CHAPTER XXVIII.

{GEORGE III. 1809—1812}

Meeting of Parliament..... The Supplies, &c. Charges

against the Duke of York..... Parliamentary Corruption.....

Motion for Reform..... Prorogation of Parliament.....

Affairs of Spain..... Further Operations in Spain.....

Campaign of Napoleon in Italy..... British Expedition

against Naples and Walcheren..... Dissensions in the

Cabinet..... Meeting of Parliament..... Debate on the

Walcheren Expedition..... Proceedings against Sir Francis

Burdett..... The Supplies..... The Slave-Trade Question.....

Petition of the Irish Catholics. &c. Prorogation of

Parliament &c. . Campaign in Portugal..... Affairs of

Spain..... Foreign Conquests, &c. The Marriage of

Napoleon, &c. Illness of His Majesty: Opening of

Parliament, &c. Opening of Parliament by the

Regent..... Debate on the Re-appointment of the Duke of York

to the War-office..... The Supplies..... The Bullion

Committee, &c. Subject of Military Discipline..... Lord

Sidmouth’s Motion respecting Dissenting Preachers.....

Affairs of the Irish Catholics..... Amendment of the

Criminal law..... . Prorogation of Parliament..... Disputes

with America..... Capture of Java..... Affairs of

Portugal..... Affairs of Spain; Capture of Badajoz,

&c. Naval Affairs..... Affairs of France.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1809}

Parliament was opened by commission on the 19th of January. The royal

speech stated his majesty’s reasons for rejecting the proposals made for

a negociation with France and Russia, and spoke of the perseverance of

the Spaniards in the cause of their legitimate monarchy and national

independence, which would induce his majesty to support them so long as

they should prove true to themselves. Satisfaction was expressed at the

liberation of Portugal; a continuance of aid to the King of Sweden was

recommended; and a speedy augmentation of our regular army inculcated.

The addresses were voted without a division, but opposition at the same

time were not wholly silent. They seem indeed to have hoped that the

misfortunes in Spain, and some mistakes which had been made in the

Portuguese convention, would lead to the dissolution of the cabinet.

A motion, however, moved in the Commons by Lord Petty, for directly

censuring the convention in Portugal, and for attributing the whole

blame of it to government, was negatived by two hundred and eight

against one hundred and fifty-eight. A motion also, made by Mr.

Ponsonby, for an inquiry into the conduct of the late campaign in

Spain, was rejected by two hundred and twenty against one hundred and

twenty-seven. In reviewing the principal incidents connected with this

campaign, Mr. Ponsonby drew no very favourable picture of the capacity

and judgment of the cabinet. He remarked:—“With so many opportunities

and resources at command, they had instituted no proper inquiry into the

state of the Peninsula, the bent of the public mind, the inclinations of

the higher ranks, the views of the middle classes, and the probability

that effective resistance would be made to a vigorous and mighty foe.

Extraordinary indecision and unnecessary delays had injured the cause

which the king pretended to support. Several Spanish armies were routed

before the British troops were prepared to act, and when they became

engaged in the contest, they were in danger of total ruin.” The

character of Sir John Moore, however, does not seem to have been called

into question by any member of opposition. Almost his last words were,

“I hope the country will do me justice;” and the general feeling of the

public mind from that day to this is, that he exhibited great skill

and bravery, although circumstances compelled him to retreat before his

enemy.

THE SUPPLIES, ETC.

No time was lost in taking that part of his majesty’s speech into

consideration which had reference to the augmentation of our military

force. By two acts greater activity was given to enlistment into the

militia, and that force was carried to its full number. The vacancies

also, left by the bill of last session, for allowing the militia

soldiers into the line were filled up, and from 20,000 to 30,000 regular

troops were added to the corps disposable for foreign service. Additions

were also made to the navy. Above £27,000,000 were voted for the army

and ordnance, and about £19,000,000 for the navy: the total amount of

supplies for the year for Great Britain and Ireland was £53,802,000.

Among the ways and means was a loan of £11,000,000; which loan was

contracted for at a lower rate of interest than money had even been

borrowed for on the public account. Ministers quoted this as an instance

of prosperity; but the opposition contended that money was lent to

government at a low rate of interest because capitalists could not

employ it in any other way, foreign trade being almost annihilated by

the Berlin and Milan decrees, and by our own orders in council.

CHARGES AGAINST THE DUKE OF YORK.

Early in this session a subject was introduced which excited

extraordinary interest throughout the whole nation. This subject was,

that a paramour of the Duke of York had made military patronage a

medium of infamous traffic. On the 27th of January, Mr. Wardle, a Welsh

gentleman, and colonel of militia, affirmed in the house of commons that

everything was wrong and rotten at the Horse-guards; that the Duke

of York, the commander-in-chief, suffered himself to be swayed by a

low-born mistress, one Mary Ann Clarke, who had been carrying on a

traffic in commissions and promotions. Several cases were instanced

in which money had been paid to the said Mary Ann Clarke, and Colonel

Wardle insisted that the duke was a partaker in the benefit of her

traffic. He concluded with moving for the appointment of a committee

to investigate the charges, and it was finally agreed that the inquiry

should be carried on by a committee of the whole house. This committee

sat for the first time on the 1st of February, and the inquiry occupied

the undivided time and attention of parliament for seven weeks. In the

course of the investigation Mary Ann Clarke and one or two others of the

same class of females were examined; but though it seemed clear from

the evidence adduced that Mrs. Clarke was guilty of taking money from

expectants, it was not proved that the duke had any knowledge of her

practices. Mrs. Clarke herself sought to involve the duke in her guilt;

but that he had participated in her gains, or had even any knowledge

of her transactions, were circumstances which depended on her veracity

alone. And her credibility was somewhat shaken, because the duke

quarrelled with her and parted from her, and she was at the time of her

examination living under the protection of Wardle, the duke’s accuser.

Some there were, however, who believed her testimony, which was made

manifest in the several divisions that took place on this subject.

Colonel Wardle moved for an address to his majesty, praying that he

would be graciously pleased to dismiss the Duke of York from the command

of the army, on account of the corrupt practices which had been proved

against him: this was rejected by three hundred and sixty-four against

one hundred and twenty-three. Mr. Bankes moved an amendment to the

effect that abuses had existed, which could scarcely have existed

without exciting suspicion in the mind of the commander-in-chief, and

suggesting the propriety of his removal from office: this was negatived

by a majority of only ninety-five. Afterwards a resolution, proposed

by Sir T. Turton, declaring that grounds for charging the duke with

a knowledge of the corrupt practices of Mrs. Clarke rested on good

evidence, was thrown out by three hundred and thirty-four against

one hundred and thirty-five. Subsequently Mr. Percival made a motion

declaratory of the duke’s innocence, and this was carried by a majority

of only eighty-two. It is evident, therefore, that many members deemed

him not wholly innocent of the charges against him; and the duke seems

to have felt this, for he soon after took the opportunity of resigning

his official situation. The subject seems to have engrossed the

attention of the public for a long time, and this too at a period

when more important events were taking place daily: events big with

importance to all Europe. From the highest to the lowest members of the

community, these transactions formed the leading topic of conversation.

It has been well observed that “this affair was not without its

beneficial results. A striking proof was given to the world, that under

our constitution, no rank, however elevated, could shelter abuses from

detection, or screen those concerned in them from the effects of public

displeasure. The king’s second and favourite son, a prince so near the

throne himself, had been driven from office by a member of the house of

commons, who was unheard of before this transaction, and who possessed

neither the influence of character nor the influence of talent. It had

been proved to the conviction of the country that the Duke of York was

so far culpable as to render his resignation proper; that resignation

had taken place in consequence, and public opinion had thus obtained

a most signal triumph. When the duke had thus incurred punishment and

disgrace, individuals of less rank and influence could not expect that

their official delinquencies or irregularities should escape: the

fate of the prince was an example and an admonition not easily to be

forgotten. Until the time when there will be no more war, and when men

will no more want commissions in armies, or profitable places under

government, it will be in vain to expect perfection in anything, vain to

hope that the distributors of patronage will not occasionally yield

to favouritism and other influences, besides that great parliamentary

influence over appointments, which—fatal as it often is—can hardly be

destroyed without destroying the constitution. But notwithstanding the

occasional interference of friends, wives, sisters, cousins, and other

connexions, which may possibly be as mischievous though less indecorous

than that of a mistress, we believe it is admitted by all candid

and properly informed persons, that since the investigation in 1809,

patronage at the Horse-guards, as well as in the other offices of

government, has been distributed with more attention to the public

service than any time preceding that inquiry.”

It had been hoped, on the resignation of the Duke of York, that the

office of commander-in-chief would be put in commission; but General Sir

David Dundas was appointed successor to his royal highness. One of

the early consequences of this investigation to the country, was the

enactment of a law declaring the brokerage of offices in the army,

church, or state to be a crime highly penal. This bill was brought in by

the chancellor of the exchequer, who observed that the practices lately

disclosed consisted not in the sale of offices by those who had the

power to give them, but in the arts of those who had pretended to

possess influence over such persons. In the case of Mary Ann Clarke,

however, there was no pretension in the matter; for there can be no

question that she did possess too much influence over the mind of the

duke, and that she obtained promotion for several of whom she took

money. On the other hand it was proved that she had successfully exerted

herself on behalf of meritorious individuals who did honour to the

service, and who, being in distressed circumstances at the time,

could not have paid her for the commissions which by her influence she

procured them. Guilt, therefore, was attached to the duke in suffering

this woman to gain an unbounded influence over his mind: public men

should hold themselves free from favour or prejudice.

PARLIAMENTARY CORRUPTION.

“Examine well His milk-white hand; the palm is hardly clean—

But here and there an ugly smutch appears.

Foh! ’twas a bribe that left it: he has touched

Corruption. Whoso seeks an audit here

Propitious, pays his tribute, game or fish,

Wild fowl or venison; and his errand speeds.”

—COWPER.

It had been for some time reported by opposition that government had

made, and was making, a regular traffic in East India appointments. A

select committee of the house of commons was appointed to inquire into

this matter; which committee reported that it appeared many places had

been disposed of in an illegal manner. One source of corruption brought

another to light. In the course of the examinations it was discovered

that Lord Castlereagh, as president of the board of control, had

placed a writership at the disposal of Lord Clancarty, which writership

Clancarty was to give to one Mr. Reding, as the price of a seat in

parliament for himself, the said Mr. Reding meaning to sell the said

writership for 3000 guineas. Lord Archibald moved that Lord Castlereagh

had been guilty of a violation of his duty, of an abuse of his influence

and authority as president of the board of control, and also of an

attack upon the purity and constitution of parliament. The noble lord’s

defence was that when this transaction took place he had no notion that

such a person existed as a trafficking-broker for places; that Reding

had represented to him that a member of the house of commons, who

intended to vacate his seat, had a nephew whom he wished to send out to

India as a writer, and would favour the election of any friend of

his. His lordship remarked:—“I perceived no impropriety in the case,

considering it perfectly fair for one friend to serve another at an

election.” The house acquitted Lord Castlereagh of any intention to do

wrong; but this exposure enabled Mr. Curwen to carry a bill for better

securing the purity and independence of parliament, by preventing the

obtaining of seats through corrupt practices, and also for the more

effectual prevention of bribery. While this bill was pending, Mr.

Maddocks brought forward a charge against the treasury of corrupt

conduct in the purchase of parliamentary seats, which were filled by

members attached to the interests of ministers, and bound to support all

their measures; but a motion for a committee of inquiry was negatived by

three hundred and ten against eighty-five. During this year, also, the

commissioners of naval inquiry and revision presented another report,

which brought to light many more abuses in that department. Moreover,

the commissioners of military inquiry, who still continued their

labours, presented several reports, showing that large sums of money,

and large powers in money transactions, had often been entrusted

to various persons, without the necessary securities, checks, and

precautions; that in the West Indies a regular and unchecked system of

peculation had been carried on in the most unblushing manner; that the

paymasters, the agents of the commissary-general, and others in our West

India islands, had been in the habit of committing great frauds, &c., for

a series of years. Corruption, in fact, pervaded at this time all

orders of public men, and this was the more inexcusable, because the war

necessarily imposed heavy burdens on the people. These burdens were made

heavier by the extravagance which prevailed in the expenditure of the

country, and which had been augmented since last year by the enormous

sum of nearly eight million pounds sterling. The extravagance of

government was attacked in the month of June by Colonel Wardle, who

seems to have set himself up for a reformer of abuses; but, though from

his statements many came to the conclusion that great saving might be

effected, there were few who thought that he had pointed out a proper

mode of retrenchment. Moreover, many of his statements were incorrect or

unfounded, so that he failed to sustain the character he had assumed. He

who wishes to reform public abuses should prove their existence to all

the world, and be able to point out how they may be remedied.

MOTION FOR REFORM.

On the 15th of June Sir Francis Burdett made a motion for a sweeping

parliamentary reform. Nearly all the country gentlemen had left town,

and those that remained were generally disinclined to enter upon this

momentous question. On a division, therefore, Sir Francis was outvoted

by seventy-four against fifteen. His scheme of reform divided itself

into three parts: by the first article it was proposed that all

freeholders, householders, and others, who paid direct taxes to the

state, the church, or the poor, should have votes; by the second, that

a convenient division of places entitled to send representatives to

parliament should be marked out, each division be again subdivided, and

each subdivision to return one member, the elections being conducted in

the several parishes in one day; and by the third, that the duration of

parliaments should be reduced to the period of time most agreeable to

the British constitution. The merits of this scheme may have been great;

but one thing is certain, that the period at which it was introduced

was not the proper one for its consideration. This forms the best excuse

which can be made for the defence of manifest abuses made by such men as

Perceval and Canning, and who said they saw no reason whatever to enter

upon the subject of reform. There was evident reason for taking this

subject into consideration; but while the nation was engaged in a

contest for its national existence, it would have been unwise to have

tampered with the machinery of government; especially as that machinery

was acknowledged by all parties to work well for the prosecution of the

arduous contests in which we were engaged with Napoleon and his allies.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

The session closed on the 21st of June, when the speech from the throne

was again delivered by commission. It dwelt chiefly upon the resistance

of Spain against the tyranny of the French government, and upon the

successes which had recently crowned the arms of the Emperor of Austria,

under the conduct of the Archduke Charles.

AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

After the battle of Corunna, the cause of Spain seemed wholly lost. The

Austrian war, however, which broke out when Napoleon was in pursuit

of Sir John Moore, operated as a grand diversion, favourable for the

Peninsula, inasmuch as it distracted his attention, and obliged him to

withdraw his imperial guards from Spain, and prevented him from sending

re-enforcements to that country so quickly as he otherwise would

have done. In the meantime King Joseph had, on the 23rd of January,

re-entered Madrid. His party was increased by a considerable number of

the Spanish people, who thought that a new order of things was necessary

to resuscitate the Spanish monarchy. After the departure of Napoleon

seven divisions of the French forces remained in Spain; Marshal Jourdan

having the chief command, under the auspices of King Joseph. The war

was continued with success, although with less vigour; but the Spanish

nation only became more exasperated by every defeat, so that it was not

subdued. On the other hand, the French, enraged by obstinate resistance,

and more yet by the stratagems and assassinations compassed by the

Spaniards, became daily more severe and cruel.

The spirit of the Spanish people is well exemplified in the siege of

Saragossa. This siege had been formed anew before Napoleon returned

to Paris, and it was carried on by the third and fifth corps, under

Marshals Moncey and Mortier. The citizens of Saragossa prepared an

internal system of defence, far more effectual than that of external

fortification; transforming the city itself into one huge fortress, and

coalescing with the troops in one energetic garrison. The French made

but little progress until Marshal Lasnes took the command, and then the

external defences of the city were quickly demolished. Saragossa itself,

however, still defied all the efforts of the French. The war-cry was

heard in all her streets, and every house became a fortress, and every

church and convent a citadel, garrisoned by heroic men, resolved to die

for its defence. The French had laboured and fought without intermission

fifty days; they had crumbled the walls with their bullets, burst the

convents with their mines, and carried the breaches with their bayonets;

fighting above and beneath the surface of the earth, they had spared

neither fire nor sword; their bravest men were falling in the obscurity

of a subterranean warfare; famine pinched them; and Saragossa was still

unconquered. Lasnes, however, persevered in his attempts to take the

city, and at length he was successful. Discovering that a pestilence

raged within the devoted city, that the living were unable to bury the

dead, he ordered a general assault; and then, when one quarter of the

city was laid waste, Saragossa was captured. The garrison were allowed

to “march out with the honours of war,” to be sent prisoners to France,

while the possession of their property and the exercise of their

religion were guaranteed to the inhabitants.

The first burst of popular enthusiasm in Spain, however, was followed by

a withering lethargy. Even with the assistance of Lord Collingwood and

his fleet, with arms from Malta and Sicily, and with the regiments that

had been released by the convention of Cintra, and which had by this

time joined the patriots, the Spaniards were unable to prevent the

capture of Rosas. After the fall of this place everything seemed to go

wrong. Though in considerable force, the Spaniards dispersed whenever

the enemy appeared, and although they were continually making

application to the English for money, arms, and ammunition, they made no

use of them when they were supplied. Their very navy was left to rot in

the harbours of Cadiz and Carthagena, although money was advanced by

the British government, and the assistance of its seamen offered to fit

them out for sea. But for the co-operation of the British fleet Spain

would have been, after the capture of Saragossa, easily conquered, for

the Spaniards, though lions in their fortresses, acted like women in the

field.

It was not the English fleet alone that defended Spain from the arms of

the French. While that nation was thus on the verge of ruin, Sir Arthur

Wellesley arrived in Portugal to take the command of the British army,

which by re-enforcements amounted to 30,000 men. At this time, in April,

the French had obtained possession of Ferrol, Bilboa, and all the most

important places on the northern coast of Spain. Soult had even advanced

into Portugal, and had taken possession of the city of Oporto. Sir

Arthur Wellesley’s first business was to dislodge the French general

from this place, and on the 11th of May Oporto fell into his hands.

Soult retired by Amarante, with the intention of passing through

Tras-os-Montes into Spain. He left behind him all his sick and wounded,

with many prisoners, and much artillery and ammunition. Sir Arthur wrote

to him, requesting that he would send some French medical officers

to take care of his sick and wounded, as he could not spare his own

army-surgeons, and as he did not wish to trust to the practitioners of

the town of Oporto. It does not appear, however, that Soult was able

to respond to his request, for there was murmurings and discontents,

arising from defeat, among his troops; and besides this, the Portuguese

peasantry mercilessly attacked the French in their retreat, cutting

off great numbers of them. He was followed in his retreat by Sir Arthur

Wellesley, and on the 16th of May he was overtaken at Salmonde, and a

great many of his rear-guard were either killed or taken prisoners. More

would have been lost, but night favoured the retreat of the fugitives,

and Soult finally gained the frontier of Spain. Sir Arthur Wellesley

stopped his pursuit at Montealegre, a few miles from the frontier, and

returned by Renairs, Braga, and S. Terso to Oporto. According to his

letters, the rout of Soult was complete. He had lost everything, cannon,

ammunition, baggage, and military-chest. The mountainous road through

which he passed was indeed covered with dead horses and mules, and with

the bodies of French soldiers, who were put to death by the peasantry

before the British could come up to their rescue. The cruelty of the

Portuguese peasantry, however, was provoked by the conduct of the

French themselves. Sir Arthur Wellesley writes:—“Their soldiers have

plundered and murdered the peasantry at their pleasure; and I have seen

many persons hanging in the trees by the sides of the road, executed for

no other reason, that I could learn, excepting that they have not been

friendly to the French invasion and usurpation of the government of

their country; and the route of their column on their retreat could

be traced by the smoke of the villages to which they set fire.” These

horrible scenes occurred in all the subsequent retrograde movements of

the French: before them, the countries through which they passed were

lovely as the garden of Eden—behind them they were desolate as the

wilderness.

{GEORGE III. 1809—1812}

FURTHER OPERATIONS IN SPAIN.

On the departure of Soult for Oporto the Spaniards again rose in arms,

and several places in the Asturias and in the Biscayan provinces had

been recaptured. After his return, urged by the importunities of the

Spanish government and generals, Sir Arthur Wellesley determined to

advance into that country against the French. His projected route was by

the way of Plasencia and Almaraz, and his design was to co-operate with

the Spanish general Cuesta, who commanded the army of Estramadura. A

junction was formed between the two armies at Orepesa on the 20th of

July; Sir Arthur’s army amounting to about 23,000, and Cuesta’s to

30,000 men. At this time the French forces were thus disposed:—Marshal

Victor was in Estramadura with the first corps, amounting to 35,000 men;

General Sebastiani, with the fourth corps, consisting of 20,000 men, was

in La Mancha; General Bessolles, with a division of reserve and Joseph’s

guards, amounting in the whole to 15,000 men, was in Madrid; Kellermann

and Bonnet, with two divisions of 10,000 men, were in Old Castile; Soult

had collected the second corps of 20,000 men in the northern provinces;

and immediately dependent upon Soult were Marshal Mortier, with the

fifth corps of 16,000 strong, and Ney, with the sixth corps of about

10,000 men under arms. Besides all these forces there were 50,000

Frenchmen in Aragon and Catalonia, under Suchet and Augereau; and 35,000

more were scattered over the surface of Spain, to maintain the many

posts and fortresses the French had captured in Spain, and to keep open

the various lines of communication. It was agreed upon by the British

and Spanish commanders to march themselves against the French under

Marshal Victor, while at the same time Vinegas advanced against Fuente

Duenna on the Upper Tagus, in order to draw Sebastiani thither, that he

might not aid Victor; or if that general refused to move, Vineeas was to

march on Madrid from the south-east, while Sir Robert Wilson menaced it

from the opposite quarter. The combined armies of Sir Arthur Wellesley

and Cuesta attacked Marshal Victor’s outposts at Talavera on the 22nd

of July, and drove them in. Oh the 23rd, the British again formed for

the attack of the French position; but Cuesta “contrived to lose

the whole of the day, owing to the whimsical perverseness of his

disposition.” Sir Arthur wished to defeat Victor before he could be

joined by Sebastiani, and his disappointment was great when, on the

24th, he discovered that the enemy had retreated towards Torrijos, in

order to form a junction with that general. After Victor’s departure,

Sir Arthur occupied Talavera; and finding that the Spanish general did

not cordially co-operate with him, he resolved to return into Portugal.

He writes with reference to this, and to the privations his soldiers

were enduring,—“His majesty’s troops have been engaged in very active

operations, the success of which depended no less upon their bravery

and exertions, than upon the example they should hold out, and the

countenance they should give to the Spanish troops; and yet they have

been in actual want of provisions for the last two days. Even if I

should have been willing, under such circumstances, to continue my

co-operation with General Ouesta, I am unable to do so with justice to

my troops.” Sir Arthur, however, was soon compelled to recommence active

operations. While he halted at Talavera, on a sudden, Cuesta was seized

with an irrepressible energy and activity. His columns dashed forwards,

with him at their head, to Torrijos; but on the 26th he returned with

the French in full pursuit of him. The French halted before they came

upon Talavera; but it became evident to Sir Arthur that he would not be

permitted to enjoy long repose, and therefore he busily employed himself

in examining and strengthening his position at Talavera. While thus

employed, a great army was collecting in his front, under Victor, while

his old enemy, Soult, supported by Marshal Mortier, was unknowingly

rapidly advancing from Salamanca against his rear; and Marshal Ney was

hurrying from Astorga, with the hope of falling upon his flank. His

front was threatened by 50,000 men, and an equal number was ready

to fall upon his flank and rear, while he had only 20,000 British to

withstand them, save Cuesta’s army, on which he could not place much

reliance. It was under these disadvantageous circumstances that the

battle of Talavera was fought. But, notwithstanding their superior

force, the French were utterly defeated: out of the 50,000 men which

Victor headed against the British, 7,000 were either killed or wounded,

and among them an immense number of officers and two generals. On

the side of the British 857 were killed, 3,913 wounded, and 653 were

reported missing: the Spaniards returned about 1,200 killed and wounded;

but the correctness of their report was much doubted. This great battle

was fought on the 27th and 28th of July; and by the 1st of August

Sebastiani’s corps and the reserve retreated to Illescas, on the road

between Madrid and Toledo, while Victor entrenched himself behind the

Alberche. By this time Soult had entered Plasencia, whence he designed

joining the forces of Victor. Sir Arthur Wellesley determined to prevent

this junction; and on the 3rd of August he marched forward to Orepesa,

leaving Cuesta at Talavera to take care of the hospitals. On that day

Sir Arthur learned that Soult’s advanced posts were at Naval Moral,

and consequently between him and Portugal, and soon after he received

intelligence that the forces which he had defeated were recollecting

and again threatening Talavera. General Cuesta was so alarmed at his

position that he sent word to Sir Arthur he intended to leave Talavera

that evening, and join the British army at Orepesa, in order to assist

it in repelling Soult. Cuesta rejoined Sir Arthur on the next morning,

leaving 1,500 in the hospitals unprotected. Sir Arthur was now placed

between the mountains and the Tagus, with a French army advancing upon

each flank, and with his retreat by the bridge at Almaraz completely

cut off. As, therefore, he could place no confidence in Cuesta and the

Spanish army, and as with 17,000 British forces fatigued and famishing,

he could not hope successfully to fight with two French armies each

about three times stronger than his own, he resolved to retire to

Portugal. One way was happily still left open for him a little below

Talavera, where the Tagus was crossed by the bridge of Arzobispo, and

by this route he retreated. Cuesta followed in his route, halting his

troops at the bridge of Arzobispo, in order that they might be ready

to pass the Tagus at any moment. While here Cuesta was attacked by the

French, and lost nearly 2,000 men, and the rest only escaped by taking

refuge in the mountains. In the meantime the British army was advancing

unmolested towards the frontiers of Portugal. Sir Arthur had his

head-quarters at Badajoz, close to those frontiers, on the 2nd of

September, and in a day or two a part of his army with the sick and

wounded re-entered that country. About six days after his arrival at

Badajoz, Sir Robert Wilson arrived on the frontier, having successfully

eluded the vigour of Marshal Ney, who was in pursuit of him. The other

corps, which had advanced upon Madrid under General Vinegas, had been

defeated at Alinoracid by General Sebastiani, who drove it back

upon the Sierra Morena and the Andalusian frontier, from which it had

advanced. On the arrival of Sir Arthur Wellesley at Badajoz, the French

armies again separated. Soult with his forces went into cantonments at

Estramadura and Leon, near the borders of Portugal; Joseph Buonaparte,

who accompanied Marshal Mortier in this campaign, returned with that

General to Madrid; while some French moveable columns traversed various

parts of Spain in order to subjugate the country. From this time until

the month of November no events of importance, however, took place in

Spain. A guerilla warfare was carried on in many distant provinces and

districts, and some towns on the eastern coast in Catalonia and Valencia

were captured by the French, but the French masses remained inactive.

The manner in which this campaign had been conducted by the British

army received all due applause in England: the thanks of parliament were

voted to officers and men, and Sir Arthur Wellesley was created Viscount

Wellington of Talavera. By this time Viscount Wellington had placed

his army in cantonments on the line of the Guadiana, in order to cover

Portugal from Soult, whose cantonments, as before mentioned, were in

Estramadura and Leon. While thus stationed, he heard in November of the

defeat of the Spanish troops under General Areizga at Ocana, and of the

Duque del Parque at Alba de Tonnes. These events caused Lord Wellington

much mortification; and feeling convinced that he could no longer

afford assistance to Spain, he marched from the lines of Guadiana into

Portugal, in order to defend it against the enemy. Here he laid the

foundation of those measures which finally carried him triumphant

through the Peninsula. The Spanish junta exclaimed loudly against him

for deserting their cause; but it was evident that if neither Soult nor

any other French forces had threatened the Portuguese frontier, it would

have been impossible for him to have tried another advance into Spain.

It was only by drawing on his magazines in Portugal, which were chiefly

filled by England, that he could preserve his troops from starvation,

and it was impossible for him to co-operate with undisciplined Spanish

troops, and proud, obstinate, and incapable Spanish generals. It was in

vain that his brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who resided with the

junta at Seville as British envoy, laboured to convince the Spanish

authorities of the fatal consequences which, must arise from their

wretched military system: the dons were all wiser than the marquis, and

not satisfied with neglecting his advice, they cast reproaches on his

brother. There was a want of vigour and capacity in the members of

the junta, and in the Spanish military, and this being coupled with an

overweening confidence in their own powers, it was clear that no British

force could successfully co-operate with them. In the event of another

British army acting again in Spain it would be necessary, as Lord

Wellington observed in one of his dispatches to his brother, that

the chief command of the Spanish forces should be vested in the

commander-in-chief of the English.

CAMPAIGN OF NAPOLEON IN ITALY.

In the meantime Napoleon was carrying on war with Austria. The battles

of Eckmuhl, Ratisbon, and Ebersberb, opened the gates of Vienna to him,

and he entered that city about a month after the Austrians had commenced

hostilities. From Vienna he issued a decree revoking the grant

of territory made to the pope by Charlemagne, “his illustrious

predecessor,” and annexing Rome to the French empire; the pontiff being

allowed to remain there as bishop, with a certain revenue. Pius VII.

opposed this decree by a bull of excommunication; and it is said that

Napoleon received this intelligence with a considerable degree of

anxiety. Orders, however, were issued by him, under which the pope was

seized in his palace, and transported over Mount Cenis to Savona, where

he lived three years, partly on a prison allowance and partly on alms.

On the defeat of the Austrians, who were commanded by the Archduke

Charles, that commander took a circuitous route through Bohemia, and

finally occupied the bank of the Danube opposite Vienna, over against

the proud victor Napoleon, who, selecting for the passage of the river

the place where two islands divide the Danube into three arms, conducted

his battalions to the left bank, occupied Aspern, Engesdorf, and

Esslingen, and offered battle. In this position the archduke fell upon

him with his army, glowing with anger and exalted by the sight of the

imperial city, and gained a great victory. The French army retreated to

the island of Lobau, leaving 11,000 dead on the field, while 30,000 were

wounded. The world saw now that Napoleon was not invincible: but this

victory was not attended with the expected results. An armistice of six

weeks followed, during which time Napoleon was making preparations for

a second attack; and at the lapse of that time he again passed the river

with 150,000 men, and six hundred cannon, fully resolved to crush the

house of Austria. The terrible battle of Wagram, which lasted two whole

days, followed, and Napoleon was once more victorious: the archduke,

after sustaining a fearful loss, retreated into Moravia. He might still

have contested the palm of victory, for his army was still formidable,

and Napoleon in the battle of Wagram had lost more in dead and wounded

than the vanquished. An armistice, however, was concluded about the

middle of July, and after negociations which lasted for three months, a

treaty called the “peace of Vienna” was concluded. The articles of

this treaty were the cession of Saltzburg and other territories of the

Rhenish confederation to France; Cracow, and part of the Austrian spoil

of Poland, to the duchy of Warsaw; and another small portion of it to

Russia, Napoleon did not stop here in his attempts to ally himself

with Austria: regardless of his union with the faithful Josephine,

he stipulated for the hand of an Austrian princess; and the Austrian

emperor sold him his daughter. He was married early in the next year to

the Archduchess Maria Louisa.

BRITISH EXPEDITION AGAINST NAPLES AND WALCHEREN.

During this year the British cabinet prepared two expeditions: the first

against Naples, under Sir John Stuart; and the second against Antwerp,

for the purpose of destroying Napoleon’s maritime preparations in the

Scheldt. Each, also, had a secondary object in view: that of creating a

diversion in favour of the Austrian emperor. Both, however, failed, from

being too long in preparation: Murat had ample notice of the Sicilian

expedition, and he defeated every attempt to obtain a footing, or to

excite insurrection in his kingdom. As for the armament destined for

the Scheldt, the chief command of which was given to Admiral Sir Richard

Strachan, it was so long getting ready that news arrived of the Austrian

defeat at Wagram, some days before it sailed. It was the largest and

most complete armament that ever left the British shores; and

consisted of thirty-nine sail of the line, thirty-six frigates, and

a proportionable accompaniment of gun-boats, bomb-vessels, and small

craft. The troops which it was intended to convey amounted to about

40,000 men, making together with seamen and marines a sum total of

100,000 men. The expedition was intended to be secret; but long before

it sailed its destination was disclosed to the enemy, who took all

possible means to frustrate its designs. It sailed on the 29th of July,

and at first it was successful: Flushing was captured after having

sustained a severe bombardment. But here the British successes ended.

Antwerp was by this time placed in such a posture of defence that it

would have been in vain to have made an attack upon it; while the forts

on the Scheldt were well manned, and preparations had been made for

carrying the fleet of the enemy still higher up the river, in case

the British should succeed in forcing a passage. Immediately after the

capture of Flushing, with a view of pursuing ulterior measures, three

thousand men were transported to the isle of Walcheren; but while here

they were attacked by an enemy more fatal than the sword—disease. The

British troops were soon seized with the dreadful endemic fever of the

country; nearly one half of them were swept away by it, and the greater

part of the remainder carried its effects with them to the grave. At

length, about one month after the treaty of Vienna, the few remaining

troops that were still left alive were directed to demolish the defences

and basin of Flushing; and this done they were ordered to re-embark.

This expedition, which had originated with Lord Castlereagh, cost

England 10,000 men, with not a little money, and not a little credit. It

brought disgrace on his memory, in which Lord Chatham, who had the chief

military command, and Admiral Sir Richard Strachan largely partakes. It

was conceived in imbecility, and with imbecility carried forward,

whence its signal failure. It was soon after the British had evacuated

Walcheren that Napoleon returned to Paris; when, in a speech before the

submissive and admiring _corps législatif_, he told them that, except

Spain and Portugal, the continent of Europe was in a happy peace.

DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET.

The untoward course of events on the continent, the disastrous issue of

the British war, and various other causes, produced violent dissensions

in the British cabinet. So violent was the strife between Lord

Castlereagh and Mr. Canning, that it led to a duel on Putney Heath, when

the latter was severely wounded Before this duel took place they had

resigned office; and the Duke of Portland followed their example, on

account of age and infirmity. The ministers that remained in office

after these three resignations were reduced almost to despair, scarcely

knowing where to look for a new leader, and for two new colleagues. At

length, however, after negociations with Earl Grey and others, which

failed, Mr. Perceval took the place of the Duke of Portland—who by this

time was dead—adding thereby the office of first lord of the treasury

to that which he held as chancellor of the exchequer. The Marquess

Wellesley was recalled from his Spanish embassy to take charge of the

foreign department; while Lord Liverpool was transferred from the home

department to that of war and the colonies, Mr. Ryder being appointed

his successor. Finally, Lord Palmerston was appointed under-secretary

at war, in the room of Sir James Pulteney.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1810}

The session opened on the 23rd of January, when the king’s speech was

again delivered by commission. It contained but little except the late

disasters and the necessity of granting further assistance to Portugal

and Spain. Amendments strongly condemning the ministerial direction of

the whole war, and particularly the Walcheren expedition were moved in

both houses, but were rejected by considerable majorities.

DEBATE ON THE WALCHEREN EXPEDITION.

On the 26th of January Lord Porchester, in the commons, moved for a

committee of the whole house, which might inquire into the conduct of

the late expedition to Walcheren, by examining oral evidence as well as

written documents. This motion was seconded by Mr. Windham, and opposed

by Mr. Croker, who moved the previous question; but the proposition was

carried by a majority of one hundred and ninety-five against one hundred

and eighty-six. After the examination of evidence on this ill-fated

expedition was concluded, Lord Porchester proceeded further in the

matter, by moving two sets of resolutions, to the effect that the

enterprise was undertaken under circumstances which afforded no rational

hope of adequate success, and at the precise season of the year when the

disease which had proved so fatal was known to be most prevalent; that

its advisers were therefore highly reprehensible; and that their conduct

in delaying the expedition called for the severest censure. The first

set of these resolutions, after four nights’ debate, was lost by

a majority of two hundred and twenty-seven against two hundred and

seventy-five; and the second set by two hundred and seventy-five against

two hundred and twenty-four. Subsequently a resolution approving their

conduct in retaining the island till the time when it was abandoned,

was carried by a similar majority; but “the indignant nation plainly

perceived that the house felt unwilling to sanction the disgraceful

measures of the principals concerned in this expedition; while it was

too courtly to visit the commander with any severity of punishment, and

too dependent to condemn the acts of a cabinet which did not seem likely

to be dissolved.” Lord Chatham, however, quailed before the storm

raised against him; for, to avoid the consequences of an address for his

removal, he resigned the office of master-general of the ordnance.

{GEORGE III. 1809—1812}

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST SIR FRANCIS BURDETT.

During these proceedings the standing order of the house for the

exclusion of strangers was enforced, chiefly by the instrumentality of

Mr. Charles Yorke. This exclusion of strangers, however, not only failed

in the object, for which it was intended—that of keeping the public

ignorant of what passed within the walls of St. Stephens—but led to

new troubles and disgraceful scenes. At this time there was a debating

society in London, called the “British Forum,” the president and chief

orator of which was one Gale Jones, who, though an obscure individual,

was suddenly raised into the dignity of a patriot and martyr. Gale Jones

proposed the subject of the exclusion of strangers from the house of

commons, as a proper subject of discussion in the British Forum; and in

this debate the conduct of Mr. Yorke was so freely censured, that he

was resolved to punish the delinquent. He complained of a breach

of privilege, and Gale Jones was brought to the bar of the commons;

and notwithstanding a humble apology made by him, he was committed to

Newgate. Sir Francis Burdett was not in the house when a vote for his

committal passed; but on the 12th of March he loudly condemned the

measure as a violation of the common law, of Magna Charta, and of

the trial by jury, in a case where the offence was punishable by the

ordinary course of justice; and concluded by moving that Gale Jones be

forthwith discharged. Sir Francis was outvoted by a large majority; and

in consequence of this decision he printed his speech in an enlarged

form, and with stronger language than he had used in the house. It was

published in Cobbett’s Register, with his own name appended to it, and

accompanied with a letter to his constituents. The paper was a libel

from beginning to end; but the question which gave most offence was that

in which Sir Francis denied the right of the house to commit for breach

of privilege. The house determined to assert their privilege; and they

replied to Sir Francis by a vote that he should be committed to the

Tower, on the speaker’s warrant, for a libel on the commons. This

warrant was issued; but Sir Francis shut himself up in his mansion in

Piccadilly, barring his doors and windows, and declaring that he would

yield only to force, A letter was sent to the speaker expressive of this

resolution, of his contempt for the house, and his conviction that the

warrant was illegal, On the receipt of this letter the opinion of

the attorney-general was taken; in consequence of which the

ser-geant-at-arms, accompanied by a number of police-officers and

a detachment of troops, proceeded to his mansion, and, after some

altercation, conveyed Sir Francis to the Tower. Before this the mob had

collected round the house of the right honourable baronet, in token of

their admiration of his patriotism, while they had broken the windows

of many of his known opponents in token of their displeasure. They

accompanied him to the Tower; and in the way they so grossly insulted

his escort, that the soldiers fired in self-defence, and two individuals

were killed, while several more were wounded. Petitions were presented

by some public bodies, particularly the electors of Westminster and

London, praying for the release of Sir Francis; but he continued

in confinement to the end of the session, when he was released.

Subsequently Sir Francis commenced actions against the speaker of the

house of commons, who issued the warrant; against the ser-geant-at-arms,

for executing it; and against Earl Moira, governor of the Tower, for

illegal imprisonment. His object was to ascertain whether an appeal lay

to a court of law against the house, acting as accuser and judge,

in proceedings that affected the liberty of the subject. The judges,

however, would not admit that any unlawful measure had been adopted

in his case, or that the warrant issued by the speaker was an illegal

instrument. The privilege, therefore, of the house was confirmed,

and its claims solemnly recognised by the courts of law. Since the

“No-popery” riots of Lord George Gordon, there had not been a commotion

in London equal to that which attended this question of privilege: in

the sight of the public at large, he was “a martyr of liberty.” Gale

Jones, also, who was liberated with him at the close of the session,

shared the popular favour. The mob were waiting at the Tower-gates on

the day of his release, in order to escort him with popular applause

to his residence; and great was their disappointment when it was

discovered, that with one or two friends he had retreated from the Tower

by water. Gale Jones, however, gratified them by allowing them not only

to surround the hackney coach in which he departed from Newgate, but

also to chalk his name upon the panels. As he went along, he stopped

from time to time to harangue his admiring attendants: and one of the

leading topics of complaint which fell from the patriot’s lips was,

that he had been turned out of Newgate at two minutes’ notice! Many left

behind within the dreary walls of that prison would have congratulated

themselves on their escape, had they been turned out with even less

ceremony than Gale Jones.

THE SUPPLIES.

The supplies voted for this year were, for England and Ireland

£52,185,000. The ways and means included a loan of £8,000,000, which was

negociated on terms even more moderate than those of the preceding year.

No new taxes were proposed, and a very favourable picture was drawn of

the general prosperity of the country. Of the money voted, £1,380,000

was devoted to foreign subsidies; nearly £20,000.000 was appropriated to

naval services; and nearly £25,000,000 to the land forces and ordnance.

A vote of credit was passed for £3,000,009. Mr. Perceval contrasted the

state of commercial affairs in England to those of France. Our orders

in council, he said, had already reduced the receipts of customs in that

country from £2,590,000 to that of £500,000. But these orders had not in

reality done all this mischief to the enemy; for a large portion of it

must be attributed to Napoleon’s war-system, and the working out of his

continental system.

THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

During this session the question of the slave-trade was renewed in the

lords by Lord Holland, and in the commons by Mr. Brougham. They moved

for addresses requesting the king to persevere in his measures to induce

other nations to co-operate in the abolition of slavery, and to take

such further steps as might be necessary. By this time it was discovered

that persons in this country carried on a clandestine trade in slaves;

and the address in the commons prayed that orders for checking such

practices might be given to the commanders of his majesty’s ships, and

to the officers of the customs. Both addresses were agreed to, and a

resolution, moved by Mr. Brougham, for taking-measures early in the next

session to prevent evasions of Wilberforce’s slave-trade act, likewise

received the sanction of the house.

PETITION OF THE IRISH CATHOLICS, ETC.

During this session, a petition was presented from the Irish Catholics

by Mr. Grattan; but after a long and animated debate it was rejected by

a large majority. A motion by Mr. Brande on the subject of parliamentary

reform was also negatived by a large majority; as was likewise a

resolution, moved in the upper house by Lord Grey, “to take into

consideration the state of the nation.” Lord Grey prefaced his motion by

an eloquent and argumentative speech, in which he dwelt upon the power

of Napoleon; the mismanagement of our internal resources; the expediency

of conciliating the Roman Catholics; the subjects of parliamentary

privileges and reform, &c. On the subject of parliamentary reform

he remarked:—“This question has long been one of my most serious

contemplation. I took an active part in it at an early age: I pursued my

object with all that eager hope and sanguine expectation so natural to

the ardour of youth. I will not say that in subsequent times there have

not been some differences from my former impressions; but of this I

assure your lordships, that on its great grounds it has never been

abandoned by me. To the temperate and judicious reformation of abuses

I am now a decided friend; and whenever it shall be brought forward, it

shall receive from me my most anxious assistance. I never did, nor

ever will, rest my views of salutary reform on the ground of theoretic

perfection; though I am always ready to correct by the constitution a

practical inconvenience when it is practically felt. On this point I was

formerly misrepresented by that description of persons who at this day

continue the same course. The folly and presumption of the present day

have taken up a new doctrine—that every branch and exercise of

our constitution was defined by law, and only to be found in the

statute-book: but I have understood from the most able men, that the

great and fundamental blessing of the British constitution was fixed

in the co-operation and harmony of its powers, all leading to free and

efficient government.”

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

During this session motions were made by Mr. Parnell on the subject

of Irish tithes; by Mr. Grattan and Lord Donoughmore on Catholic

emancipation; and by Sir Samuel Romilly on the reform of our sanguinary

criminal laws. These subjects will receive attention in a future page.

Beyond this there was nothing of importance taken into consideration

this session, which terminated on the 21st of June. The royal speech

was again delivered by commission: and it affirmed that Portugal was

exerting herself with vigour and energy; and that in Spain, though the

French were victorious, the spirit of resistance was unsubdued.

CAMPAIGN IN PORTUGAL.

When Lord Wellington moved his troops from the banks of the Guadiana,

he placed them in quarters along the valley of the Mondego. His

head-quarters in January were at Viseu; General Hill being left with

10,000 men, half British and half Portuguese, at Abrantes, in order to

watch Badajoz and protect Lisbon; while Marshal Beresford was stationed

at Thomar. In the meantime the French armies had fully established

themselves in Spain. Cadiz indeed defied the proud enemy, and the

highest junta retired to the island of Leon, while the wild Sierra

Morena carried on a guerilla warfare against the French; but there

was no real army to oppose them, and the country might therefore be

considered for the time being as conquered. Lord Wellington foresaw that

the conquest of this country would lead to the invasion of Portugal; and

he turned his whole attention to the defence of that country. And what

the English general foresaw soon came to pass. The peace with Austria

had enabled Napoleon to send large re-enforcements from Germany into

Spain, audit was rumoured that he himself was coming. By the beginning

of the month of April, Ney, Kellermann, and Loison, with about 60,000

men, were in Old Castile and Leon, threatening the Portuguese frontier

in that direction: as a preliminary step they had captured Astorga, and

had made preparations for the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo. General Meigner

was also at this time on the borders of Spanish Estramadura, menacing

the frontier of Portugal on that side. Subsequently, as Napoleon was now

engaged with his bride of Austria, he sent Massena to take the command

of the forces in Old Castile and Leon, which now assumed the name of

“The army of Portugal,” thereby declaring its destination. Massena

arrived at Valladolid about the middle of May; and he not only assumed

the command over the forces of Ney, Kellermann, and Loison, but also

over those of Junot and Drouet, which had recently crossed the Pyrenees

from German. In the whole, Massena had a force of 80,000 men under arms

for the field; but the corps of Drouet, about 18,000 strong, and the

forces of Régnier in Estramadura did not immediately join him in his

expedition into Portugal. As it was, however, Massena had a force

of about 62,000 men when he first put himself in motion against Lord

Wellington. Against these Wellington could only bring about 24,000

British troops, and from 28,000 to 30,000 Portuguese regulars; a part

of which he was compelled to leave south of the Tagus, in order to guard

against any sudden movement of Soult’s army of Andalusia. Moreover, Lord

Wellington could only confidently rely on the British forces, as the

Portuguese soldiers, whether regulars or militia men, were as yet

untried. On the other hand, Massena’s soldiers were skilled in the

dreadful art of war, and flushed with recent success; so that the odds

against Wellington were alarmingly great. The campaign commenced in

earnest early in June, when Massena invested Ciudad Rodrigo, which was

defended by a Spanish garrison, but which was almost within sight of the

British advanced posts on the Azava. The Spaniards made a brave defence;

but on the 10th of July Massena made himself master of the place

by capitulation. Lord Wellington was taunted by the French, by the

Spaniards, and by many of his own officers, for suffering the siege to

proceed without making an attempt to relieve the place. His lordship,

however, knew his business better than to take any false step by a rash

movement: his object and paramount duty was to defend Portugal, and

above all Lisbon. He had, in fact, pledged himself to do this; and

hence, while the French were taking Ciudad Rodrigo, he calmly retained,

his position on the Coa, having his light division advanced a little

beyond that river. Subsequent events justified Wellington’s line of

policy. After the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo, Ney went thundering on till he

came in contact with the light division, which was commanded by General

Crawford; and though he succeeded in causing the English general to

retreat, it cost him 1000 men in killed and wounded. Massena now crossed

the frontiers of Portugal; but although he had boasted he would drive

Lord Wellington out of that country in three months; he passed nearly

one month on the line of the Coa in total inactivity. In the meantime

General Régnier quitted Estramadura, crossed the Tagus, and established

himself at Coria and Plasencia, while General Hill, making a

corresponding movement, took post at Atalaya, from whence he could

either join Wellington, or could be again thrown in front of Régnier. At

length, on the 15th of August, the French broke ground before Almeida,

which was captured on the 27th of the same month, Lord Wellington had

brought his army nearer, in order to strike a blow if the enemy should

afford an opportunity; but Massena let three weeks pass after the

reduction of Almeida before he moved forward; and then, as the rainy

season had come on, Wellington moved his army to the valley of the

Mondego, and fixed his head-quarters at Gouvea. The French army

commenced its march down this valley on the 15th of September, taking

its route along the right bank of the river, in the direction of

Coimbra, through Viseu. This was the very worst road Massena could have

taken; and Wellington, perceiving his error, crossed the river and took

up a strong position in front of Coimbra. On the 24th, his whole army,

including the Portuguese, and the corps of Generals Hill and Leith,

which he had called up for the purpose of assisting in the

coming struggle, were collected upon the Serra de Busaco, a lofty

mountain-ridge extending from the Mondego to the northward. From these

heights, on the 26th, the French army was seen advancing. One of the

spectators of the imposing sight says:—“Rising grounds were covered

with troops, cannon, or equipages: the widely extended country seemed

to contain a host moving forward, or gradually condensing into numerous

masses, checked in their progress by the grand natural barrier on which

we were placed, at the base of which it became necessary to pause.

In imposing appearances, as to numerical strength, I have never seen

anything comparable to that of the enemy’s army from Busaco: it was not

alone an army encamped before us, but a multitude—cavalry, infantry,

artillery, cars of the country, horses, tribes of mules with their

attendants, suttlers, followers of every description, formed the moving

scene upon which Lord Wellington and his army looked down.” By the

evening of the 26th this army encamped in the plains below Busaco; and

on the next morning, as the mist and the gray clouds rolled away, they

made two desperate simultaneous attacks on the English, the one on the

right and the other on the left of Wellington’s position. These attacks

were vain: the enemy was repulsed, leaving 2000 killed upon the field of

battle, and having from 3000 to 4000 wounded, and several hundreds taken

prisoners. Both the British and the Portuguese alike fought valorously;

the latter, according to Wellington’s own statement, proving themselves

on this their first trial to be worthy of contending in the same ranks

with the former. Thus checked in his career, on the 28th, the day after

the battle, Massena moved a large body of infantry and cavalry from the

left of his centre to the rear, and his cavalry was seen marching

over the mountains by another road to Oporto Colonel Trant with his

Portuguese division was ordered to occupy the pass of Boyalva to the

north of Busaco, through which this cavalry must pass; but a Portuguese

general had previously ordered this division to inarch elsewhere; and

before this could be countermanded, the French descended into the plains

that lie open to the sea-coast, and seized on the road leading from

Oporto to Coimbra, in the rear of the British. Massena, however, had

only made the march which Wellington foresaw he would make, and he now

commenced a retreat towards Lisbon. Both the British and the Portuguese

effected their retreat with ease and regularity. They were followed by

the French, whose van caught sight of the chain of hills behind which

lay the city of Lisbon on the 7th of October:

“But in the middle path a lion lay.”

Wellington by this time occupied the lines of Torres Vedras, the

formation of which have conferred as much honour on him as any of the

great victories which he achieved. A recent writer gives this outline

sketch of these lines:—“The peninsula, or promontory, at whose

south-eastern extremity Lisbon is situated, is crossed rather obliquely

by two serras, or chains of mountains, which extend with various

altitudes and various degrees of steepness, but with partial

interruptions or openings, from the shore of the Atlantic to the right

bank of the Tagus. These two serras run nearly parallel with each other,

at a distance of from six to eight miles; the point of the line nearest

to Lisbon being close to the Tagus, between Via Longa and Quintilla.

Through the passes in these serras and the low ground bordering the

Tagus four roads from the interior of the country led to the capital.

The hand of nature had marked out these two lines of defence, and

British science and engineering had been employed for a whole year in

strengthening them, and in blocking up the openings which seemed the

most accessible. Here redoubts were erected; here the whole face of a

mountain was scarped and hewn into the appearance of the facet of some

Titanic fortress; here the threads of mountain-rivulets—which would be

something more than rivulets at the end of October and in November—were

collected and brought together into one bed; and here rivers,

tributaries of the great Tagus, were dammed up, or were provided with

dams which could be used, and with flood-gates which could be shut, so

as to inundate the country at the foot of the hills, on the approach of

the invader. The line of defence was everywhere double, while in some

parts there was a treble range of batteries and redoubts. The first

line, which was twenty-nine English miles in length, began at Alhendra

on the Tagus, crossed the valley of Aruda, and passed along the skirts

of Monte Agraca, where there was a large and strong redoubt. It then ran

across the valley of Zibreira, skirted the deep ravine of Ruda, to the

heights of Torres Vedras, and thence followed the course of the little

river Zizandre to its mouth on the Atlantic. The second or inner line,

at a distance varying from six to eight, and in some parts to ten miles,

extended from Quintilla on the Tagus by Bucellas, Monte Chique, and

Mafra, to the mouth of the little river St. Lourenço, on the sea-coast,

a distance of about twenty-four miles. This was by far the stronger line

of the two, both by nature and by art; and if the first line were forced

by an enemy, the retreat of the army upon the second was secure at all

times. Both these lines were secured by breast-works, abattis, and stone

walls, with banquettes and scarps: not an opening nor interstice through

which a mountain goat could pass but was blocked up or guarded. Down

the hollows in which the roads ran were pointed the black muzzles of

numerous guns, projecting from batteries which could maintain a fire

in front, and a crossing fire from the flanks. And, to provide for every

occurrence, to make sure of a safe and easy passage to our ships of war

in the Tagus, there was in the rear of the second line a shorter, closer

line, to protect the embarkation of our troops. This innermost line of

all was strong enough to check even a brave enemy, had there been

no other lines before it: it rested at one extremity on a tremendous

redoubt, and at the other on the broad ditch and lofty walls of the

castle of S. Julian. About one hundred redoubts or forts, containing

altogether more than six hundred pieces of artillery, were scattered

along these lines.”

Lord Wellington and the allied army entered within the foremost of

these lines on the 8th of October. On arriving each division took up its

assigned quarters, and the defences, which were strong enough before,

were made still stronger. In the whole the troops which manned them

amounted to about 130,000; of which 70,000 were regulars, and half of

them British. Massena arrived in the plains below Torres Vedras on

the 11th: he appears to have been taken by surprise at the sight of

Wellington’s lines; and he employed several days in examining their

nature, and in endeavouring to discover a spot through which he might

force a passage. Some demonstrations were made in order to compel the

British divisions to exhibit their force; and on the 14th there was some

fighting between the town of Sobral and the lines, in which the French

were defeated by the English bayonet. The war was now reduced to a

species of blockade. The heart of Massena was smitten with despair at

the sight of the scarped rocks, and the cannon on the eminences; and the

object he had in view now was to support his army till re-enforcements

should arrive. In the meantime re-enforceinents had arrived in

Wellington’s camp from England and Gibraltar, so that he had a force

numerically equal to that of the enemy. Massena’s situation soon,

however, became desperate. In order to starve his opponents Lord

Wellington brought down the Portuguese militia from the north, and

persuaded Carlos d’Espaua to pass the Tagus with a considerable corps

of Spaniards, to co-operate in cutting off all communication with

the French rear and, as it were, enclosing the blockades. Massena was

reduced to such straits for provisions that he was obliged to send

movable columns to scour the country; and, on these columns the

independent corps of Portuguese Spaniards sought revenge for desolated

homes and slaughtered kindred: they were attacked and slain with as

little mercy as they had shown to others. Losses by the sword, by

sickness, and by privation, amounting to about 15,000 men since the

battle of Busaco, at length induced Massena, on the 15th of November,

to make a retrograde movement. He withdrew his army from the low wet

grounds in front of Torres Vedras, and placed it in cantonments for

the winter: the second, or Itegnier’s corps, being placed in and near

Santarem; the eighth in Perns; the sixth corps further back, in Thomar;

while his head-quarters were at Torres Novas. Before Massena could reach

these safe positions, his soldiers were molested by the British light

division and cavalry, who took some prisoners. Lord Wellington did not

deem it prudent to attack them in these several positions, but leaving

part of his army in the lines, he moved forward with the remainder; and

having placed Hill’s division on the banks of the Tagus, he fixed his

head-quarters at Cartaxo. Such were the positions of the belligerent

forces during the winter. By his movements Lord Wellington had saved the

capital of Portugal, and reduced the enemy to a state of inactivity. The

sequel of Massena’s invasion of that country belongs to the history of

the next year.

AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

These events in Portugal had the effect of counteracting some of the

designs of the French in Spain. During their transaction Soult had

been devising measures for the capture of Cadiz; but towards the end of

December, instructions arrived requiring him to co-operate with Massena.

He repaired to Seville, taking with him Latour Maubourg’s cavalry, and

5000 infantry; but such was Lord Wellington’s precaution, and such the

activity of the partidas, that he could not effect any communication

with Massena, as directed. Under these circumstances, Soult represented

that as his force was weakened by the blockade of Cadiz, and the

protection of Seville, he dared not penetrate into the Alemtejo. This

movement, he said, would oblige him to leave Olivenza and Badajoz in his

rear, with two Spanish corps under Ballasteros and Mendizabel; and he

requested permission to besiege these two places. Napoleon consented

to his request, and Soult prepared for a siege of these cities. At this

time General Hill was obliged to return home on account of ill health;

and the command of the troops, British, Spanish, and Portuguese, on the

Tagus, was given to Marshal Beresford. The Marshal’s instructions were

to prevent the passage of the river; to intercept all communication

between Massena and Soult; and to join the main army by Vellada if in

retreat, and by Abrantes if in advance. His head-quarters were fixed at

Chamusea, and his troops dispersed along the Tagus, from Almey-rim to

the mouth of the Zezere. During the winter several attacks were made by

the irregular forces and Portuguese militia on the French detachments;

but each commander waited for re-enforcements before they assumed

offensive operations.

FOREIGN CONQUESTS, ETC.

In other quarters of the world our operations this year were of

considerable importance. In the lists of our conquests was that of

Santa Maura, added to the other Ionian Islands rescued from the French

dominion; the Dutch settlement of Amboyna, with its dependent islands;

the Dutch settlement of Banda, the principal of the Spice Islands;

and the islands of Bourbon and Mauritius. In the latter island a large

quantity-of stores and valuable merchandise, five large frigates, some

smaller ships of war, twenty-eight merchantmen, and two British captured

East Indiamen were taken by the conquerors. In the West Indies a

combined naval and military force, under Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane

and Lieutenant-General Beckwith, made the important conquest of the

island of Guadaloupe, the last colonial possession of France. Nearer

home the arms of the British were also successful. In the month of

July Murat collected a large armament on the coast of Calabria, for

the invasion of Sicily; but 900 of his troops were taken prisoners by

General Campbell, and the rest were driven for shelter to their vessels.

With similar success the island of Anholt, in the Baltic, was defended

by Captain Maurice with 380 men, against a Danish force of eight times

the number.

THE MARRIAGE OF NAPOLEON, ETC.

In Paris this year “all went merry as a marriage bell.” After the treaty

of Vienna at the close of 1809, Napoleon caused it to be intimated to

Josephine that she must be supplanted by an imperial bride; and she

submitted to his will. His divorce with the faithful Josephine was soon

followed by his marriage with the daughter of the Emperor of Austria. On

the 11th of March Berthier, acting as his proxy, received, in the palace

of Schonbrunn, the hand of the Archduchess Maria Louisa, who soon

left the home of her fathers for France. The act of divorcement from

Josephine and Napoleon’s marriage with the Austrian Princess received

the sanction of the senate, who in an address expressed their gratitude

for the steps he had taken, and predicted that this “child and champion

of democracy” would live to see children and grandchildren, who would

perpetuate his empire and the glory of France. Yet it was manifest, even

to Napoleon himself, that his marriage was looked upon by the nation at

large with dislike. His own clergy, in fact, were ashamed of the scene

of the celebration of the marriage at St. Cloud, deeming it neither

more nor less than an act of bigamy, while very few of the cardinals

or prelates would sanction it by their presence, As for the mass of the

people, among them there was a great party that still loathed the name

of hereditary monarchy, and that thought it monstrous that a son of

the revolution should ally himself with a branch of the “corporation

of tyrants.” His marriage, in a word, was universally admitted to be a

capital error in his political career. Mignet says:—“Napoleon quitted

his position and part as a parvenu and revolutionary monarch, who had

been acting in Europe against the ancient courts, as the republic

had acted against the ancient governments; he placed himself in a bad

situation with respect to Austria, which he ought to have crushed after

his victory of Wagram, or to have re-established in her possessions

after his marriage with the Archduchess. Solid alliances repose only

upon real interests, and Napoleon could deprive the cabinet of Vienna

neither of the will nor the power to fight him again. This marriage

changed also the character of his empire, and separated it still more

from the popular feelings and interests; for he now sought after the old

French families to decorate his court, and he did all that he could

in order to mix and unite together the ancient noblesse and his new

noblesse, even as he had mixed royal dynasties.” Men were not wanting,

however, who thought they saw in this union the guarantee of the welfare

of the world and the beginning of a golden age; who conceived that this

connexion of the favourite of fortune with one of the most illustrious

houses of Christendom would reconcile the revolution with its opponents.

“But after fortune had done everything for her ungrateful bosom-child;

after the Corsican master of war had arrived to such a degree of glory

and power as no mortal had attained before him, he wantonly overthrew by

his insatiable ambition the colossal edifice of his grandeur.” Some

of the acts which tended to his final downfall have been recorded in

previous pages: this year added to their number. In the first place,

the territory of the Prince Primas was augmented by Hanan and Fulda,

and elevated to the grand duchy of Frankfort; but it was declared the

hereditary portion of Prince Eugene Beauharnois, because for the future

no temporal dominion was to be united with spiritual dignities. At the

same time the remnant of the electorate of Hanover was adjoined to the

kingdom of Westphalia, reserving a certain revenue for France: and other

decrees equally despotic regulated the aggrandizements of Bavaria and

Wurtemberg. But one of the most despotic acts which was committed by

Napoleon during this year had reference to Holland. To appease his wrath

and gratify his revenge, Louis, Napoleon’s brother, and King of Holland,

interdicted all commerce with England, and agreed that a French army

should be established on the coast of Holland for the purpose of seeing

this interdict put into execution. Holland was also to equip a fleet

for the service of France, and to cede Dutch Brabant, Zealand, and other

territories to this insatiable empire. Yet, after all, Napoleon was not

satisfied with his brother’s rule. French troops approached the capital

of Holland, and Louis abdicated in favour of his eldest son, and sought

refuge in Austria. Immediately after Napoleon proclaimed the union of

Holland with France, and the people of that country were compelled to

submit to his lordly will. By the union of the two countries the empire

of France numbered 130 departments, and a population of 42,000,000,

and Napoleon ruled this vast empire with absolute power. All Europe, in

fact, submitted to his yoke in silence: England alone continued the war

both by sea and land. But Russia was beginning to wake as from a dream,

and to arise “against the world-empire, which approached nearer and

nearer to her frontier.” The day of retribution was fast approaching, a

day when God and man united to punish this haughty ruler of France and

his people, for all the desolations they had commited over the fair face

of creation. As they had done unto others, so it happened unto them.

{GEORGE III. 1809—1812}

ILLNESS OF HIS MAJESTY—OPENING OF PARLIAMENT, ETC.

By the non-attendance of his majesty at the opening and closing of the

session of parliament for some time, it had been suspected that he was

suffering under his old distressing malady. This was found to be too

true. His illness has been referred to several proximate causes, both of

a public and private nature. The cause, however, most commonly assigned

for his affliction was the illness and death of his favourite daughter,

the Princess Amelia. As her end drew near, she placed a mourning-ring,

with the inscription, “Remember me,” on the finger of her doating

parent, and it is said that he never recovered the shock thus given to

his feelings. His mental distress became immediately great, and in a few

days the royal family were alarmed by symptoms of that fearful malady

which ever afterwards afflicted him. This was on the 20th or 21st of

August; and on the 25th, the anniversary of the king’s accession to the

throne, it was publicly announced that his majesty was labouring under

his old complaint. Parliament stood prorogued till the 1st of November,

on which day both houses assembled. As the king, however, was not

present, and as no communication could be sent, there was no power

either to prorogue or to open parliament. Under these circumstances an

adjournment for fifteen days was proposed in both houses, and agreed to,

and successive adjournments took place until the 13th of December,

when they finally met for the transaction of business. In the meantime

committees had been appointed to examine the attendant physicians

respecting his majesty’s health. From them it appeared that there were

very slight hopes of his recovery, at least for a considerable period;

and, besides, the chancellor of the exchequer had by this time took

measures for the appointment of a regency. He brought forward three

propositions: one, declaring the king’s incapacity for the performance

of the functions of royalty; a second, asserting the right of the two

houses to supply this defect in the executive power; and a third, that

means should be devised for giving the royal assent to a bill on the

exercise of the regal authority during his majesty’s indisposition. The

two former of these propositions were assented to without a division,

though not without some opposition from Sir Francis Burdett, who

declared his solemn protest against the whole proceedings, as aiming

a mortal blow against the constitution. Against the third proposition

several exceptions were taken. Mr. Ponsonby, indeed, denied that the

houses had a right to command the chancellor to apply the king’s seal to

an act which was thence to be considered as having the royal sanction,

and he moved for an address to the Prince of Wales, praying him to take

the regal functions on him during his majesty’s illness. Sir Samuel

Romilly thought the resolutions inconsistent with each other. He

remarked:—“In one, the right of the lords and commons to fill up the

vacancy is asserted; and yet that vacancy being acknowledged, the royal

assent to a bill is to be procured, to which his majesty can give no

assent: the will of the lords and common: can in nowise be construed

into the king’s will; nor can they by any means legislate for the

nation. As well might a set of men in common life make a contract for an

insane person, and then employ an individual as his solicitor to affix

his seal and signature to the deed: in fact, the personal presence of

the king, or of a commission signed by him, was essential to every act

of legislation; and if the house could dispense with this in one case,

they might in others; they might make war or peace, and say such was the

king’s pleasure.” Mr. Ponsonby’s motion for an address to the prince

was rejected by two hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and

fifty-seven. All the original resolutions were therefore carried, and

the same three resolutions were likewise agreed to by the lords. Mr.

Perceval, now, on the 3rd of December, proposed the same limitations and

restrictions on the powers of the regent as were passed in 1788. These

limitations and restrictions were contained in five resolutions. The

first four of these resolutions were agreed to on the same day; but the

fifth, relating to the care of his majesty’s person was postponed till

the next day.

{A.D. 1811}

The fifth resolution of the regency bill was not settled for some

days. On the 1st of January an amendment to it, tending to diminish the

expenses of the king’s household, and to curtail the authority of the

queen over that household, was carried against ministers by a majority

of thirteen; and this decision was confirmed the next day by the

rejection of an amendment moved by Mr. Perceval, which went to restore

the fifth resolution to its original state. All the resolutions were

then sent up to the lords, who, after some discussion, agreed to them;

inserting an amendment in the second for allowing the regent to bestow

the peerage upon deserving civilians, lawyers, etc. The commons readily

agreed to this alteration in the second clause; and, by an act founded

upon the whole, it was provided that the restrictions upon the royal

authority, as exercised by the regent, should continue till the 1st of

February, 1812, if parliament should be then assembled, and should have

been sitting six weeks previously; otherwise, till the expiration of six

weeks from the assembling of parliament after that day. A deputation

now waited on the prince regent and the queen, to acquaint them with the

resolutions which had been passed, and both accepted the office proposed

to them, though the prince complained that his powers were to be

exercised under so many restrictions and limitations. Their replies were

reported to parliament on the 11th of January, when Lord Liverpool moved

in the lords a resolution for putting the great seal to a commission

for opening the parliament under the regency. This resolution passed the

lords, after some opposition from Earl Grey, by a majority of fifty-one

against thirty-three, and it was afterwards agreed to by the commons;

and then both houses adjourned until the 15th of January, when the

session was to be opened for the despatch of business under the regency

by the commission thus appointed.

OPENING OF PARLIAMENT BY THE REGENT

Parliament was not opened till the 12th of February, on which day the

prince regent, having been previously installed at Carlton-house,

opened it by commission. The speech delivered upon this occasion by the

commissioners in the regent’s name dwelt upon the success of our armies

in the Indian seas, and the repulse of the French and Neapolitans in

their attack on Sicily; upon the failures of the French in Portugal

and at Cadiz; and it expressed a hope that parliament would enable the

regent to continue the most effectual assistance to the brave nations

of the Peninsula. The whole speech breathed a warlike spirit; and though

some deprecated war in the debate which followed on the addresses, they

were carried in both houses without a division.

DEBATE ON THE RE-APPOINTMENT OF THE DUKE OF YORK TO THE WAR-OFFICE.

Soon after the installation of the prince regent it was reported that he

intended to restore the Duke of York to the office of commander-in-chief

of the forces. During the investigation the duke had been warmly

defended by the Perceval administration, so that the report was not

likely to be ill-founded. On the 25th of May, indeed, the duke’s

reappointment was gazetted; and, although the nation seems generally

to have acquiesced in the measure, it did not pass without some

animadversion in parliament. Lord Milton moved in the commons, that it

had been highly improper and indecorous in the advisers of the regent

to recommend the reappointment; but he found few supporters, the

motion being lost by a majority of two hundred and ninety-six against

forty-seven. The duke signalized his return to office by re-establishing

regimental schools on Bell’s system.

THE SUPPLIES.

Mr. Perceval brought forward his budget on the 20th of May. The supplies

demanded and voted for the year amounted to £58,021,869; out of which

sum £20,276,144 were appropriated to the navy; £23,269,940 to the army;

£5,012,378 to the ordnance; £2,100,000 to subsidies, etc., for Portugal;

and £400,000 as a subsidy to Sicily.

THE BULLION COMMITTEE, ETC.

At this period, from our differences with America, which were not yet

settled, as well as from Napoleon’s continental system, a considerable

commercial depression was felt, together with a derangement in the

money-market, arising in a great measure from the necessity that existed

of constantly sending specie to the continent. During the preceding year

Mr. Horner had obtained the appointment of a committee to inquire into

the reason of the high price of gold bullion, and the state of the

circulating medium, and of the exchanges between Great Britain and

foreign parts. The report of this bullion committee was presented by Mr.

Horner on the 6th of May, on which occasion he addressed the house in

an elaborate speech, advocating a speedy return to cash-payments, as

the only means of saving the credit of the country. The report itself,

indeed, tended to recommend this measure to parliament. It stated,

that there was an excess in the paper circulation, of which the most

unequivocal symptom was the very high price of bullion, and, next to

that, the low state of the continental exchanges; that the cause of this

excess of bank-notes was to be found in the suspension of cash-payments;

there being no adequate provision against such an excess, except in the

convertibility of paper into specie; and that the unfavourable state of

the exchanges originated in the same cause, and was further increased

by the anti-commercial measures of the enemy. The report added, that

the committee could see no remedy for the present or security for the

future, except the repeal of the Suspension Act; that they thought this

could not safely be done at an earlier period than two years from the

time of their report; but that they recommended parliament to make early

provision for this purpose. This subject occupied the house four long

nights, but Mr. Horner’s resolutions were all rejected. Subsequently,

however, a bill was carried in the lords, which declared that bank-notes

should be taken only at their professed value, and deprived the landlord

of a summary remedy by distress whenever tender had been made in

bank-notes. This bill was strongly opposed in the commons; but it was

eventually carried by majorities of about four to one. In the lords, the

bill was chiefly opposed by Lord King, who argued that it would create

additional mischiefs and inconveniences; that landlords would refuse

to grant leases; and that the bill could not effect the object which it

professed to have in view, or retard depreciation of bank-notes. Lord

King had recently issued a circular-letter to his tenants, that he would

no longer receive bank-notes at par, but that his rents must for the

future be paid either in English guineas, or in equivalent weight of

Portuguese gold coin, or in bank notes amounting to a sum sufficient to

purchase such an equivalent weight of gold. In his reply to Lord King’s

objections, made in the lords, the chancellor, Eldon, insisted that

the claim set forth in this circular to his tenants was oppressive

and unjust, and that the bill was necessary to prevent such a grievous

oppression. He remarked:—“The restriction act of 1797 interfered so

far with individual contracts as to say that a debtor should not be

arrested, if he tendered his debt in bank-notes: the justice of that

enactment has never been, disputed; and is it now to be said, that a

tenant shall have his goods or stock seized, because he cannot pay in

gold, which is not to be procured? Let us suppose a young professional

man, struggling with the world, who has a rent to pay of £90 per annum,

and who has £3,000 in the bank, in the three per cents. His lordship

demands his rent in gold, but the bank refuses to pay the tenant his

dividend in gold. Would not the tenant have a right to say—’ As a

public creditor, I am refused any other payment than in bank-notes; but

here is a legislator—one of those by whose act of parliament I am thus

refused to be paid except in bank-notes, insisting up on my paying him

his rent in gold, which I cannot procure; and because I cannot procure

it, my goods are to be distrained?’ Would not this be a grievous

oppression? Surely, so long as it should be expedient to continue the

cash-suspension act of 1797, this present bill must become a part of it;

for otherwise there would be no equality in the situation of different

contracting parties, nor would equal justice be dealt out to those who

had an equal claim to it; as there could be no justice in leaving the

tenant who had tendered bank-notes exposed to be distrained upon by his

landlord, whilst the debtor, in other cases, who had tendered bank-notes

was exempted from arrest.”

SUBJECT OF MILITARY DISCIPLINE.

During this session, the subject of military punishment was discussed

in the commons. On this subject Sir Francis Burdett particularly

distinguished himself. He moved an address on the subject to the prince

regent, in doing which he remarked:—“There are but few persons who

know what is the dreadful manner in which this torture is inflicted. The

instrument, formed of pieces of whipcord, each as thick as a quill, and

knotted, is applied by the main strength of fresh men, relieving each

other, until human nature can bear no more; and then, if pains are taken

to recover the unhappy sufferer, it is only that he may undergo

fresh agony. The most disgusting part of the whole transaction is the

attendance of a surgeon—whose business seems to be a profanation of the

healing art—to detect any lingering principle of life, which can enable

the wretched man to undergo more suffering. I do not believe that in the

description which the poets give of hell there are any tortures equal to

what is called a military punishment.” Sir Francis was ably seconded by

Mr. Brougham, who contrasted the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland with

the more noble conduct of the Duke of Gloucester, whose regiment was in

the highest state of discipline, although there had not been a single

flogging in it for more than two years. But though the house had been

prepared to ameliorate the condition of the slaves of India, the members

were not yet in a temper to soften that of their brethren at home: and

the address was rejected by a large majority. Subsequently they showed

still less sympathy with the sufferings of their fellow-subjects.

A corporal in a militia regiment had been sentenced to one thousand

lashes. He received two hundred of these; but it was found that he could

not endure anymore, and he was placed in the hospital for three months;

when, having recovered, he had the option of undergoing the rest of his

sentence, or of serving in a condemned regiment for life in the West

Indies, which latter alternative he chose rather than expire under the

lash. Colonel Wardle moved for inquiry into this case, and only one was

found to vote with him. This apathy manifested in the commons tended to

increase the desire of parliamentary reform among the people.

LOUD SIDMOUTH’S MOTION RESPECTING DISSENTING PREACHERS.

In the course of this session Lord Sidmouth introduced a bill, as an

amendment of the toleration act; prohibiting any person from obtaining a

license to preach, unless he obtained the recommendation of at least six

respectable householders of the congregation to which he belonged, such

congregation being willing to listen to his instructions. The bill

also required that those who intended to be itinerants should bring

testimonials, stating that they were men of sober life and character,

and qualified to perform the functions to which they aspired. This bill

raised a great sensation among dissenters, it being considered liable to

be perverted to purposes of intolerance. It encountered, indeed, such a

storm of opposition, and the house was so inundated with petitions,

that when it came to be read a second time it was rejected without a

division.

AFFAIRS OF THE IRISH CATHOLICS.

It was generally understood among the Irish Catholics that the prince

regent was favourable to their claims, and his investment with power

contributed to increase their activity and zeal. Among other measures,

they proposed to establish a committee in Dublin, composed of delegates

from each country, for the management of their affairs. But this

was deemed unlawful by government; and Mr. Wellesley Pole, the Irish

secretary, sent a circular-letter to all the sheriffs and county

magistrates, requiring them to arrest all persons engaged in such

elections. This letter being brought before parliament excited much

discussion; and on the 3rd of March Mr. Pole, having returned from

Ireland, stated in explanation that the Catholic committee of 1809, had

confined their deliberations to petitioning, whereas the delegates of

1810 were empowered to manage the affairs of the Catholics generally;

and that a committee of grievances, which met weekly, imitated all the

forms of the house of commons. The opinion of the great law-officers,

he said, had been taken by the lord-lieutenant, and the attorney-general

had drawn up the circular. This explanation had a due effect noon the

house; for when the petition which had been prepared by the committee

was presented, although it was supported by the eloquence of Grattan,

it was rejected by a majority of one hundred and forty-six against

eighty-three. It shared the same fate in the lords, it being thought

dangerous to grant any power to men who would be likely to abuse it. The

rejection of this petition caused great disturbances in Ireland.

AMENDMENT OF THE CRIMINAL LAW

Among the various statutes of this session there were two which tended

to diminish, in the instances of stealing linen and cotton from fields

and out-buildings, that long list of offences to which our law assigned

the punishment of death. Three other bills, having a similar tendency

were passed in the commons, but were rejected by the lords. All these

bills were brought in by that enlightened legislator, Sir Samuel

Romilly.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 24th of July by commission. The speech

expressed the regent’s approbation of the wisdom and firmness which the

two houses had manifested, in enabling him to continue the exertions

of the country in the case of our allies, and to prosecute the war with

increased activity and vigour. At this time there was an end of all

hopes of his majesty’s ability to resume the functions of royalty. In

the early part of the year his health underwent some variations, with

lucid intervals; but the report of the queen’s council on the 8th of

July stated that his majesty was totally unable to resume his kingly

duties.

DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.

The orders in council not being repealed on the 2nd of February, Mr.

Pinkney, the American minister in London, was recalled. He had his

audience of leave on the 1st of March, from which time the American

ports were closed against English ships, and open to those of our enemy.

Attempts were made, in the course of the summer, to effect an adjustment

of the subjects in dispute; but these failed, and on the meeting of

congress in November, the president recommended vigorous measures

of preparation both by sea and land. The finances of the American

government, however, were little suited to meet the expense of a war;

and the friends of peace, though outvoted in the legislative assemblies,

yet felt confident that the prospect of loans and taxes would cool the

military ardour of a people unaccustomed to such burthens.

CAPTURE OF JAVA.

A formidable expedition was this year fitted out by Lord Minto,

Governor-General of India, and placed under the command of Sir Samuel

Auchmuty, against the Dutch settlements in the island of Java. A landing

was effected without opposition on the 5th of August, and by the 8th the

city of Batavia was captured without resistance. Its garrison retreated

to a fortified position within two miles of Cornells, where General

Jansens was stationed with the principal Dutch force. These works were

now assailed, and they were carried by assault on the 26th; and the

whole of the Dutch army was either killed, captured, or dispersed.

Jansens fled to Samarang, and prepared for defence; but he was soon

compelled to capitulate, and then the whole island of Java surrendered

to the British arms.

AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.

During the months of January and February the English and French armies

in Portugal remained in their respective positions. The French marshal,

Massena, was re-enforced by the ninth corps, under General Drouet;

and about the same time Soult received orders from Napoleon to act in

concert with him by attacking Portugal south of the Tagus; and a new

French army was formed in the north of Spain, consisting of about 70,000

men, and placed under Marshal Bessières, who was ordered to give all

the assistance he could to the army of Portugal. Soult, as before seen,

moved towards the frontiers of Portugal; but deemed it indispensable

to reduce Olivenza and Badajoz, before he crossed them, lest he should

leave a Spanish garrison in his rear. Napoleon had given his generals

directions to keep the English in check, and to cause them loss of men

every day by engagements of advanced guards, until the season became

favourable for main operations. Wellington, however, was too cautious

to waste his army in affairs of advanced guards, or in any useless

skirmishes or operations, so that he kept his forces entire; and at the

beginning of March he was re-enforced by about 7000 men. By this time

Massena’s army had so eaten up the country that he found it necessary to

move his quarters. He retreated to the frontiers of Spain, followed

by the English, who in the course of the pursuit cut off many of the

fugitives, and took much baggage and ammunition. When, indeed, Massena,

recrossed the frontiers of Spain, his loss, including the sick and

wounded, amounted to no less than 45,000 men. But Massena still counted

40,000 men, besides the garrison left in Almeida; and having placed his

army in cantonments between the Coa and Agueda, and given instructions

for the blockade of Almeida, Lord Wellington departed for the south, to

see the state of affairs on the Guadiana and the country near Badajoz.

Thus terminated the third French invasion of Portugal.

AFFAIRS OF SPAIN, CAPTURE OF BADAJOZ, ETC.

During his pursuit of the French army, Lord Wellington was mortified by

the intelligence that Soult had captured Badajoz. He had besought the

governor, General Menacho, to make a good stand, and promised him

speedy assistance; but, unfortunately, the Governor was killed by a

cannon-ball, and the command of the garrison devolved upon General

Imaz, who proved unworthy of his trust. Although General Imaz knew

that Massena was retreating, and that Wellington would soon send him

succours, before any practicable breach was made in the walls; and

although he was able to hold out for one month, he held up the white

flag and suspended hostilities. Badajoz was surrendered on the 11th

of March, the garrisons becoming prisoners of war: 9000 Spaniards

surrendered to a besieging army which did not exceed 9600 infantry, and

2000 cavalry.

After the fall of Badajoz Soult put his troops in motion to cross the

Guadiana and the southern frontier of Portugal; but intelligence from

Andalusia induced him to give up the command to Mortier, and to repair

to Seville. General Graham, who commanded at Cadiz, when Soult departed

from thence, concerted a plan with the Spaniards to drive Marshal Victor

out of his lines. For this purpose 10,000 infantry, and 600 cavalry

of the allies, being embarked at Cadiz, were landed in February at

Algesiras, from which place they marched to Tarifa. At Tarifa they were

joined by a considerable British, German, and Portuguese force, and the

whole was placed under the command of the Spanish General La Peha. The

combined forces marched in the direction of Medina Sidonia, and when

within four leagues of the enemy’s posts, they were re-organized: the

vanguard being given to General Lardizabal; the centre to the Prince of

Anglona; the reserve, composed of the British and two Spanish regiments,

to Graham; and the cavalry to Colonel Whittingham, an English officer

in the Spanish service. On the morning of the 5th of March the allies

arrived on the low ridge of Barossa, about four miles from the mouth of

the river Santi Petri. A successful attack on the rear of the enemy’s

lines opened the communication with the Isle of Leon; after which

General Graham moved down to the Torre de Bermesa, about halfway to the

Santi Petri, to secure the communication across that river, over which a

bridge had been recently thrown. He moved on through the wood in front,

but when he had advanced into the middle of the wood, he received

notice that the enemy was advancing towards the heights of Barossa; and

considering that position as the key to Santi Petri, he instantly made

a counter-march to support the troops left for its defence. Before the

troops of Graham, however, could reach the ridge of Barossa, the troops

left for its defence were obliged to retire, and the left wing of the

enemy was rapidly ascending those heights. To retreat in the face of

a superior enemy would have exposed the allies to great danger; and,

relying on the courage of his troops, General Graham determined on an

immediate attack. He was successful: in an hour and a half the French

were in full retreat, leaving behind them 3000 killed and prisoners,

and some of their cannon. The English, however, lost 1,243 in killed

and wounded, among whom were several officers high in estimation; and

General Graham finding it impossible to procure supplies, withdrew the

next day across the Santi Petri, and afterwards returned to the Isle of

Leon. La Peira, whose co-operation in this movement did him no honour,

returned with his forces to Cadiz, and the French resumed the blockade.

In the meantime Marshal Beresford, acting under the directions of Lord

Wellington, had directed his efforts against Badajoz. He invested that

city on the 8th of May; but he had scarcely commenced the siege when

intelligence arrived that Soult was returning thither with 15,000 men

for its relief. Beresford immediately suspended his operations, removed

the battering cannon and stores to Elvas, and being joined on the 14th

by the Spanish Generals Castanos and Blake prepared to meet the enemy.

Soult appeared in front of the allies, with a force of about 20,000 men;

5000 having joined him in his route. They were attacked by him on the

next day; but after a fearful slaughter on both sides, the enemy

was driven back across the river. Soult retired to the ground he had

previously occupied; and on the night of the 17th he commenced his

retreat towards Seville, leaving Badajoz to its own defence. The British

sustained a greater loss in this battle than in any that had been

fought in the Peninsula; but the steadiness and gallantry of the troops

obtained the highest commendations not only from their commander, but

from both houses of parliament.

Shortly after this battle Lord Wellington joined General Beresford, and

the siege of Badajoz was recommenced. He had left his army opposed to

Massena in the north of Portugal under General Spencer, and about

this time Massena was recalled to France, and Marmont became Spencer’s

opponent. Marmont was resolved to succour Badajoz, if possible; and for

this purpose he sent 15,000 men, under Drouet, to re-enforce Sonlt if

he should be again able to advance to its relief. This had the effect

of quickening Lord Wellington’s operations upon Badajoz: two different

attacks were made upon it; but though his troops behaved with their

accustomed valour, both attempts failed, and the siege was soon after

raised.

In other parts of Spain during this year, the patriots were equally

unfortunate. Thus the French marshal Suchet took Tarragona by assault;

General Blake was repulsed by the enemy in an attack on Niebla; Soult

defeated the army of Marcia, in the vicinity of Baza; Figueras was

retaken by the French general, Macdonald; the Spanish general, Abudia,

was defeated by Dorsenne in the vicinity of Astorga; Suchet captured the

town and castle of Murviedro; and General Blake was attacked by Suchet

in December, and compelled to retire within the walls of Valencia.

On the 4th of September Lord Wellington formed the blockade of Ciudad

Rodrigo; but on the 25th he retired, and his rear was attacked by

Marmont. The infantry, however, forming a square, and presenting a firm

front, retreated without being broken. General Hill, with a division of

the allied army, surprised and completely routed a French column on

the 28th of October, taking 1400 prisoners and all Girard’s artillery,

baggage, &c., together with the money which he had levied at Merida.

About the same time also the Baron d’Eroles defeated the French near

Perigeorda. After Marmont had relieved Ciudad Rodrigo he retraced

his steps to the valley of the Tagus; and the allied army went into

cantonments, Lord Wellington resolving in the course of the winter to

collect such materials as would enable him to carry Ciudad Rodrigo by a

more effectual and rapid method than that of blockade.

{GEORGE III. 1809—1812}

NAVAL AFFAIRS

The navy of England had not at this period any adequate antagonist to

encounter, so that it was only by occasional surprises that it could

perform any achievements. During this year, however, there were several

severe frigate fights and in-shore operations. In the Adriatic Sea,

Captain William Hoste obtained, on the 13th of March, with four English

frigates, a complete victory over five French frigates and six smaller

vessels, with five hundred men on board. Another victory was gained near

Foul Point, Madagascar, by Captain Schomberg, who with three frigates

and a sloop recovered Tamatava, which had been recently recaptured

by the French, and captured all the vessels in the port, including the

commodore’s frigate. A gallant exploit was also performed at Sagone-bay

in the island of Corsica by Captain Barrie, who with three frigates

burned three armed vessels laden with timber for the dock-yards

at Toulon, although they were protected by strong batteries and a

martello-tower, and defended by two hundred soldiers. On the 24th of

August, likewise, Captain Ferris, hoisting French colours, sailed up the

Garonne, and captured five French vessels without losing a single man

in the enterprise. The actions of this year, indeed, are too numerous to

recount. Our fleets and squadrons were engaged in all the four quarters

of the globe, and the vessels of the enemy could nowhere move in safety

while his coast was kept in continual alarm.

AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.

Fortune still seemed to smile on Napoleon. According to outward

appearance everything was still in his favour. On the 20th of March his

cup of prosperity seemed to be full; for his empress, Maria Louisa,

was safely delivered of a son, to whom was given the titles of Napoleon

Francis Charles Joseph, Prince of the French Empire, and King of Rome!

Congratulatory addresses were poured in from all the departments and all

the principal cities of France, as well as from Belgium, Holland, the

Hanse Towns, the confederated states of the Rhine, and from Italy. Soon

after this Napoleon opened the session of the _Corps Législatif_. In his

speech he told the members that his son would answer the expectations of

France, and bear to their children the sentiments which his father now

bore to them; that they must never forget that their happiness and glory

were dependent on the prosperity of the throne which he had raised,

consolidated, and aggrandized by them and for them, and that the love of

France was their first duty. This must have sounded oddly in the ears of

some of the members; for at this time Dutchmen from Holland, &c., Germans

from the Hanse Towns, Swiss from the Valais, which was now incorporated

with France, and Italians from the confiscated states of the church

had taken their seats in the _Corps Législatif_. With conscious pride

Napoleon also declared to these “complaisant tools of tyranny,” that

French dominion during the last year had been extended over sixteen

departments, containing five millions of people; the mouths of the

Rhine, Meuse, and Scheldt, together with the whole course of the latter

river, were now French; that improvements on a gigantic scale had taken

place throughout the empire; and that its finances were in such a state

that France could go on for ten years without borrowing money. It is

possible, however, that Napoleon in making this last assertion had an

eye to the plunder of some rich kingdoms, for it was well known that

France was not in a prosperous condition. At this very time, indeed,

the French, having lost their colonies, were substituting roasted

horse-beans for coffee, and extracting sugar from beetroot. The boast

of Napoleon, however, was pleasing to a vain-glorious people, and none

dared dispute his word. Subsequently to making it, accompanied by his

young empress, he visited Ostend, Antwerp, and Amsterdam, where

he announced the division of the departments of Holland, and their

proportion of the annual expenses. On his return to Paris, however, the

course of events bid fair to run more roughly with Napoleon than they

had hitherto done. All the cabinets of Europe were at this time anxious

to break their fetters, and a rupture with Russia had become inevitable.

The czar was offended by Napoleon’s seizure of Oldenburg, the extension

of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and the continued occupation of Dantzic,

and prepared for a contest; and Napoleon replied to his menaces by angry

complaints, and by calling out fresh conscripts in order to meet him in

the field. At the close of the year 1811 the preparations for war were

on such a gigantic scale, that most men in France saw they would be

followed by an unprecedented campaign.