dreaded the appearance of French and English uniforms

in too close proximity to Russian Poland; nor was Prussia less timid

of that phenomenon; for both were apprehensive of a general rising of

Poland against her tripartite oppressors. At one time Austria was said

to be willing to join in the war and march across the Russian frontier

in the rear of an allied invasion, provided England and France backed

the movement by a certain amount of force. As the Western nations could

not, or would not, march an amount of troops in that direction, such as

Austria deemed necessary in consequence of the vulnerability of her

own frontier line, she declined the peril, and satisfied herself with

holding the Dacian Provinces in the name of the sultan; but, for her own

purposes, Austria had designs upon Moldavia and Wallachia, and when the

war was brought to a termination, could with difficulty be persuaded to

withdraw her troops from them, and did not retire until public opinion,

in England and France, was expressed in terms of resentment and menace.

Such was, in brief, the history of the success of Turkey upon her own

European frontier, and of the quality of the help afforded by Austria to

Turkey and the allies during the war.

Another sphere of action now demands attention. The allied fleets

entered the Bosphorus immediately upon the slaughter of Sinope. Still,

as war was not declared, they confined their action to keeping the

Russian ships of war blockaded in their own harbours. One Russian

vessel, the _Vladimir_, gallantly broke the blockade; scoured the Black

Sea; and, in spite of the allied cruisers, inflicted severe injury upon

Turkish shipping all around the coasts of the Black Sea to the very

entrance of the Bosphorus, escaping back to Sebastopol with impunity.

Throughout the war, the enterprising and daring captain of the

_Vladimir_ performed feats worthy of the reputation of any navy in the

world. It became necessary for the allies to send a flag of truce to

Odessa, the bearers were treacherously fired upon. This exasperated the

allies, and Odessa was bombarded. The admirals endeavoured to spare the

commercial portions of the place, it being a free port; the destruction

of the defences was, in consequence, only partially effected, while

much damage was nevertheless inflicted upon the city itself. After

the bombardment, the Muscovites, with great activity, repaired and

strengthened the defences, so that the bombardment was little more than

an empty demonstration of power. It displayed, however, the skill of

the allied squadrons; for one of the most scientific and beautiful naval

operations of the war was accomplished. The ships fired while in motion;

circling round the place; delivering their broadsides as they passed;

and, by their rapidity of movement, gave little chance to the batteries

on shore to inflict any damage.

The British and French navies held possession of the Black Sea,

incurring little loss. The destruction of the British frigate _Tiger_

was, however, an incident which caused much regret in England. In

certain operations in shallow water near Odessa, the ship went aground,

and was captured. The Russians, vindictively and cowardly, continued to

fire upon it while any living object was seen upon its decks. Few

acts were ever perpetrated, by even the most barbarous enemy, more at

variance with the laws of war, and the instincts of honour, gallantry,

and generosity. The allied armies continued most uselessly to linger on

the shores of the Bosphorus and at Varna, until the season proper

for military operations had passed away. Never was an expedition more

unprofitable. The Turks were allowed to battle against the whole power

of Russia upon the Danube without the slightest help, while two large

armies were within forty miles of them. In England, suspicions of

treachery were entertained. Some believed that the Aberdeen government

was unwilling to weaken the power of Russia; others believed that France

and Austria had covert designs, and were unwilling to prosecute the

war. It was not until the middle of September that the allies acted

in concert. In the meantime, Russia fomented disturbances in the Greek

provinces of Turkey, and invited the Greeks of independent Greece to

invade the sultan’s territory. The troops of the padishaw suppressed

revolt with sanguinary effect, and drove the Greek sympathizers across

the borders. The allied fleets landed detachments of troops in Greece,

and compelled neutrality.

At last the period arrived for the decisive movement of the allied

armies, and it was resolved to invade the territory of Russia, and

destroy her great naval and military arsenals on the Black Sea. For this

purpose the troops were embarked at Varna and other places, and escorted

by the fleets to the Crimea. A landing was effected at Old Fort without

opposition. The allies began their march towards Sebastopol, skirmishing

as they proceeded. Eupatoria, a port and city in the Crimea, was also

seized by the allies, and put in a state of defence on the land side,

so as to be held by a garrison against any army likely to be sent to

recover it.

The armies, arriving at the river Alma, found the heights which

commanded its passage occupied by the enemy in great force. A battle

ensued; the first of the war in which the British and French were

engaged together. The allies were successful. The Russians were

completely defeated; and had the French consented to pursue them, it

is possible that the Russian army might have been cut off. The British

distinguished themselves greatly at the battle of the Alma. The second

division, under the chivalrous Sir De Lacy Evans, bore the brunt of

the combat on the British lines. His division was ably assisted by Sir

Richard England, who was left in support, and without orders from his

chief. He, with his guns, hastened to the aid of Sir De Lacy Evans, and

distinguished himself by his courage, promptitude, and presence of

mind. The Duke of Cambridge commanded the first division, with Sir Colin

Campbell as his senior brigadier. His royal highness displayed in this,

his maiden battle, the skill and courage for which all who had served

under him had given him credit, and which he was destined to evince

still more signally on the bloody slopes of Inkerman.

The allies, in consequence of the want of carriage and other appliances

of a campaign, lingered for days on the site of their victory before

they resumed their march against the great citadel. On arriving at

the north side, it was deemed by the allied commanders desirable and

feasible to effect a flank march to the south side. Curiously, at the

same juncture, the Russian army, under Prince Menschikoff, attempted

another flank march from the south to the north. The wings of the

hostile armies came into collision; many Russians were slain or made

prisoners. Neither army had any idea of the strategy of the other, and

both were surprised at the partial rencontre. Arriving at the south

side, Balaklava was made the basis of the allied operations: the British

occupying the right, and facing, of course, the left defence. The

Honourable General Cathcart advised an immediate assault upon the place,

which was very indifferently defended in that direction; but

General Burgoyne, the chief officer of British engineers, and the

commanderin-chief, were alike opposed to it. General Evans, and other

officers of high authority, were against the plan of General Cathcart as

rash. Those officers still retain the opinions which then influenced the

decision arrived at. It was determined to besiege the place, and conquer

it by regular approaches. The Russians, who were so dispirited that it

is questionable whether they would have resisted an immediate assault

with any vigour, took heart and threw up defences. A young officer of

engineers, named Todtleben, conceived the idea of vast erections of

earthworks, and the Russians were set to defend the place with pick and

mattock more strenuously than by artillery or musketry. The result was

a protracted defence. The Russians plied the spade and shovel with

astonishing vigour and perseverance, and Todtleben proved himself equal

in genius to the exigency. The Russians were reinforced; confidence took

the place of despair, and the city was defended with desperate hardihood

and energy. Besides the garrison, there was a Russian army in the field

upon the Tchernaya, and the heights by which it was commanded. Such was

the state of affairs, with occasional skirmishing and gunnery, up to the

26th of October, when the too celebrated battle of Balaklava was fought,

and the British generals incurred the imputation of folly, such as

seldom has been laid to the account of military chiefs, and the British

army gained a reputation for chivalrous valour which will live when even

the stupidity which made the occasion of its display is forgotten. It

would be impossible, within the limits of this work, to give the details

of such a battle. There were redoubts thrown up in the plain beyond the

heights of Balaklava, which were garrisoned by Turks. The worst possible

generalship was displayed by the British commander-in-chief in occupying

these redoubts with small bodies of troops far from any support. The

Russians attacked and conquered the redoubts; Sir Colin Campbell, at the

head of a body of infantry, took up a position in the plain. The Earl

of Lucan and the British cavalry advanced beyond that position. The

Russians occupied a gorge between two hills, flanked with field-pieces,

a line of horse artillery in front, and guns of position placed Upon

the heights so as to rake the ground upon which an attacking force must

approach. To draw the British to attack them in this strong position,

was the strategy of the Russian general. He succeeded. The cavalry were

ordered to charge; the order was conveyed from Lord Baglan to Lord Lucan

by Captain Nolan. The lieutenant-general has been censured for obeying

the command; but he had no discretion allowed him; it was in writing—it

was distinct—and the officer who delivered it, coming directly from

Lord Baglan, must have known what the latter really intended. It has

been universally believed that Captain Nolan used insulting language

to the Earl of Lucan, taunting him with cowardice. This is untrue; the

author of this history can declare so upon the authority of the noble

lord himself. Captain Nolan did point to the enemy and the captured

guns borne by them from the Turkish redoubts, and directed the general’s

attention to the duty of their recapture. The Earl of Lucan had no

alternative but to obey, more especially as the cavalry had been much

criticised by anonymous writers from the camp. The Earl of Lucan ordered

the light brigade of his division to charge, and advanced the heavy

brigade to its support as far as it could be brought for such a purpose.

Some of the regiments of the heavy brigade advanced so far as to be

under the fire of the enemy’s guns. The light brigade was commanded by

the Earl of Cardigan, who led it into action in the most gallant style.

Whoever has read Tennyson’s poem, “The Six Hundred,” will have perused

the most graphic and striking description of the exciting scene which

followed. The brigade moved on, losing the gallant Nolan before it had

reached the charge; he was the first who fell. It is commonly supposed

that he led the charge. This is not so; he rode at a little distance

from the line when the shot took effect, which deprived the army of one

of its ablest and bravest cavalry officers. In this terrible charge, the

charge of six hundred men against an army in position, with its flanks

defended by strong batteries on elevated positions, there was no

flinching. The gallant leader has told the author of this work that

various officers shouted, brandished their swords, and were excited;

that if any effort were required on the part of the commander, it was to

keep the men cool and the lines regular as they galloped forward to the

terrific encounter. The charge was made, how gallantly the whole world

admits. The wonder is that any escaped. Probably, hardly any would, had

not Colonel Sewell, at the head of the Royal Irish Hussars, thought of

the peril of the Russian cavalry wheeling from the flanks and blocking

up the way of return. He immediately turned his rear and found this

danger in actual existence. He charged the Russian cavalry, and, with

the aid of a handful of French horsemen, kept open the way for the

return of those who had dashed,

“With fetlock deep in blood,”

their fiery steeds through the lines of the enemy. The leader and a

portion of his gallant band escaped. It has been said of the Earl of

Cardigan that “he was the first in and the first out.” This is simply

not true. He entered the Russian lines at the head of his men, and when

his brigade was broken in pieces upon the guns and lines of the enemy,

he, as a fragment of the shattered mass, like other fragments, turned

to reform and act as duty then might dictate. He rode slowly from the

Russian lines under the fire of the enemy, and joined the rest of the

survivors, who received him with cheers. The Earl of Lucan, with the

heavy brigade, rendered the retreat of the light brigade possible. The

Russian cavalry swept down in masses, approaching the British infantry,

by whose fire they were deterred from charging. They approached the

cavalry camp; General Scarlett was ordered, with a portion of the

heavy brigade, to charge them. It was a gallant and glorious deed. Lord

Raglan, who witnessed it from the heights, declared, in his despatch,

that he had rarely seen such a splendid charge of cavalry, and that

it was so made as never for a moment to leave success in doubt. The

Russians retired to their positions and kept there, but the redoubts

were held by them. Had Lord Raglan advanced his infantry, an action of

a more general and scientific character would have ensued, and an

opportunity might have been made available for inflicting a defeat upon

the enemy which would have relieved Balaklava of his vicinity. Such was

the opinion of various officers of authority, and Sir De Lacy Evans,

who had as good opportunities as any general to form a judgment upon

the occasion, and was as competent as any officer in Europe to do so,

expressed, in conversation with the author of this History, the same

opinion.

The men and horses of the British army were now suffering severely from

the climate, and from various privations, which the bad commissariat

arrangements, and the want of energy and capacity on the part of the

commanderin-chief, entailed upon them. November opened gloomily in every

way upon the besiegers. Its first event of importance was the battle of

the Little Inkerman, as it was called among the soldiers. The Russians

attempted a surprise upon the dangerous and exposed post of the second

division, which was fortunately commanded by Sir De Lacy Evans. The

result was the most scientifically-fought battle of the war. General

Evans, not hampered by the interference of a commander-in-chief, whose

only title to command him was that conferred by his social rank and

favour with the ministry, had full scope for his own superior powers.

The Russians were repulsed with great slaughter and with little loss to

their victors. The French offered assistance tardily, but their aid

was declined—good generalship won the battle. The men of the second

division knew how to obey the commands of a general whom they trusted,

and to follow a leader himself the bravest of the brave.

The battle of the Little Inkerman was soon followed by that called, _par

excellence_, the battle of Inkerman. The morning of the 5th of November

dawned mistily and dimly over the plateau before Sebastopol, and along

the dark course of the Tchernaya. The Russians ascended stealthily

against the flank of the British. A terrible battle ensued. The English,

surprised, fought in their great-coats; although otherwise imperfectly

dressed, and some without shoes or shakos. Evans, who would have been at

the head of his second division, was ill on board ship at Balaklava, and

his place was nobly filled by General Pennefather. At the sound of the

cannon booming heavily over the plateau of Balaklava, Evans rose from

his sick bed and hurried to the front of battle, where he remained

during the terrible morning of conflict which opened that eventful

day. The English were all but overpowered, although they fought as

Englishmen—as probably no men ever before fought—with a tenacious

obstinacy that yielded to no force, with a chivalrous dash and daring

which contemned all odds. The Duke of Cambridge, probably, escaped

greater danger than any British officer on the field. For a time he rode

along the line encouraging his men, the fire of the advancing columns

of the Russians directed upon him; nearly all around him were killed or

wounded. It was a critical and awful moment: the Russians were gaining

the summit of the ascent; they would there have had room to deploy,

and the British would have been in danger of being driven from their

intrenchments, and the allied armies of being forced back upon the sea.

Fortunately the French, who were engaged in watching the manoeuvres of

Liprandi in the valley beneath, at last came to the assistance of their

allies, and fell upon the Russian flanks. The British at the same moment

received supplies of ammunition, of which they had been in need through

the wretched management of everything that depended upon head-quarters;

their ranks rallied and poured deadly volleys of Minié bullets upon

the masses of the enemy struggling with the French. The slopes of the

plateau were strewn with dead, and slippery with gore; the Russians,

foiled everywhere, retreated. The French, fresh for pursuit, would not

pursue unless the weary guardsmen led the van. Canrobert, the successor

of Arnaud in command of the French army, complimented the British, but

did not act heartily with them. The services of Sir Richard England at

Inkerman have been generally overlooked by British writers. England was

not favourable to the agents of the press, and he showed this feeling in

a manner which offended that class. This was unwise, both for himself,

his division, and the service. Were it not for that circumstance, the

valuable services of that general would have become better known to the

public. When the battle of Inkerman began, England occupied a position

to the left of the English lines, near to a ravine which separated them

from those occupied by the French. Leaving a portion of his troops

under the command of one of his brigadiers, he dispatched the rest under

Brigadier Campbell to the right, and himself followed. His opportune

arrival supported the divisions exposed to attack; and as their several

detachments moved to the more immediate theatre of conflict, England’s

troops occupied the ground from which they had been removed, and which

would have been exposed to the enemy. It is remarkable that the plan of

the Russian generals was to make the principal attack upon the extreme

left of the British, so as to separate the English left from the French

right. The officer in charge of the attacking column missed his way,

delay was thus caused as well as the plan of assault totally deranged;

possibly, to these circumstances may be attributed the failure of the

Russian attack of the 5th of November.

After this battle, Sir De Lacy Evans strongly recommended Lord Raglan

to change his position. He was influenced in offering this advice by

the total inadequacy of the English army, numerically, to occupy such

extended lines, and by the suffering of the army from ill health,

climate, and deficient supplies, personal and military. This letter of

the general has been much misrepresented in the London clubs, and among

coteries unfriendly to the general’s liberal parliamentary policy. It

was, however, the opinion of Sir De Lacy that, unless reinforcements

arrived in numbers far superior to what was then probable, the British

would be unable to hold their ground; and, notwithstanding the actual

issue, such advice was sound, and based upon facts and probabilities.

After the battle of Inkerman, the condition of the British army became

truly horrible, so that the closing winter months of 1854 were such

as tried the fortitude of the British troops and their hardihood of

endurance to the uttermost. It would be in vain to attempt to portray,

upon these pages, sufferings which excited the wonder and sympathy of

all nations, or to depict the patriotism and enduring devotion to duty

by which such protracted miseries were sustained. Great numbers perished

of cold, hunger, and sickness; and the cholera, which ravaged the

encampments of Gallipoli and Varna, pursued the army to the trenches

before Sebastopol. The Russians also suffered much, and bore it as good,

hardy, and loyal soldiers; but they had the shelter, hospitals, and

supplies of the city. The troops on the Tchernaya were relieved by the

garrison of the city, and supplied from its almost exhaustless stores.

The Russian armies had the whole power of the empire in their rear; but,

notwithstanding the herculean efforts made by the czar to recruit and

feed his armies, the drain of life was terrible, from causes similar to

those by which the English were swept away in such numbers. The French

army was far better organized and more honestly administered than the

armies of England and Russia, and the loss of life during 1854, after

the landing in the Crimea, was less than was experienced by the British

or Russians. The cholera, however, took greater effect upon the Turks,

French, and Muscovites, than upon the British. At Gallipoli and Varna

this was strikingly exemplified. In the Dobrudscha, upon the Danube, the

division of General Espineau was nearly destroyed by the pestilence.

During the whole period to which this relation of events refers, the

allied fleets were masters of the Turkish waters, from the gates of the

Dardanelles to the Sea of Azoff. When the fleets conveyed the armies

to Old Fort and Eupatoria, they appeared before Sebastopol; and the

Russians, fearing that the enterprise of the British might penetrate the

harbour, sunk their fleet in two lines, so as to bar its entrance

and prevent their capture. This bold measure did much to prolong the

defence. It also mortified the allies, who were thus prevented from

taking naval prizes, and from conquering the place, or very much

promoting its conquest by naval artillery. The Russians reserved some of

their most efficient vessels behind the range of sunken ships, and with

those they commanded the flanks of the besiegers, causing much waste of

life, and obstructing seriously the progress of the siege.

The naval force of the czar in the Black Sea was estimated very

differently by various writers. A number of statements were put forth,

all professing to be authentic. We select two, and our readers will

be able to judge for themselves the probable statistics. Haxthausen

represents the Black Sea fleet as consisting of three divisions, each

of which comprised ordinarily 1 three-decker, 2 two-deckers (among the

last two ships mounting each 84 guns), 6 frigates, 1 corvette, and 4

smaller vessels. Mr. Danby Seymour is more precise, and furnishes us

with what purports to be a complete list of the Russian naval force

in the Euxine in 1854, viz.:—20 ships of the line, 7 frigates, 5

corvettes, 12 brigs, 9 schooners, 7 cutters, 2 yachts, 1 bombard, 30

steamers, 28 gun-boats, and 30 transports.

The British fleet consisted of the _Britannia, Trafalgar, Vengeance,

Rodney, Betterophon, Queen, Lynx, Sphynx, Tribune, Sampson, Terrible,

Furious, Retribution, Highflyer, Spiteful, Cyclops, Vesuvius, Albion,

Arethusa, London, Sanspareil, Agamemnon, Firebrand, Triton, Niger_,

constituting a most powerful navy. At that juncture, so great were the

maritime resources of England, that a naval authority thus reported

concerning her resources:—“From our ships in reserve and building, we

could form a naval force far surpassing that which any other nation in

the world can boast of having afloat. We have in reserve, at the four

ports of Portsmouth, Devonport, Chatham, and Sheerness, not less than

161 vessels of the ‘effective ships of the royal navy,’ and these

estimated to carry not less than 6,807 guns. Besides these, too, we have

a goodly number of paddle-wheels and other small craft. Though some of

the vessels may not, without considerable repairs, be in a state to send

to sea, yet most of them are excellent sea-going vessels—far superior,

indeed, to anything Russian—and could be fitted out for service on

very short notice. Then we have of vessels building—5 at Portsmouth,

7 at Devonport, 1 at Sheerness, 6 at Chatham, 11 at Pembroke, 4 at

Deptford, 4 at Woolwich, and one at Mill wall.—Total 39.” The French

naval force in the Black Sea, under the command of Vice-admiral Hamelin,

was composed of the _Friedland, Valmy, Ville de Paris, Henri IV.,

Bayard, Charlemagne, Lena, Lupiter, Marengo, Gomer, Descartes, Vauban,

Mogador, Cacique, Magellan, Sanê, Caton, Sérieuse, Mercure, Olivière,

Beaumanoir, Cerf, Prométhée, Salamandre, Héron, and Monette._ The

squadron of Vice-admiral Bruat, intended to act in the Black Sea, the Sea

of Gallipoli, and in the Eastern Archipelago, comprised the following

vessels:—_Montebello, Napoléon, Suffren, Jean Bart, Ville de Marseille,

Alger, Pomone, Caffarelli, Roland_ and Primauguet. Independently of

these three squadrons, and all the frigates, or steam corvettes, which

were assembled in the Mediterranean for the transport of the army of the

East, were all the naval stations in the West Indies, the Pacific Ocean,

the Indo-China seas, and in all quarters where the fishing interest

existed.

The first bombardment of Sebastopol took place on the 17th of October,

in which the fleet took an active part; but the combined efforts of the

artillery, afloat and ashore, failed to subdue the gigantic works which

had arisen for the defence.

The allied fleets rendered great services in protecting Eupatoria, which

had been garrisoned mainly by Turkish troops, and which the Russians

vigilantly watched and incessantly harassed.

Various bombardments and incessant watching occupied the fleets until,

in the following year, the grand catastrophe occurred, and southern

Sebastopol fell under what the Russian commander called “the fire

infernal” of the allies.

On the 14th of November, a terrible storm smote the Black Sea and the

Crimea. The tents of the camps were blown away, many ships were wrecked,

and many lives were lost. The want of prevision, management, and

organization, on the part of the chief authorities of the British, led

to costly sacrifices of human life, _matériel_ of war, and supplies.

The operations in the Baltic were not so important as those in the Black

Sea. The fine British fleet, commanded by Sir Charles Napier, was

aided by a powerful French fleet, under the command of Vice-admiral

Parseval-Deschênes. The achievements of those fleets did not answer the

expectations formed. The French arrived late in the season, and acted

so dependency upon the British, that they did not even attempt anything.

The English admiral showed neither spirit nor activity. Partly through

his want of enterprise, and still more from the neglect of the Admiralty

at home to provide vessels of draught suitable to the shallow waters

of the Baltic, no attempt was made to conquer any of the Russian

strongholds. The island and forts of Bomarsund were captured and

destroyed, the British and French engineers and artillery having the

chief glory of the conquest. The British engineer officer, General

Jones, greatly distinguished himself.

Operations were also conducted in the White Sea by the allied squadrons,

but the assistance rendered by the French was trivial. The allies,

particularly the French, arrived too late in the season to effect much.

In the Pacific Ocean the blunders and tardiness which characterized

the allies were extraordinary: incompetency was impressed on all

their undertakings. The Russians were attacked in their far-eastern

settlements, especially Petropaulovski; but the allies suffered signal

and sanguinary defeat, arising from the incompetency of the naval

officers in command.

Such were the fortunes of the great war with Russia during 1854.

[Illustration: 840.jpg BATTLE OF ALMA]

[Illustration: 841.jpg BATTLE OF INKERMAN]

PARLIAMENT.

The session of 1854 was not barren. The war occupied men’s thoughts,

and engaged the time of the legislature; the reform bill of Lord John

Russell was put off _sine die_; yet many useful bills were carried

through the legislature, and much valuable business transacted in both

houses, of importance to the country. The war debates, however, occupied

most of the attention of the houses. In the beginning of the year their

subjects were:—the want of spirit, preparation, and intelligence on the

part of the ministry; the deference, and even amity, shown to Russia

by Lord Aberdeen and his chief supporters, while the czar was deceiving

them, and prosecuting his ambitious designs with energy. The financial

schemes of the chancellor of the exchequer caused much debate. He

propounded the doctrine that increased taxes on income, and other

sources of taxation, must cover the expenses of the increased military

preparations—that the income of the year should pay the cost of the

year. Nothing could more clearly show that he had no conception of the

magnitude of the conflict upon which his country was about to enter.

Whatever might be Mr. Gladstone’s abilities as an economist, or a

financier, he proved himself incapable as a statesman. On the 12th of

August, her majesty prorogued the parliament in person.

During the session several changes in the ministry had occurred. Lord

John Russell, who at the beginning of the session held a place in the

cabinet without any office, was appointed to the presidency of the

council, Lord Granville giving way in his favour; as did Mr. Strutt,

chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, for Lord Granville. The Duke of

Newcastle held the secretaryships, both of war and the colonies, at the

beginning of the session. He was clearly incapable of filling both,

and was ultimately proved unequal to either. He, however, resigned the

colonies, a fourth secretaryship—that for war—being created for the

occasion. The duke persisted in selecting that office, and Lord Aberdeen

and the Peelite section of the cabinet insisted on conferring it upon

him, in spite of the desire of Lord John Russell, the whig section of

the cabinet, and the general voice of the country, that Lord Palmerston

should, at such a juncture, assume that most important official

position. The result was a terrible breakdown in the administration

of the war department, disastrous to the ministry, the army, and the

country. The vacant secretaryship of the colonies was given to Sir

George Grey, who was certainly unequal to its requirements. On the

whole, the changes gave dissatisfaction to the country, and prepared

the way for the destruction of the cabinet. In the midst of such great

dangers to the country, it was found that the patronage bestowed by the

ministry, especially in connection with the army, navy, and colonies,

was partial, unjust, and even, in some cases, disgraceful. A wide-spread

feeling of indignation arose among the people, and a desire for the

speedy fall of the Aberdeen cabinet. After the breaking up of parliament

the ministry dispersed, and appeared to concern themselves very little

about the fate of the country. Two men among them were exceptions to

this—the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Palmerston. They worked in their

respective offices with untiring assiduity; unfortunately, what the

duke did had been, in the main, better left undone, but he industriously

performed his duty to the best of his power. When the tidings of

Balaklava, Inkerman, the bombardment of Sebastopol, the false news

of its fall, the storm which nearly wrecked the transport fleet and

destroyed vast supplies, were flying through Europe and stirring the

heart of England to its depth, the ministers were amusing themselves,

and showed no signs that they comprehended their glorious position

as the leaders of a mighty empire at war with another. It appeared

afterwards that Lord John Russell was watching anxiously the progress of

affairs, although his particular office did not give prominence to his

activity.

On the 12th of December parliament was reopened by her majesty in

person. The ministry was denounced in both houses for its incompetent

conduct of the war, and made a feeble defence. Thanks were voted by both

houses to the generals, officers, and soldiers, who had participated in

the battles and hardships of the various naval and military campaigns.

The foreigners’ enlistment bill caused much discussion, in which very

little wisdom was shown by either house. The militia bill passed rapidly

through the legislature. This closed the brief period during which

parliament sat in December, 1854.

DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.

In consequence of the war many men of whom England and any nation might

be proud fell bravely in battle, or as bravely died at their posts

wasted by disease. So great was their number, and so much did the loss

of such men extend the lists of this year’s obituary, that the task of

even glancing at it becomes impossible within the space allotted to this

work. One noble soldier died peacefully, full of years and honours—the

Marquis of Anglesey, the companion of Wellington in his campaigns—the

chivalrous Earl of Oxbridge, the most dashing _sabreur_ of the British

army, the heroic soldier whose surpassing courage at the head of the

British cavalry at Waterloo shone conspicuous. Death, during the year,

reaped his full harvest from men of literature, science, and art, and

from among the greatly good: he was not satisfied with the dark wreaths

he gathered over so many battle-fields, he spared not for this the homes

of England, but threw his cold shadow over the sanctuary of piety and

the abode of genius.

CHAPTER LXVII.

{VICTORIA. 1855}

Home Affairs..... State of Public Opinion..... Death of the

Czar..... Severity of the Weather..... Visits of the French

Emperor, the King of the Belgians, and the King of Sardinia

to her Majesty..... Visit of her Majesty to the Emperor of

the French..... Distribution of Crimean Medals by the

Queen..... Ireland..... Parliamentary, Diplomatic, and

Ministerial Conflicts and Changes..... The Progress of the

Russian War..... Events in the Crimea, Asia Minor, the

Baltic, the White Sea, and the Pacific Ocean..... General

Prosperity and loyalty of the Colonies..... State of

India..... Annexation of Oude.

HOME AFFAIRS—PUBLIC OPINION, AGITATION OF PEOPLE AND PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1855}

The state of the country at the opening of the year was very peculiar.

The whole population of the British Isles was deeply moved by the

tidings which had arrived of the sufferings of their brethren and fellow

countrymen in the Crimea. It was humiliating to the country to learn

that an army within seven miles of the sea, with the most splendid

fleets and transports at its service, was perishing from want of food

and fuel because the abounding stores, wasting and rotting on

the sea-shore, could not be conveyed to the camp. All political

considerations were lost sight of in the universal desire to get rid of

a cabinet so utterly incompetent to direct the affairs of the country.

With some of the members of the cabinet there was general satisfaction;

Lords Palmerston and Clarendon were popular, and Lord John Russell at

that time shared the public favour which he was so soon destined to

lose. It was against the Peelite section of the ministry, and more

especially its chief, that the universal indignation arose. This led to

the defeat and resignation of the Aberdeen cabinet; the circumstances

which attended that result will be related when noticing the

parliamentary vicissitudes of the year.

A fast was ordered in England and Ireland for the 21st of March, which

was extensively and solemnly observed; and a day of thanksgiving was

kept with as unanimous a spirit, when, in September, Sebastopol fell.

DEATH OF THE CZAR.

On the 2nd of March the people of London were astonished by a telegram

that the Emperor of Russia had died that morning. Seldom was so profound

and general a sensation created. It was believed by nearly all persons

that the war would be speedily brought to a close, as he who had created

it had passed away. It was not then generally understood that the

Emperor Nicholas was the representative of the feeling and opinion of

the whole Russian nation. His ambition, love of conquest, aggrandizement

of territory, did not pass beyond the degree in which these qualities

were cherished by his people. The desire to propagate the Greek church

by the sword alike possessed emperor and subjects. The war, therefore,

continued, although the successor of Nicholas—Alexander II.—was, as

alleged, a mild prince, more desirous to draw out the resources of his

empire by peace than to extend it by war. At all events the conflict

continued to rage, to the disappointment of all who hated bloodshed, and

felt for the miseries of their fellow creatures.

It was alleged that the death of the Emperor Nicholas was caused by the

defeat of his arms at the battle of Eupatoria. On the 17th of February,

forty thousand Russians attacked the Turkish army under Omar Pasha, then

quartered there. The occupation of that place by the allies was a great

hindrance to the operations of the Russian armies, and was dangerous

to the Crimea and its communications with the southern provinces of the

Russian empire. The emperor had, therefore, ordered it to be carried at

any cost. He, no doubt, felt humiliated that the Turks, whom he had so

recently attacked in their own territory, should now, in their turn, be

invaders, and he burned with indignation at this affront to his power.

By this battle his soldiers were defeated, his ambition and his hopes

blasted. He began at last to see the magnitude of the war he had

provoked, and the perils with which his empire were environed. He

drooped from that hour. A severe cold, taken in the persevering

discharge of his high functions, hastened his dissolution.

DEPARTURE OF THE BALTIC FLEET.

On the 4th of April the first squadron of the Baltic fleet for the naval

campaign in that sea set sail from Spithead. This fleet was probably the

most powerful that had ever appeared upon the seas.

FINANCIAL OPERATIONS FOR THE YEAR.

In the middle of April the government effected, with great ease, a loan

of sixteen millions sterling to carry on the war. This was followed by

similar transactions.

SEVERITY OF THE WEATHER.

The first days of the new year were unusually warm, the temperature

ranging 11° above the average. On the 9th the thermometer marked 50°;

but on the following day fell to 26°, being the commencement of the

longest and most severe winter experienced for many years. On the 14th

a period of very cold weather set in, and continued without intermission

to the 24th February; some of the days in the middle of February being

from 15° to 18° below the average. From the 24th February to the 6th

March the weather was more moderate; but on that day the cold again set

in, and the weather continued to the 26th June to be cold, nipping, and

miserable beyond record. In January, on several days, the mercury was as

low as 13°. In February it was, on many days, as low as from 3° to 10°.

The coldest day in London was the 18th, when the thermometer marked 7°;

the lowest temperature recorded by authority was 0° 8 (or not quite

1°), at Berkhampstead; at Belvoir Castle it was 2° 5. During this

long period, the wind was almost uniformly north-east. Rain was very

deficient; but snow fell on the 9th January, and on every day, at one

station or other corresponding with the Meteorological Society, from

January 13th to February 28th, from March 8th to the end of month, and

frequently to the middle of May. It was replete with snow crystals, and

unusually dense, eight inches of snow producing one inch of water. Hail

and fogs were frequent all over the kingdom; and aurora were numerous.

The effects of so ungenial a season upon the mortality and health of

the population were as evil as could be anticipated. The deaths

greatly exceeded the average. In the winter quarter 134,605 deaths were

registered, or 20,000 in excess of the average; and this excess was

distributed over the whole kingdom. To the immediate effects of the cold

must be added the great dearness of all the necessaries of life. Wheat,

which in March, 1853, was 45s. 7d. a quarter, had risen in March, 1854,

to 79s. 6d, and in 1855, to 69s. 11d.; and the sale had fallen from

1,236,493 quarters to 780,232 and 1,143,999 quarters. Potatoes ranged

from 105s. to 110s. per ton, at wholesale prices.

The cold weather covered the ornamental waters with ice, and gave

opportunity for the healthy and exhilarating exercises proper to

the season. Those who ventured before the ice was well formed ran

considerable risks, and many persons were immersed; but the only

disastrous accident occurred on the 20th of January, when four lads

were drowned in St. James’s Park. The ice everywhere was crowded with

performers on the slide and the skate, both male and female, and with

innumerable spectators; the long-continued frost also brought forward

many splendidly-equipped sledges. The Thames was encumbered with large

masses of frozen snow or ice, which had formed on lakes and ponds

communicating with it. These masses, in their passage up and down, were

ground together by the tide, and made a loud murmuring noise,

which could be heard at a great distance. At low water these masses

became jammed together, so as to form a rough and dangerous passage from

shore to shore; while the stranded pieces formed miniature icebergs.

Within the limits of the tide the whole mass was in motion; but above

Teddington the river was frozen over, wherever any obstruction occurred

above locks and weirs, and afforded a secure passage. At Richmond there

was nearly three miles of continuous ice transit, and for some

distance above Teddington Lock and Kingston Bridge. All navigation was

necessarily suspended. In the Pool numerous accidents occurred from

ships being swept from their moorings and crushed by the ice, or driven

on shore.

On the night of the 22nd of February a very singular spectacle was got

up on the Serpentine. Late in the evening a fine “brass band,” attended

by near a thousand torchbearers, suddenly marched on to the ice on the

ornamental water in Kensington Gardens, and struck up popular airs; as

by a signal, large fires were lighted on the ice, tents were erected,

and barrels of beer were broached. Suddenly, several hundred skaters,

each bearing a lighted lamp at his waist-belt, emerged from the

crowd, and shot under the bridge on to the Serpentine, and commenced

quadrilles, polkas, and divers figures; in a few minutes their erratic

motions were illuminated by red, blue, crimson, and green fires, lighted

on the banks, and by rockets and other lights. This fantastic and

beautiful exhibition was repeated on another evening.

The canals were of course frozen, and all traffic, except of skaters,

was at an end.

In the country the effect of the cold upon the rivers and canals was

the same—they were hard frozen. The roads were covered with snow, which

made traffic impossible; and when the snow had been cleared away, they

were equally dangerous from the frozen surfaces. As usual, in certain

localities the cold was more intense than in the registered spots;

country newspapers recorded thermometers which marked 4°, 6°, and more,

below zero. Derwentwater was entirely frozen over; fires were lighted

and feasts given to mark the occasion; and carts and waggons passed over

to the island. Windermere was also frozen over, and parties skated not

only across, but from end to end: a traffic was established between the

villages by wheelbarrows. All round the coast the very unusual spectacle

was witnessed of ice formed in the bays of the sea, and left aground

among the rocks at low-water. A traffic was established over the ice,

chiefly by amateurs, from Boston to Lincoln—thirty-five miles.*

* “Annual Register.”

The closing months of the year were also severe. In October there was

a great fall of rain. Fogs unusually dense and hard frosts occurred in

November. December was a very cold month, and through the last quarter

of the year there were many storms. During the year 1,141 ships were

lost.

VISIT OF THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH.

One of the most interesting home events of the year occurred in the

middle of April—a visit of the Emperor and Empress of the French to

the queen. They left Paris on the 15th April, and on the 16th sailed

for England. Their arrival at Dover and their journey to London was a

triumph; and on their arrival, their progress through the great capital

was marked by a popular demonstration, which, from its enthusiasm and

vastness, may be called sublime. The line of carriages passed through

crowded streets—crowded from the kerbstones to the house-tops—? until

they reached Hyde Park Corner. It is said that the emperor pointed out

to the empress the street, leading into St. James’s Street, where he had

humble lodgings, when, seven years before, he was an exile residing in

London. On the 10th of April, 1848, he turned out, bâton in hand, to

serve as a special constable, when the Chartists, under the guidance of

the unfortunate Fergus O’Connor, threatened an invasion of London. Seven

years and one week, save a day, had elapsed since Napoleon was thus

obscure; and it was reserved for him to pass through the streets of the

great city, guarded by the household troops of her majesty, her guest,

and the companion of her consort, while her whole people turned out to

confirm her invitation, and add to the honours she had reserved for

him. _O tempora mutantur, et mutamur cum illos!_ When the illustrious

visitors entered Hyde Park, an entirely new scene awaited them.

Comparatively few of the lower classes were there; but nowhere else in

Europe could such an array of carriages and horsemen be presented. The

writer of this History took up his position near the Magazine, where a

tolerable opportunity of seeing the procession was offered; but so dense

were the carriages and the equestrians, that persons on foot were much

impeded. The imperial pair, with Prince Albert, were seated in an open

barouche. Six of the royal carriages, each drawn by four horses, and

attended by outriders, conveyed the visitors and suite to the Great

Western Station. The pace was too rapid for the gratification of the

people, and the respect due to their efforts to make them welcome.

Immediately on the arrival of the royal and imperial party at the

Paddington Station they proceeded to Windsor.*

* “Nolan’s History of the War against Russia.” J. S.

Virtue, City Road and Ivy Lane, London.

During the week the imperial pair were received in the City by the

corporation, and many demonstrations of respect and popular enthusiasm

greeted them. On Saturday they returned to France; where the emperor,

soon after, while riding in the streets of Paris, narrowly escaped death

by the hand of an Italian assassin.

DISTRIBUTION OF MEDALS BY THE QUEEN.

Among the home incidents which attracted the attention of the people of

England was the distribution of medals to the officers, non-commissioned

officers, and privates who had returned from the Crimea invalided or

wounded. Her majesty had resolved to distribute the medals in person,

and this greatly increased the interest of the occasion. It was deemed

by the public a most graceful and befitting act on the part of her

majesty, to give, with her own hands, the decorations won by those whose

valour so nobly shielded lier throne. The feelings of the brave men who

were to receive these decorations were raised to enthusiasm, when they

learned that they were to receive such a reward of their courage and

constancy from their beloved queen herself. The place appointed for this

grand ceremony was most appropriate—the square of the Horse-Guards,

in St. James’s Park. The writer of this History, as he looked upon the

extensive and magnificent preparations for this event, felt strongly the

sequel it presented to the scene which he witnessed little more than

a year before, near the same spot, when the people’s representatives

passed along to Buckingham Palace to assure her majesty of their

support in the war she had declared. Galleries were erected for

the accommodation of the lords and commons, for the members of the

government, and for the families of those who were to be publicly

honoured—a most graceful tribute on the part of the country to the

feelings of these gallant men. How proud that day must many a wife’s,

and parent’s, and brother’s, and sister’s heart have been, as the

objects of their affectionate solicitude bowed before his sovereign to

receive upon his breast the glorious badge his noble conduct won! The

royal family occupied a capacious balcony projecting from the lower

central windows of the Horse-Guards, which was festooned with scarlet

cloth, and otherwise decorated.

At ten o’clock on the morning of the 18th of May, the scene presented

from the windows of the Horse-Guards, and the windows and roofs of the

neighbouring houses,’ was most striking and effective: a vast mass

of people filled the whole area within view, yet all preserving the

greatest order. Her majesty dispensed the medals with her own hand to

men of all ranks, and of all branches of the service.

VISIT OF THE KING OF THE BELGIANS.

In the month of July her majesty’s uncle, the King of the Belgians, paid

her a visit, which excited many political rumours, and attracted much

notice throughout Europe.

HER MAJESTY VISITS THE FRENCH EMPEROR.

On the 18th of August her majesty, accompanied by Prince Albert and the

Prince of Wales, visited the French emperor.

His imperial majesty, and the people of France, displayed a cordiality

of welcome and a tasteful hospitality which rivalled those exhibited in

England on the occasion of the emperor’s visit.

VISIT OF THE KING OF SARDINIA TO THE ENGLISH COURT.

On November the 30th the King of Sardinia visited her majesty, and was

received with much enthusiasm by the people. The prompt and gallant way

in which his majesty and his people had joined Western Europe in the war

against Russia made him popular.

IRELAND.

There were few events connected with Ireland which possessed any

peculiar general interest. The alacrity with which recruits entered

service for the war, and the terrible proceedings of the disloyal Ribbon

Societies, were remarkable. Thus Ireland at once exhibited a generous

loyalty and a sanguinary sedition. The newspapers were literally filled,

during the closing winter months, with recitals of murders or attempts

at murder. The character of the assassinations was even more than

usually brutal and vindictive; and although some of the criminals were

arrested and punished, government was even more than usually remiss in

applying remedies to a condition of society so deplorable. Among the

events in Ireland which excited most horror and astonishment in Great

Britain, were those connected with burning the Bible. There was much

excitement among the Roman Catholic religious orders, and efforts were

made by them to create a species of revival in various parts of the

country. On some of these occasions the Bible was burned during the

fervour of fanaticism excited.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS, MINISTERIAL CHANGES, AND DIPLOMATIC

STRUGGLES.

A notice of the parliamentary conflicts of the session, of the

ministerial vicissitudes resulting from them, and of the diplomacy which

was acted upon by each, and which itself influenced both, will here find

its proper place in this chapter.