CHAPTER XII.

{GEORGE III. 1781–1782}

Notice of the Rupture with Holland..... Burke

re-introduces the Subject of Economical Reform, &c.

Debates on the Supplies..... Motion on the Employment of the

Military in the late Riots..... Petition of the Delegates of

the County Associations..... The Marriage Act

corrected..... Motion of Fox respecting the American

War..... Parliament prorogued..... Attack on Jersey..... The

Garrison of Gibraltar relieved..... Revolt in Washington’s

Camp..... Arnold’s Expedition to Virginia, &c. Lord

Cornwallis’s Expedition to Virginia..... Siege of

Lord Cornwallis in York Town..... Loss of the British

Dominion in Florida..... Attack on Minorca..... French and

Spanish Fleets in the English Channel..... Naval

Action with the Dutch..... Capture of St. Eustatius.....

Commodore Johnstone attacked by de Suffrein, &c.

Further Operations in the West Indies..... Sentiments of

Foreign Powers toward England..... Meeting of Parliament.....

Censures on Rodney and Hauffman..... debate on the Navy.....

Motions of Sir James Lowther for Peace, &c.

{A.D. 1781}

NOTICE OF THE RUPTURE WITH HOLLAND.

On the 25th of January Lord North delivered a message from the king, in

which his majesty acquainted the house, that during the recess he had

been compelled to direct letters of marque and general reprisal to be

issued against the States General of the United Provinces. A copy of the

manifesto and sundry other papers were laid before the house, in order

that the members might be fully acquainted with the causes and motives

of his majesty in directing these letters. Having delivered his message,

Lord North moved, “That an address be presented to his majesty, assuring

him that the house would, with a firm and determined resolution, support

the just and necessary war against Holland, for the maintenance of the

honour of his crown, and the lights and interests of his people.” This

motion was opposed by the opposition, Burke taking the lead in the

debate. In his speech, Burke declared that ministers had been in fault

rather than the Dutch, and that the paper found in the box of the

captured American packet, was nothing more than a project or draft of a

treaty, which possibly the Dutch would never have completed. So far

as they knew, he said, it might be merely a “speculative essay,” or

a “contemplative prospect;” and therefore it was no justifiable or

assignable ground for going to war with them. These were arguments,

however, for party purposes; opposition conceived that the declaration

of war between England and Holland was setting the seal to Lord North’s

political embarrassments, and therefore they adopted this line of

argument in order to suit their own views. It was, indeed, notorious

that government had strenuously endeavoured to avoid an open rupture

with Holland, and that it was not till the British honour was at

stake that war was declared. But ministers were in no danger from the

arguments of opposition on this question. A majority of nearly two to

one agreed with Lord North and the manifesto, and exclaimed against the

insolence, the selfishness, and the ingratitude of the States General.

In the house of lords, also, the address was carried by a large

majority; but two protests were recorded by the dissentient peers

against this new war “with the ancient and natural allies of the

kingdom.”

BURKE RE-INTRODUCES THE SUBJECT OF ECONOMICAL REFORM, ETC.

On the 15th of February, after some debates on the affairs of India,

Mr. Burke reproduced his scheme of economical reform which had been

rejected in the last session. He opened his proposition by stating the

powerful motives that called upon him to resume that subject. These

motives were the celebrated resolutions of the late parliament,

respecting the alarming increase of the influence of the crown; the

general wish and expectation of the people; and the direct application

made to himself and others from several counties and associations. It

seems probable that he was chiefly induced to renew the subject through

the influence of the associations, which, notwithstanding the scenes

which had occurred through them in the metropolis during the last year,

still endeavoured to stimulate opposition by inflammatory resolutions,

not only against fancied invasions of public rights, but against the

license supposed to be now granted to military authority. At this

period, indeed, political associations had acquired considerable

strength and consistency, and their danger was increased by the new

and unconstitutional measure of appointing delegates to transact their

business in the capital, and to promote the objects of their petitions.

Their chief object was a reduction of expenditure, but with this they

coupled what was afterwards called a “Radical Reform” of the house of

commons. It was notorious that Burke received from these associations

many complimentary addresses, for his efforts in the cause of reform,

and he seems from hence to have been stimulated to renew the subject

in the house. This, indeed, is indicated by his allusion to the

associations. After making this allusion, Burke, in continuing his

speech, said that the nation was involved in expenses which reached the

utmost limits of the public ability, and that as it was originally

the duty of ministers to have framed and carried into execution such a

scheme of economy as he now brought forward, so it was their interest to

secure themselves from punishment by making some amends for their former

neglect. Burke displayed considerable address in his appeal to this new

house. The three resolutions of the late parliament, he said, were a

valuable legacy bequeathed to the public, and an atonement for previous

servility; adding, that they formed a body of maxims, authorizing the

people to expect from their present representatives, that which

was declared to be necessary by their predecessors: if the present

parliament neglected to accomplish what the previous parliament had

designed, all the evil consequences would be charged upon them; and

while the resolutions of the 6th of April would stand upon their

journals as public monuments of exculpation to their predecessors,

they would likewise stand as public monuments of disgrace to them. The

fallacy of M. Neckar’s financial measures in France was not yet made

manifest, and Burke again applauded the economical achievements of that

statesman, and held up the example of France, both as a warning and an

encouragement. In conclusion he moved, “That leave be given to bring in

a bill for the better regulation of his majesty’s civil establishments

and of certain public offices; for the limitation of pensions and the

suppression of sundry useless expenses and inconvenient places, and for

applying the monies saved thereby to the public service.” This motion

was seconded by Mr. Duncombe, and leave was given to bring in the bill

without opposition; Lord North declaring that he would reserve his

objections to the second reading. The second reading took place on

the 26th of February, when there was a long and animated debate on

the measure. One of the most remarkable speeches on this occasion was

delivered by the Hon. William Pitt, second son of the late Earl of

Chatham, who now spoke for the first time in the house of commons.

William Pitt, on whom the mantle of his father seems to have fallen,

announced himself as an ardent reformer and lover of strict economy. One

great object, he said, of all the petitions which had been presented,

was a recommendation of economy in the public expenditure, and the

design of the present bill was to carry these wishes into effect. The

bill had still another object more important in view, and that was the

reduction of the influence of the crown; an influence which was the more

to be dreaded, because more secret in its attacks, and more concealed in

its operations than the power of prerogative. Pitt then adverted to

the objections which had been made to the bill, and which he termed

extraordinary, inasmuch as it only proposed to bring about £200,000 into

the public coffers; an insignificant sum when compared with the millions

annually expended. He continued:—“What then is the conclusion we are

left to deduce? The calamities of the present crisis are too great to be

benefited by economy. Our expenses are so enormous, that it is useless

to give ourselves any concern about them: we have spent and are spending

so much, that it is foolish to think of saving anything. Such is the

language which the opponents of this bill have virtually employed.

It has also been said that the king’s civil list was an irresumable

parliamentary grant, and it had even been compared to a private

freehold. The weakness of such arguments was their best refutation. The

civil list revenue was granted to his majesty, not for his private use,

but for the support of the executive government of the state. It was

granted to support the dignity and interests of the empire, to maintain

its grandeur, to pay the judges, and foreign ministers, to maintain

justice and support respect, to pay the great officers necessary to the

lustre of the crown; and it was proportioned to the dignity and opulence

of the people. The parliament made the grant, and undoubtedly had

a right to resume it when the pressure of the times rendered such

resumption necessary.” The youthful orator, who was listened to with

deep attention by both sides of the house, declared, in conclusion,

that he considered the present bill as essential to the well-being and

independence of the country, and he would therefore give it his most

determined support. Opposition, however, were outvoted by a majority of

forty-three; the motion for the second reading being negatived by two

hundred and thirty-three against one hundred and ninety. By a subsequent

resolution the further consideration of Burke’s bill was put off for six

months. About the same time several other popular measures proposed

in the last session were revived, as the bills against contractors and

revenue-officers, and for imposing a tax on places and pensions, but

they were all defeated by considerable majorities.

DEBATES ON THE SUPPLIES.

Lord North had soon another contest to sustain. On the 7th of March he

brought forward his annual statement of the supplies and resources for

the current service. The sum demanded for the year was £22,458,337,

twelve of which, he stated it would be necessary to raise by a loan.

The terms were unusually high. A contract had been entered into with the

subscribers to grant £150 stock at three per cent., and twenty-five at

four per cent, for every £100 in money, being £9,000,000 more than the

sum paid into the exchequer. To defray the interest of this loan new

taxes would be required to the amount of £660,000 annually; that is

£60,000 more than the legal interest of five per cent., exclusive of

which, as the subscription to the loan bore a premium of ten per cent.,

the further sum of £1,200,000 appeared to be lost to the nation. Mr.

Fox reprobated this bargain, as the most corrupt in its origin, the most

shameful in its progress, and the most injurious in its consequences

that ever came under the notice of the house. The profits of the loan

were estimated by him at about £1,000,000, and this sum, he said,

was entirely at the disposal, and in the hands of the minister, to

be granted in douceurs to the members of that house, either as

compensations for the expenses of their late elections, or as bribes for

future services. Fox also strongly objected to a proposed lottery,

which was a part of the loan scheme, as a means of raising money for the

public service. Taught by experience—for Fox was at this time reduced

to a miserable state of embarrassment and dependence, from his love of

the gambling table—he delivered an impressive harangue on the vice of

gambling, and declared that lotteries were the most pernicious of all

species of gaming inasmuch as they immediately affected the morals,

habits, and circumstances of the lower orders of society. Lord

North defended both the loan and the lottery, and asserted that the

£12,000,000 could not have been obtained upon easier conditions. Fox had

moved that the clause respecting the lottery should be omitted; but

this was rejected by one hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred

and eleven, and the minister’s measures were all passed. The matter,

however, did not end here. Opposition to the loan bill was renewed

under a variety of forms while passing through the lower house; and when

carried to the Lords, it encountered the severe censure of the Marquess

of Buckingham, and others of his party. Eight peers entered a protest

against the bill on the journals. Subsequently the subject was revived

in the commons, by a motion of Sir George Saville for the appointment

of a committee to inquire into the circumstances of the loan. Sir George

argued, that though the bargain had been ratified, it was yet not too

late to pass a vote of censure, or even of impeachment, on the minister

who had thus grossly and daringly sacrificed the interests of the

public. A vehement debate followed this motion; but it was lost by a

majority of two hundred and nine against one hundred and sixty-three.

MOTION ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE MILITARY IN THE LATE RIOTS.

It must have been very clear to any unprejudiced mind, that the

employment of the military in the suppression of the London riots of the

preceding summer, so far from being premature, had not been resorted

to in time to save the city from the ravages of a lawless mob. At this

time, however, as in many preceding years, no stone was left unturned by

opposition whereby there was the remotest chance of bringing ministers

into public contempt. They were assailed at every point wherein they

were considered vulnerable; and one attack was but the precursor of

another. Mr. Brinsley Sheridan, who had made his first speech during

last November, and had won golden opinions by his oratory on that

occasion, moved three propositions: the first declaring that the

military force could not justifiably be applied in dispersing tumultuous

assemblies, without waiting for directions from civil magistrates,

unless outrages had broken out with such violence as to overcome civil

authority, and threaten the subversion of legal government; the second

affirming that the unprecedented order to the military on the 7th of

June last, afforded strong presumption of the defective state of the

police; and the third for the appointment cf a committee to inquire into

the conduct of the magistracy and civil power during the riots. Sheridan

delivered a severe philippic against the administration, which was

adorned with glowing periods, and abounded in bitter invectives; but

after a long debate, in which the government were fully vindicated from

all blame, all the motions were negatived. On this occasion, however,

Sheridan obtained the reputation of a first-rate orator, which probably

pleased him more than he would have been had his propositions received

the sanction of the house.

PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COUNTY ASSOCIATIONS.

During the stay of the delegates of the county associations in London,

they were busied in getting up meetings of their own, and in preparing a

petition to the house of commons, in which they attempted to combine all

the complaints of the nation, and all the prayers for economical and

parliamentary reform. These delegates, however, were compelled to

sign their petition merely as individual freeholders, and not in their

delegated character, inasmuch as the general sense of the house was

known to be against them. Their exertions, indeed, had been matter of

frequent allusion during this session; and while the few applauded them

as enlightened and devoted patriots, the many denounced them as factious

demagogues. Their petition was presented on the 2nd of April by Mr.

Buncombe; but it was suffered to lie on the table until the recovery

of Sir George Saville, who had undertaken to move for referring the

petition to a committee. Sir George made this motion on the 8th of May;

but the contents of the petition, and the unconstitutional character of

the delegates, were severely reprobated; and the motion was lost by a

majority of two hundred and twelve against one hundred and thirty-five.

THE MARRIAGE ACT CORRECTED.

It had been found, by a late decision in the court of king’s bench, that

a clause in the Marriage Act of 1751 rendered all marriages unlawful

whereof the banns had been published in churches or chapels erected

since the passing of the act. This decision would have dissolved

thousands of marriages hitherto supposed to be valid, and would also

have rendered their offspring illegitimate, had not the legislature

interfered. A bill was brought in by Lord Beauchamp, which had a

retrospective operation, in order to render such marriages valid

and their issue legitimate. This bill was adopted by both houses

unanimously; and it received the royal assent early in June. After it

had passed, Fox, who inherited his father’s dislike to the whole of the

marriage Act, brought in a bill for amending or rather repealing it _in

toto_. Fox’s motion, which was rejected without a division, excited much

notice from the circumstance that it brought him into collision for the

first time with Burke, his bosom friend. Burke as strenuously supported

the original act, as Fox opposed it; considering that “it hit the just

mean between a mischievous restraint and that laxity which formerly

occasioned so much disorder.” Each supported their own views with their

known abilities.

MOTION OF FOX RESPECTING THE AMERICAN WAR.

On the 30th of May, Colonel Hartley moved for leave to bring in a bill

vesting the crown with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and finally

agree upon the means of restoring peace with the provinces of North

America. This motion was rejected by a large majority, but a few days

afterwards intelligence arrived of reverses in North Carolina, which

emboldened the opposition to recur to the subject. On the 12th of June,

Fox moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee to

consider of the American war; and at the same time he gave notice that

he intended to move in committee “That his majesty’s ministers ought

immediately to take every possible measure for concluding peace with our

American colonies.” In his speech, Fox contended that success by force

of arms was impossible, and expressed his belief that the Americans

would have treated upon far more moderate and honourable conditions than

they ever entertained a notion of admitting. The orators on both sides

went over the whole history of the war; but their oratory was chiefly

remarkable for its mutual recrimination: each party endeavouring to

throw the blame upon the other. In the course of the debate the memory

of Chatham was treated with disrespect. It was urged by some, that

he had been one cause of the dispute, or of the ill-success which had

attended its management; that his notions were contradictory; and that

if one of his leading principles was to be followed the war would never

end. William Pitt rose to defend the character of his father; but his

eloquence failed to reconcile the manifest contradictions which had

appeared in the proceedings of that great statesman. When he had

performed this duty, Pitt proceeded to state his own opinion on the

subject of the American war. He remarked:—“The war was conceived

in injustice, nurtured in folly, and its footsteps are marked with

slaughter and devastation. It exhibits the height of moral depravity and

human turpitude. The nation is drained of its best blood and its vital

resources, for which nothing is received in return but a series of

inefficient victories or disgraceful retreats; victories obtained over

men struggling in the holy cause of liberty, or defeats which filled the

land with mourning for the loss of dear and valuable relatives, slain in

a detested and impious quarrel.” Some members, however, argued that the

Americans might yet be subdued; while others doubted whether at this

moment, when they were backed by France, Spain, and Holland, they would

not treat all overtures with contumely. It was also questioned whether

the house could, or ought to interfere with the prerogative of the

crown; in which was vested the power of peace and war, and whether they

could bind the sovereign by their resolution, which was not likely to

be adopted by the lords. Moreover, on both sides of the house there were

men who still shrunk from the idea of recognizing the independence of

America, and hence, when the house divided the motion was rejected by

one hundred and seventy-two against ninety-nine.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

This session terminated on the 18th of July. In his speech the king

thanked the members for their long attendance, their loyalty, and their

affection. At this time a prospect of brilliant successes had opened in

India, and that the British would build up an empire more vast in its

extent than that for which they were contending in the West. His majesty

dwelt at some length upon this subject, and warmly applauded measures

adopted, or in progress, for checking abuses in these possessions,

and for making our conquests mutually advantageous to the natives and

ourselves. On the subject of America he remarked:—“While I lament the

continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I

have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of my

councils has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the

happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and see the tranquillity

of Europe restored. To defend the dominion and to maintain the rights of

this country was on my part the sole cause, and was the only object of

the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart; but I have too firm a

reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, and the powerful

assistance of my parliament, and the protection of a just and all-ruling

Providence, to accept it upon any other terms than such as may consist

with the honour and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interests

and security of my people.” At the time when his majesty delivered this

speech there was indeed no prospect of peace: war raged on every hand.

{GEORGE III. 1781–1782}

ATTACK ON JERSEY.

Early in this year the French, under the Baron de Rullecourt, made

another attempt upon the island of Jersey. Its little capital was

captured by night, and Major Corbet, the lieutenant-governor, signed

a capitulation for the surrender of the whole island. Major Pierson,

however, was not so pusillanimous. Collecting all the force he could, he

fell upon the French invaders in the market-place of St. Heliers, and,

being-assisted by the townspeople, killed a great many of them, and

captured the rest. But unfortunately Pierson was himself killed by

almost the last shot fired by the French. At the commencement of the

action the Baron de Rullecourt received several wounds, of which he

died immediately after the surrender. In the whole, nearly eight hundred

French were either killed or taken, and they had previously lost two

hundred men in a terrible storm which overtook them at the commencement

of their expedition, and which drove back many of their vessels to their

own ports. This affair cost Major Corbet his honour: he was tried by a

court-martial, and deprived of his commission of lieutenant-governor.

The states erected a splendid monument in the town-church to the memory

of the gallant Major Pierson.

THE GARRISON OF GIBRALTAR RELIEVED.

The garrison of Gibraltar, at the commencement of this year, were again

reduced to great straits by the persevering Spaniards. The supplies

which Rodney had thrown in the year before were nearly exhausted; and

some vessels which had been accustomed to run down from Minorca and some

of the Italian ports were captured by the French and Spanish cruisers.

Under these circumstances, one of the first efforts of the campaign was

the relief of this important place. Admiral Darby was appointed to this

important service. After escorting the East and West India trade to

a certain latitude, Darby arrived off Cadiz, where he saw the Spanish

fleet at anchor. While, therefore, he forwarded the convoy with

provision!, stores, etc., to Gibraltar, with some ships of the line

and frigates to cover them, Darby remained with the rest of his fleet,

cruizing between Cadiz Bay and the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar,

watching the enemy. The Spanish admiral, Cordova, had boasted that he

would meet the English at sea; but upon second thought, he considered

himself safer where he was, and still remained at anchor. The convoy got

safe into the harbour, where it was hailed with transports of joy by

the half-famished soldiers on the rocky heights of Gibraltar; and their

cheers were responded to by those below. The succours were landed with

very little difficulty, and Darby then returned to the Channel station.

The Spaniards were disheartened by this success of the British, and were

mortified by the circumstance that their grand fleet had cowered

before an inferior force; but they were again encouraged by promises of

co-operation from France, and therefore still continued the siege.

REVOLT IN WASHINGTON’S CAMP.

The earliest events of this year were unfavourable to the American

cause. For some months all discipline had been relaxed in Washington’s

camp; the officers and men alike being dissatisfied with the treatment

which they received from congress. They were on the point of starvation;

and though they had long endured their hardships, on the night of the

1st of January, the Pennsylvania line, which was hutted at Morris Town

in the Jerseys, turned out to the number of 1300 men, and declared that

they would march to the seat of congress, and either obtain redress or

return to their homes. After committing some excesses on those officers

who opposed their movement, the men marched to Princeton. They were

followed on the next day by General Wayne and his staff, with many

officers who were supposed to possess their confidence, in the hope that

they would be able either to bring them back to their duty, or to sow

dissensions among them. Wayne came up with them near Middle Brook; but

the demands of the revolted troops were such as he could not grant; and

he therefore referred them to congress. The men continued their march to

Princeton for that purpose; and while there, emissaries arrived from

Sir Henry Clinton, with tempting offers to them, and with the suggestion

that they should take up a position behind the South River, when he

would soon cover them with detachments from the royal army in New York.

The mutineers, however, showed themselves true to the cause of liberty,

for they not only rejected Clinton’s tempting offers, but communicated

them to General Wayne, with assurances that, though they had left the

American camp, they would never go over to the British. At the same time

they seized Clinton’s emissaries, and kept them in their own hands; they

refused to leave Princeton; resolved that none of their former officers

should enter their camp; and ordered Lafayette and others, who had

presented themselves as mediators, to return immediately. Soon after, a

committee of congress, the governor of Pennsylvania, and a part of his

council came into the neighbourhood of Princeton to negociate with

the revolters. A conference took place between the sergeants of

the revolted troops and the committee; when the latter offered these

propositions:—That congress would discharge all those who had enlisted

for three years; and that they would give immediate certificates for

the depreciation on their pay, settle their arrears as soon as they were

able, and furnish the men with such clothing as they required forthwith,

The sergeants agreed to distribute these propositions among the troops

for consideration; and after due deliberation the mutineers agreed to

march to Trenton, to meet their officers and commanders. At Trenton, the

terms offered by congress were accepted; and then the mutineers gave up

Sir Henry Clinton’s emissaries, who were all hanged as spies. But mutiny

did not end here. Encouraged by the success of the Pennsylvania line,

a part of the Jersey brigade, stationed at Pompton, flew to arms, and

marched to Chatham to join another part of the same brigade; and these

all demanded the same terms which had been granted to the Pennsylvanian

mutineers. In the former instance, Washington, probably wishing that

congress should be made to feel that the grievances of the troops must

be redressed, and that the army must be treated with greater respect,

had not taken any measures for bringing back the mutineers to their

duty. On this occasion, however, foreseeing that continued revolts would

tend to the disorganization of his army, he sent General How to Chatham

with a considerable force, and with orders to make no terms with the

revolted brigade while in a state of resistance. He even instructed How,

after the brigade should surrender, to seize a few of the ringleaders

and put them to death on the spot. How’s task was not a very arduous

one, for the mutineers at Chatham scarcely amounted to more than two

hundred men; and he surrounded them in their quarters, seized a few of

the ringleaders, and executed them according to Washington’s orders, and

reduced the rest to submission. These revolts alarmed congress; and they

contrived to raise three months’ pay in specie, and to obtain a quantity

of clothes, which they forwarded to the camp, in order to prevent

further defection. But this was only a temporary remedy for the evil;

and as the inhabitants were distressed in order to satisfy the soldiers,

congress resolved to seek a loan from France. Lieutenant-colonel

Laurens, son of the prisoner in the Tower, was sent on this commission

to the court of Versailles; and at the same time, Mr. Jay, the young

lawyer, who was now installed as minister plenipotentiary to the court

of Madrid, was instructed to press the court of Spain for co-operation

and direct assistance. It is evident, indeed, that congress and the

general officers of the army, all thought that the affairs of the

Americans were in a desperate condition; and that if they did not

speedily obtain assistance in money and troops from the Bourbons, the

sun of liberty would be set for ever. Lafayette exerted his influence

with M. de Vergennes, the French minister on this occasion. He furnished

Laurens with a letter to him, in which he stated, that with a naval

inferiority it was impossible to continue the war; that the resources of

the country, great as they were, would be ineffectual unless money were

sent; that the last campaign had been conducted without a single dollar;

and that all that credit, persuasion, and force could do in the way of

obtaining supplies had been done. In conclusion, he demanded clothes,

arms, and ammunition, and represented that a great fleet, and a new

division of 10,000 troops ought to be sent from France to New York, in

order to destroy the power of the British on the continent.

ARNOLD’S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA, ETC.

On the very day that the Pennsylvanian line revolted, General Arnold

appeared in Hampton Road on the Chesapeak, to carry devastation into

Virginia. Arnold had with him about 1200 men, part of whom were American

royalists; and with this force he proceeded up James’s River, and landed

at Westover, about twenty-five miles distance from Richmond, the capital

of Virginia. There were 50,000 enrolled militiamen in that province; but

Jefferson, its governor, could only collect a few hundred, and therefore

he was obliged to relinquish all hopes of defending the city Knowing the

rapidity of Arnold’s movements, he caused some of the public property

to be removed to the country above, and then fled with his council,

secretaries, and officers, with the greatest precipitation. Arnold

entered Richmond the morning after his flight, the troops evacuating

the town at his approach. On his arrival he sent some of the citizens

of Richmond to Jefferson, offering to spare the town if British vessels

were permitted to come to it, and take off the tobacco there deposited,

unmolested. This offer was rejected; and Arnold then detached Colonel

Simcoe, with nearly half of his force, to Westham, to burn and destroy

all the buildings there which contained arms, ammunition, and military

stores; and when Simcoe had completed this work of destruction, and had

returned, Arnold set fire to all the public buildings and tobacco-stores

at Richmond. He then quitted the capital of Virginia, and encamped at

Four-mile Creek, whence he returned to his shipping at Westover. From

Westover he detached a party of horse to Charles City Court-house, where

one hundred and fifty militiamen were surprised and routed; after which

Arnold re-embarked his army, and began to descend James’s River. He

returned to Portsmouth, where he was joined by more men, who raised his

force to nearly 2000 men, and where he established a permanent station,

in order to co-operate with Lord Cornwallis. While at Portsmouth, it was

suggested by the American leaders, that a few individuals should make a

sudden incursion into his camp, and carry him off, in order to bring him

to the gallows. The capture of Arnold was, indeed, a cherished object

with the Americans, ever since his defection from their cause; but he

was aware that he was in danger, and was therefore vigilant, so that

if any attempt had been made, it would doubtless have failed. It would

appear, in fact, that though 5000 guineas were offered in the event of

success, none could be found hardy enough to make such a daring attempt.

Washington, however, was resolved to capture the arch-traitor if

possible; and with this view he sent Lafayette to blockade him on the

land side, while a French squadron blockaded him by sea. Washington

wished Destouches to employ nearly the whole of his fleet in this

service; but the French admiral was apprehensive that Admiral Arbuthnot

might have collected and repaired his scattered ships; and he therefore

refused to risk more than one sixty-four-gun ship and two frigates.

These were put under the command of Commodore de Tilley; and they sailed

for the Chesapeak on the 9th of February. De Tilley, however, found

Arnold so well posted as to defy attack, and he returned to Rhode

Island. As he was returning, near the Capes of Virginia he fell in

with and captured the Romulus, a fifty-gun ship, which was sailing

from Charlestown to the Chesapeak. Washington now held a conference at

Newport, Rhode Island, with Rochambeau, Destouches, and other officers,

in which it was resolved to embark part of the French army, under the

command of Count de Viominil, and to risk the whole of the French

fleet to escort it, in order to capture Arnold. Destouches, the French

admiral, set sail on the 8th of March; but he was followed by Admiral

Arbuthnot, and brought to action off Cape Henry. After fighting for

about an hour, the French bore up and ran to leeward; and Destouches

then resolved to return to Rhode Island. In a few days General Phillips

arrived at Portsmouth to take the command over Arnold; and the defence

of Virginia was entrusted to Lafayette, who collected his forces on the

Elk River, and then marched into that province. In the meantime

Generals Phillips and Arnold were engaged in the work of destruction.

Williamsburg, York Town, Petersburg, and Chesterfield Court-house were

all captured, and public property, with a quantity of vessels found in

the different harbours, etc., were destroyed by them. After the capture

of Chesterfield Court-house, Arnold marched through Osbornes—where he

destroyed the tobacco—to Warwick; just above which place, and between

it and Richmond, an American flotilla had been collected. On his

approach the crews set fire to these vessels or scuttled them; and

escaping to the opposite shore, there joined a body of militia and fled

with them. Generals Phillips and Arnold now again united their forces

and marched to Manchester, a town on the southern bank of James’s River,

where they burned all the tobacco and stores. They contemplated crossing

the river to Richmond; but Lafayette had reached that place in the

course of the preceding evening, and they therefore retraced their steps

by the way of Warwick, and retired to Bermuda Hundred. Soon afterwards

they re-embarked their troops, and fell down the river to Hog Island,

where they remained till they received notice from Lord Cornwallis that

he was about marching into Virginia from the Carolinas, and expected

their co-operation.

LORD CORNWALLIS’S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA.

This was the last year in which any grand efforts were made for

the recovery of the colonies, and the plan of the campaign was thus

arranged. Lord Cornwallis was directed to penetrate through the

intervening provinces into Virginia, there to attack Lafayette, while

Sir Henry Clinton himself engaged to keep Washington and Rochambeau in

check. Cornwallis took the field early in this year, and having left a

considerable force under Lord Rawdon for the defence of South Carolina,

advanced towards the frontiers, and took a position at Winnsborough;

General Leslie proceeding towards Camden. About the same time the

American general, Greene, marched with the main body of his forces to

the Cheraw-hills, on the Pedee, having detached General Morgan to act on

the left of Lord Cornwallis. This movement alarmed the British commander

from some of his posts, and he despatched Colonel Tarleton, with a

force of about 1100 men, to counteract the designs of Morgan. This time

Tarleton was unsuccessful. Meeting with the enemy at a place called

the Cow-pens, although their force was greatly superior, he immediately

engaged them, and was defeated with considerable less. Soon after this

affair General Greene took the field in person, and Lord Cornwallis,

being joined by General Leslie, resolved to cross the Catawba and give

him battle. Cornwallis forced a passage over that river on the 1st of

February, and his troops scattered the North Carolina militia that were

stationed on the opposite bank to defend the ford, and killed many of

them, with General Davidson, their commander. Greene retreated to the

Yadkin, closely followed by Cornwallis, and both armies crossed that

river. Cornwallis took up a position between Greene and the frontiers

of Virginia, and a variety of manouvres and rapid marches ensued. In the

end, however, Greene succeeded in placing the river Dan between him

and the enemy, and getting on a line of march which would lead him into

Virginia, without being compelled to risk a battle. Desisting from the

pursuit, Cornwallis proceeded to Hillsborough, the capital of North

Carolina, where he raised the royal standard, and issued proclamations

to the people. All North Carolina appeared to be at his feet, for

there was no army to resist him, and the royalists soon began to form

themselves into independent companies, to serve with Tarleton’s legion.

Greene, however, who had been recruited on the Virginian frontier,

soon returned, resolving to keep the field, though he wished to avoid

a general engagement. Soon after his return he sent Lieutenant-colonel

Lee, with a detachment, against a body of nearly three hundred

loyalists, who had been collected by Colonel Pyle, and were marching to

join the British army. These unfortunate men mistook Lee’s troops

for their British allies, and being suddenly surrounded by them, were

butchered on the spot, in the act of imploring mercy. The disaster was

rendered still more dreadful by a mistake made by Colonel Tarleton.

Happening to be within a mile of this scene of slaughter, and hearing

the alarm, he recrossed the Haw, and meeting in his retreat with another

body of loyalists, he conceived that they were militiamen, and put them

to the sword. All these circumstances combined wholly disconcerted the

schemes of Lord Cornwallis in North Carolina, and he crossed the river

Haw, and encamped on Allamance Creek, in order to afford protection to

the great body of the royalists who resided between the Haw and the Deep

Rivers. Greene now advanced a little, and having crossed the Haw

near its source, took post between Troublesome Creek and Reedy Fork.

Discovering this movement, Cornwallis carried his army across Allamance

Creek and marched towards Reedy Fork, hoping to beat up the quarters of

Greene’s light troops, and to tempt Greene into a general engagement.

Cornwallis attacked Reedy Fork, and some light troops made a slight

stand upon the creek, but they were defeated with considerable

slaughter; and then Cornwallis found that Greene was retreating as

fast as he could across the Haw. Soon after, however, Greene received

considerable reinforcements, and considering himself strong enough to

face Cornwallis, he recrossed the Haw, and moved forward to Guildford

Court-house. Cornwallis instantly prepared to meet him, and a battle

was fought at that place on the 15th of March. The engagement, which was

maintained with determined valour on both sides, terminated honourably

to the British arms. Greene was compelled to retreat, and to leave the

field of battle, with his artillery, consisting of four pieces, in the

hands of Lord Cornwallis. The victory, however, was dearly purchased,

as about one hundred were killed and above four hundred wounded, which

amounted to nearly one-third of all the British troops engaged. The

loss was rendered more severe on the following night, when many of the

wounded expired from want of covering to shelter them from the rain,

which poured down in torrents on the field of battle. On discovering the

extent of his loss, Cornwallis felt that he was not in a condition to

follow up his victory, and as he could obtain no provisions where he

was, he was under the necessity of retreating. He left about seventy

of his wounded, who could not be removed, under a flag of truce, at a

Friends’ meeting-house, and on the third day after the battle, directed

his march towards Wilmington, near the mouth of Cape Fear River, a

post already occupied by the British troops, under the command of Major

Craig, and where he arrived on the 7th of April. In the meantime General

Greene, who had slowly moved in the rear of Cornwallis till he descended

towards the sea-coast, carried the war into South Carolina. Aware of his

movements, Cornwallis sent an express to Lord Rawdon, whom he had left

in that state, warning him of his danger. Rawdon occupied cantonments,

with the town of Camden for his centre, and against this position the

efforts of Greene were directed. The American general reached Camden

before the express, but Rawdon was apprised of his approach in

sufficient time to call in all his detachments, and to prepare for the

struggle. Rawdon had about 900 men under his command, and Greene about

1500 regular troops, and some corps of militia. Yet, although his force

was greatly superior, the American general did not venture to storm or

to invest Camden, but took up a position on Hobkirk’s-hill, about two

miles off, designing to remain there till he should be joined by Lee and

the independent partisan, Marion, each with a considerable force. Lord

Rawdon seems to have been aware of his expectations, and he resolved to

attack him on Hobkirk’s-hill before they could be realised. Rawdon was

successful. He charged the enemy with such impetuosity that they were

utterly routed, leaving behind them between two hundred to three hundred

killed or wounded, and about one hundred prisoners. Greene retreated

to a creek about twelve miles off, where he encamped to wait for

reinforcements, to attend to his sick and wounded, and to levy supplies

for his half-famished men. Lord Rawdou’s loss amounted, in killed,

wounded, and missing, to two hundred and fifty-eight, and as this number

could be ill spared out of so weak, a force, and some reinforcements

which he expected had not yet joined, he was obliged to retire from

the scene of his victory, and to act on the defensive. A portion of the

troops he expected arrived soon after at Charlestown, and Rawdon

marched thither to effect a junction. In his absence, Greene captured

Orangeburg, Fort Motte, Granby, and several other places, after which

he invested the strong post of Ninety-six, which was considered as

commanding the whole of the back country. Before this post could be

reduced, however, Lord Rawdon was enabled to bring up his forces, and he

retired into North Carolina, with his enemy in full pursuit. The British

general soon perceived that it was in vain to pursue the American force,

and he returned to Ninety-six, and from thence to Charlestown, taking

with him all the loyalists in that district. Greene now returned to

South Carolina, and being joined by detachments, under Lee, Sumpter,

and Marion, he encamped on the hills of Santee. Lord Rawdon retired

soon after to Orangeburg, from whence, on account of ill-health, he was

compelled to return to England. His troops were left under the command

of Colonel Stewart, who was attacked by the enemy at Eutaw Springs,

having previously suffered a loss of above three hundred men, who were

surprised in foraging. A desperate battle took place, during which

the artillery on both sides was several times taken and retakers Vast

numbers fell on both sides, and each claimed the victory; but it would

appear that it rather belonged to the British; for Greene retreated,

and they remained upon the ground the night after the action and all

the following day without molestation. Notwithstanding the result was

favourable to the Americans; for the British were compelled to

retire, and thenceforward confined their operations to the vicinity

of Charlestown. Hence it was that congress proclaimed the affair as a

great and glorious victory; and they likewise passed a resolution, for

presenting to Greene a golden medal and a British standard.

In the meantime Lord Cornwallis had been engaged in operations in the

heart of Virginia. He advanced from Wilmington right through North

Carolina, the whole of which he traversed without encountering

opposition, and on the 20th of May he reached Petersburg, where the

British forces were waiting for him. Before his arrival, General

Phillips had died of sickness, so that the chief command of the troops

had again devolved upon Arnold. Cornwallis found that Arnold had driven

Jefferson and the assembly of Virginia from Richmond to the village of

Charlottesville, and had compelled Lafayette to take up a post a few

miles below Richmond. Allowing himself but three days’ rest, Lord

Cornwallis marched from Petersburg in search of Lafayette. He crossed

James’s River at Westover, about thirty miles below the enemy’s

encampment; but on his approach, Lafayette retired towards the back

country, in order to effect a junction with eight hundred of the

Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne. No pursuit was attempted by

Lord Cornwallis, who now directed his attention to various expeditions.

As the Virginian planters possessed excellent horses, he was enabled, by

seizures, not only to remount his cavalry in a superior manner, but also

to have horses for mounting his infantry destined for rapid movements.

With such a force Tarleton was detached to beat up Jefferson and the

assembly at Charlottesville, where they were busy in voting taxes,

making paper-money, draughting the militia, and recruiting for the

Virginian line. Tarleton came upon the assembly so suddenly that seven

members were taken prisoners, and he captured and destroyed large

Quantities of military stores and tobacco. Jefferson and the rest of the

assembly made their escape by getting upon fresher horses. Lieutenant

Simcoe had been detached, with five hundred infantry, to destroy the

military stores deposited at the Point of Fork, fifty miles below

Richmond; and Tarleton now proceeded to join him in this enterprise.

Simcoe found that these stores had been removed by Baron Steuben to the

other side of the river Fluvanna, and that Steuben’s whole force had

followed in the same direction. Simcoe followed the baron, and by some

ingenious stratagems, made him believe that the whole army of Lord

Cornwallis was advancing against him. Acting upon this impression,

Steuben fled in disorder, and abandoned his stores, which were

destroyed by the British. Steuben joined Lafayette; and soon after, the

Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne, joined his forces likewise.

At this time Lord Cornwallis was advancing with his main body upon

Albemarle Old Court-house, where there was a great deposit of military

stores. Lafayette resolved to protect these, and by a rapid movement

he was enabled to take up a strong position in front, of Albemarle Old

Court-house some hours before Cornwallis arrived. Cornwallis had just

received orders from Sir Henry Clinton to send part of his troops back

to New York, in order to defend that city from a contemplated attack

by the joint forces of the French and Americans. Avoiding a battle,

therefore, Cornwallis slowly retired to Richmond, followed in his rear

by Lafayette, who had, however, no intention of risking an action.

From Richmond, the British general proceeded to Williamsburg, which he

captured without opposition. From Williamsburg, he marched to a ford

across James’s River, and sent part of his army, with his baggage and

stores, to the opposite bank, in the direction of Portsmouth. Lafayette,

who was still timidly following, conceived that nothing was left on

his side of the river but the rear-guard of the British, and he then

quickened his pace to strike a blow. A battle ensued, in which Lafayette

was routed, and his cannon taken, while he lost about three hundred

in killed and wounded. Lafayette retired up the river to repose his

harassed forces, and Lord Cornwallis then crossed the river, and marched

to Portsmouth. While here, he embarked the troops that were required at

New York; but before they sailed, he received fresh orders from

Clinton to retain them, as he had no longer any fear of Washington and

Rochambeau. Under these circumstances, as Portsmouth was not proper for

the reception and defence of ships of the line, and as it was not such a

post as was desired by Sir Henry Clinton, he resolved to proceed to, and

to fortify York Town, on York River. Part of his army was therefore sent

up the Chesapeak to take possession of this town, and by the 22nd of

August his whole force was concentrated there and at Gloucester Point.

{GEORGE III. 1781–1782}

SIEGE OF LORD CORNWALLIS IN YORK-TOWN.

By intercepted letters, written by Washington to congress, Sir Henry

Clinton discovered that an attack on New York was intended as soon as

Count de Grasse, the French admiral, should arrive with a new fleet.

Discovering this, great preparations were made to sustain a siege, and

it was when they were completed that Sir Henry Clinton countermanded the

troops which he had ordered Cornwallis to send him. Cornwallis was in

greater need of them than Sir Henry himself; for, although New York was

still threatened, it was against him that Washington now resolved to

direct his operations. Count de Grasse had avoided Admiral Rodney in his

passage, and he arrived in the Chesapeak on the 30th of August, with a

French fleet, consisting of twenty-eight sail of the line, and several

frigates, and having on board with him 3200 land troops. De Grasse

was here, also, joined by Count de Barras, with a French squadron,

consisting of eight ships of the line, which had been stationed at Rhode

Island. Having failed to intercept or to meet de Grasse in his passage

to America, Admiral Rodney despatched Sir Samuel Hood to New York, with

fourteen ships of the line, which, with the fleet at New York, it

was conceived would be a match for the French fleet. Admiral Graves

commanded the fleet at New York, but when Hood arrived he had only

seven ships of the line, and five of these only were ready for sea.

Nevertheless, as it was ascertained that de Grasse was either in

the Chesapeak or making for it, Graves, taking the command as senior

officer, on Hood’s arrival set sail in hopes of first cutting off the

French Rhode Island squadron, and then beating the larger fleet. Graves

found de Grasse, who had landed his troops to join Lafayette, just

within the Capes. The French admiral had not been yet joined by de

Barras, and, as soon as he found that the ships advancing were British,

he issued orders for them to put out to sea in line of battle, in order

to protect the squadron which he expected from Rhode Island. Graves gave

the signal for battle, and a warm engagement ensued, which was in favour

of the British. At night-fall, however, the two fleets separated without

any decisive issue on either side; and they remained within sight of

each other five days without renewing the engagement. At the end of

that period, on the 10th of September, de Grasse returned to his

old anchorage within the Capes, where he now found the Rhode Island

squadron. In the meantime Washington had put his forces in motion.

Leaving General Heath to defend the Hudson, he led his army down the

western side of that river, as though New York was still the point of

attack. This was fully expected by Sir Henry Clinton, and it was

not till Washington had passed the Delaware that his intention was

suspected. When he became aware of his real intentions—when he saw

that the efforts of the combined forces of the French and Americans

were directed against Lord Cornwallis, at York Town, he sought to recall

Washington to the north, by an expedition which he sent, under Arnold,

into Connecticut. Arnold took and reduced New London to ashes; but

Washington’s attention was nevertheless not diverted by this terrible

blow, from his main design. He proceeded southward to the Elk River,

which falls into the Chesapeak, where transports from the French fleet

were waiting to receive his forces; and, having seen them embarked, he

and Rochambeau proceeded by land to join Lafayette at Williamsburg. A

council of war was immediately held on board Count de Grasse’s ship,

wherein it was resolved that so soon as Washington’s and Rochambeau’s

forces arrived, their united efforts should be directed against York

Town. Lord Cornwallis, aware of his danger, as the hostile fleets and

armies were gathering thick around him, fortified his positions as well

as he could, hoping that he might be able to hold out till Sir Henry

Clinton could send him assistance. His hopes were the more bright

because the fleet at New York was about to be reinforced by six ships

of the line, under Admiral Digby. It was on the 28th of September that

the combined army of French and Americans appeared in sight of York

Town; and at the same time the French fleet advanced to the mouth of

York River, so as to prevent Cornwallis from retreating or receiving

succours by sea. On the same evening Lord Cornwallis received

intelligence from New York, that Admiral Digby had arrived with three

instead of six ships of the line, and that Sir Henry Clinton would

embark on the 5th of October, with 5000 men for his relief. After

receiving this intelligence, Cornwallis, under cover of the night,

withdrew his army from the outer works which he had erected on the open

grounds round about York Town, and concentrated them within the works

close to it. Those which he abandoned were occupied by detachments

from the combined army; and 2000 men took up a position in front of the

British at Gloucester Point. A part of the latter were commanded by the

Duke de Lauzun; against whom Colonel Dundas sallied out as he approached

the lines, and killed a great number of his men. Dundas was reinforced

by Colonel Tarleton and his legion, but the British then retired within

the lines, and the French and Americans gave up all thought of assault

and storm, and converted their operations into a blockade. The first

parallel was begun within six hundred yards of the British lines, on

the 6th of October, and by the 9th their well-garnished batteries were

completed; and an incessant cannonade was commenced against the town,

while showers of shells, thrown from many mortars, fell among the

besieged. More batteries were opened on the following clay, and the

shells and the red-hot balls set fire to a British ship of forty-four

guns and three transports, which were all destroyed. On the night of the

11th, the combined army, which amounted to 14,000 men, commenced their

second parallel within three hundred yards of the British lines. This

occupied their attention three days, during which time they suffered

severe loss from an incessant fire kept up upon them from York Town.

They particularly suffered from two advanced redoubts; and it became

necessary either to storm these or to abandon the approach. Accordingly

a body of Americans were employed against one of these redoubts, under

Lafayette, and a body of French against the other, under the Baron de

Viominil. There were only forty-five men in the redoubt, against which

Lafayette led his strong American column; yet before he could carry it,

more than forty of the assailants were either killed or wounded. The

other redoubt had more defenders, and caused greater mischief to the

enemy; but it was carried, and then both of them were included in the

second parallel of the besiegers, and the artillery that was taken in

them was directed against the town. The situation of Lord Cornwallis

was now becoming critical, for his works were sinking and crumbling,

and nearly all his guns were silenced. To retard the completion of the

second parallel, therefore, Cornwallis directed a sortie, under the

command of Lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie, against two of the enemy’s

batteries that were guarded by veteran French troops. The assault

was made on the 16th of October, and the French were driven from both

batteries, with the loss of more than one hundred in killed and wounded;

and having spiked the gnus, Abercrombie returned within the lines.

The spiked cannons, however, were soon made again fit for use, and the

batteries opened upon the town. Lord Cornwallis had reason to expect

that before this time Sir Henry Clinton would have arrived with his

promised relief. Still, though he was disappointed, he did not despair.

He saw, indeed, that he could not defend the town, but he I still hoped

to save at least a part of his army by a bold manouvre and a rapid

movement. The French blockading force, on the Gloucester side, was now

commanded by de Choisi; and Cornwallis conceived the idea of attacking

them, by night, and after dispersing this force, to mount his infantry

on the horses of the enemy’s cavalry, and then, by a rapid march, to

gain the fords of the great rivers, and force his way through Maryland,

Pennsylvania, and Jersey to New York. To this end the greater part of

the guards and part of the twenty-third regiment were embarked in boats,

and transported to Gloucester-point without being discovered; but they

were scarcely landed when a violent storm arose, which prevented the

return of the boats, and the whole scheme was frustrated. The troops

transported to Gloucester-point returned in the morning without great

loss, although the passage of the river was now exposed to the fire of

the enemy. All hope was now lost, for by this time the British works

were so demolished by the incessant fire of the enemy, that not a gun

could be fired from them; and when the bombs were counted, they were

found not to exceed one hundred. Under these circumstances, Lord

Cornwallis proposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, to

settle terms for capitulation. Washington replied, that it was his

wish to save the effusion of blood, and to accept such terms as were

admissible; and a negociation commenced, which ended in a treaty, by

which, on the 19th of October, York Town and Gloucester-point were given

up; the troops and stores being surrendered to Washington, and the ships

and seamen to Count de Grasse. As Lincoln had been refused the honour

of marching out of Charlestown with flying colours, this honour was

refused, by way of retaliation, to Lord Cornwallis; and Lincoln was also

appointed to receive the submission of the royal army in the same

manner as his own had been conducted. When the British surrendered, they

amounted to 5950 men, but of these only 4017 were fit for duty. On the

other hand, at the termination of the siege, the French and Americans,

owing to the constant arrival of recruits, volunteers, and militiamen,

had 18,000 men under arms. On both sides about five hundred were killed

and wounded during the siege. During the negociations Lord Cornwallis

endeavoured to obtain an indemnity for those of the inhabitants who

had joined his ranks; but he was obliged to consent that they should

be given up to the unconditional mercy of their countrymen: Washington

affirming that the matter of their forgiveness or punishment belonged to

the civil power. As, however, his lordship obtained permission for the

Bonetta sloop of war to pass unexamined to New York, he embarked as

many as he could on board that vessel, in order to screen them from the

vengeance of their countrymen. On the whole the terms of capitulation

were easier than might have been expected, considering what a scourge

Lord Cornwallis had been to the Americans. The whole of the south had

smarted from his operations, and it was calculated that in Virginia

alone 30,000 slaves were taken from their masters; and property to

the value of £3,000,000 sterling was destroyed during this summer. But

Washington felt that there was no time for driving a hard bargain, for

he expected that the British fleet and the land force from New York

would arrive on the scene of action, and he could not tell how soon

they might appear. Had Sir Henry Clinton sailed on the day he mentioned,

indeed, Lord Cornwallis would have been spared the anguish of a

surrender; but, unfortunately, he did not leave Sandy Hook till the very

day when the terms were signed, and it was the 24th before he reached

the Capes of Virginia. On arriving here, Clinton received some vague

accounts of the sad truth, and Admiral Graves did not venture up the

Chesapeak to attack the French fleet, but lay off’ the mouth five days,

and then he and Clinton agreed to return to New York. Such were the

events of the war in America during this campaign. It commenced with

bright hopes of success on the side of the British; it closed by those

hopes being dashed to the ground. The fall of York Town was but a

prelude to the emancipation of North America.

[Illustration: 160.jpg THE BRITISH SURRENDERING TO GENERAL WASHINGTON]

LOSS OF THE BRITISH DOMINION IN FLORIDA.

Further south the British dominion was already diminished. Early in

this year Don Bernardo Galvez arrived in the Gulf of Mexico with a

considerable squadron, and a land force of 8000 Spanish troops. Before

he could reach Pensacola he was overtaken by a hurricane, in which four

of his ships were lost, with 2000 men on board; and he was obliged

to run back to the Havanna. Solano, the chief admiral, had previously

arrived at the Havanna, and being supplied with more ships and troops

Galvez again put to sea. This time he succeeded in his designs.

Pensacola, the last of the British fortresses, was reduced by him,

and its fall completed the conquest of all Florida. The fortress was

defended by General Campbell, who had a motley group of negroes, red

Indians, foreign adventurers, and a few British regulars under his

command; but, on the 9th of May, after his principal powder-magazine

had been blown up, Campbell found himself under the necessity of

capitulating. He had gallantly defended the place for two months,

although he had not more than nine hundred and fifty men under his

command, and had to sustain the siege against a fleet of fifteen sail

of the line, and a land force almost ten times the number of his own

troops. Thus Florida, which was one of the principal acquisitions made

by the British during the last war, remained to the Spaniards.

ATTACK ON MINORCA.

In Europe the Spaniards not only continued the siege of Gibraltar, but

also undertook the reduction of Minorca. This island had recently been

offered to the Empress of Russia, as a bait to secure her friendship to

Great Britain, and to induce her to become mediatrix for a peace, on the

basis of the last treaty of Fontainbleau. At first the lure seemed to

be acceptable, and Potemkin, the minister of Catherine, was anxious to

obtain the acquisition; but subsequently the empress seemed to think

that the British empire must soon become dismembered, when probably she

might obtain more; and she therefore declined accepting it under the

conditions offered. This secret negociation became known to Florida

Blanca, the Spanish minister, and it became a pressing motive for an

attack on Minorca. Accordingly, having obtained the consent of the court

of Versailles to co-operate, this became one of the principal objects

of Spanish ambition. An expedition was fitted out with great skill

and caution, and the Duke of Crillon was appointed to the command. The

united fleets of France and Spain sailed out of Cadiz Bay on the 22nd of

July, and while the mass of the force stretched out into the ocean as

if with the intention of making a descent upon England, 8000 land troops

were transported through the straits to Minorca. A landing was effected

on the 19th of August, and General Murray, with his weak garrison of

two British and Hanoverian regiments, retired into Fort St. Philip, the

principal defence of the island. Crillon commenced operations by an act

which would have made the blood of his brave ancestor boil within his

veins: he offered General Murray a bribe of £100,000 sterling, and rank

and employment in the French or Spanish service, if he would surrender

and save him the trouble of a siege or blockade! This offer was

indignantly refused, and Crillon then laid siege to Fort St. Philip.

Yet, though he was reinforced in the course of the autumn by 4000 French

troops, with good artillery and engineer officers, with more ordnance

and other requisites for the siege, and though disease thinned the

originally weak ranks of the besieged, at the close of the year the fort

still remained in the hands of the British.

FRENCH AND SPANISH FLEETS IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL.

In the meantime the French and Spanish fleets advanced towards the

British coasts, and for some time rode triumphant in the Channel. At

this time Admiral Darby had sailed from Spithead on a cruise to the

Westward; but on the 26th of August he returned and got safely into

Torbay. He had with him only twenty-three sail of the line, twelve

frigates, and six fire-ships; while the united fleets amounted to

seventy sail, the greater number of which were ships of the line. The

French and Spanish commanders held a council of war, to consider whether

they should attack Darby in the harbour; but fear prevented them; and

after some unavailing attempts to intercept our homeward-bound traders,

this mighty armament, by the wretched state of its ships and crews,

caused by sickness and dissension, was compelled to return to port, in

the month of September, without performing any deed worthy of notice.

All that the French and Spanish admirals did was to pick up some English

vessels, which were bringing home part of the money and property which

the British had seized, as hereafter noticed, at St. Eustatius.

NAVAL ACTION WITH THE DUTCH.

While the French and Spanish fleets were menacing the English coasts,

a dreadful sea-fight took place between the British and the Dutch.

On returning from the Baltic with a convoy of merchant vessels, Rear

Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, in the beginning of August, fell in with

Admiral Zouttman, with a convoy of Dutch traders, off Dogger Bank.

Parker’s fleet consisted of six line-of-battle ships and several

frigates; and Zouttman’s, of ten ships of the line, eight large

frigates, and five sloops. On discovering each other both commanders

prepared for battle, and advanced in gloomy silence until the hostile

fleets were within pistol-shot. Never, perhaps, was more determined

valour exhibited than on this occasion. Ranged abreast of each other,

the hostile squadrons fought without intermission for nearly four hours.

The slaughter on each side was terrible: the English losing about five

hundred, and the Dutch about 1200 in killed and wounded. The action did

not cease till the fleets on both sides were disabled; and then

they lay-to for some time repairing damages, and apparently with the

intention of renewing the struggle. As soon as Zouttman’s ships were

made manageable, however, he wore round, and with all the sail he could

carry, bore away for the Texel. Parker could not pursue him with any

hope of overtaking him; but on the next day his frigates discovered the

Hollandia, a sixty-eight gun-ship, which had been ruined in the battle,

sunk in twenty-two fathoms of water; and it is said that most of the

crew were in her when she went down. By this victory the voyage of the

Dutch to the Baltic was abandoned; their means of procuring naval stores

were cut off; and their valuable carrying-trade was, for this year at

least, annihilated. On his arrival at the Nore, Parker was visited

by the King and the Prince of Wales; and every captain that had been

engaged in the action, and had escaped death, was presented to his

majesty on board the Fortitude. Notwithstanding, Sir Hyde Parker was

so indignant at the insufficiency of his fleet to effect any great

enterprise, that he resigned; and his son, Sir Peter Parker, was

appointed to the command of a squadron of frigates to block up the Dutch

ports.

CAPTURE OF ST. EUSTATIUS.

The Dutch met with a severe punishment for their perfidious conduct at

the hands of Admiral Rodney. Early intelligence of hostilities between

the two countries had been communicated to Rodney; and in conjunction

with General Vaughan he blockaded the island of St. Eustatius with his

whole fleet. Eustatius was a free port, and general depot of West

Indian and American produce, the property of nations both neutral and

belligerent. It was, however, a Dutch island, and that was sufficient to

warrant the seizure. And this was done without any difficulty. De

Graaf, the governor, incapable of making any defence, surrendered at

discretion; and merchandise of all descriptions, at the estimated value

of more than £3,000,000 sterling, which was stored up in the island,

fell into the hands of the British. About two hundred and fifty vessels

also, with much valuable property on board, were captured in the port;

and a fleet of thirty Dutch West Indiamen, that had just sailed for

Europe, was pursued by two ships of the line and a frigate, and every

vessel was taken. Moreover, as General Vaughan kept the Dutch colours

flying at St. Eustatius, a considerable number of Dutch, French, and

American vessels were subsequently decoyed into the harbour, where they

fell into the hands of the conquerors. Finally, the neighbouring small

islands of St. Martin and Saba, Dutch settlements, were reduced;

and about the same time others of their settlements on the rivers of

Demarara and Essequibo, in Guiana, after losing all their shipping and

most of their property, submitted to the governor of Barbadpes.

Among the sufferers by the capture of St. Eustatius were many British

merchants, who, confiding in its neutrality, had there accumulated large

quantities of West Indian produce and European goods. These merchants

stated the hardship of their case to Rodney and Vaughan; but the reply

given them was, that “the island of Eustatius was Dutch, everything in

it was Dutch, everything was under the protection of the Dutch flag, and

as Dutch it should be treated.” But this was only the law of the sword.

Suits at law ware subsequently instituted in the British courts,

which decided otherwise; for large sums were recovered by the British

merchants from the admiral. Notwithstanding, though Rodney erred against

strict legal right, he had a powerful argument on his side—namely, that

he considered himself justified in confiscating the property of British

subjects, who, for their own private gain, had sacrificed the interests

of their country. This argument was founded in strict truth. Eustatius

had long been the chief magazine whence the Americans had procured

supplies; and in that commerce British merchants, more selfish than

patriotic, had anticipated. But the largest portion of the property

seized belonged to the Dutch West India Company, the Amsterdam

merchants, and Americans, and these had no courts to which they could

appeal for its restoration. Notwithstanding, as before seen, England did

not reap the full advantages of these seizures, as some of the ships in

which the treasures were stored, were captured by the French and Spanish

fleets in the English Channel. The island itself also was surrendered

to the French, towards the end of the year, by Colonel Cockburn, in a

manner that reflects no great honour on his valour.

COMMODORE JOHNSTONE ATTACKED BY DE SUFFREIN, ETC.

During this year the British Cabinet aimed at dispossessing the Dutch

of the Cape of Good Hope. Commodore Johnstone was appointed to this

enterprise; and he sailed with five ships of the line, some frigates,

and smaller vessels, having on board three regiments, under the command

of General Meadows. At the solicitation of their ally, the court

of Versailles despatched a superior force, under M. de Suffrein, to

counteract this design. De Suffrein found Johnstone in the neutral part

of Praya, in the island of St. Jago, and proceeded to attack him. He

advanced as to certain victory; but though the British force was at

first thrown into some confusion, de Suffrein was in the end defeated.

Failing in his attempt, the French admiral sailed to the Cape, which he

succeeded in reaching before his enemy, and where he landed some troops

for the defence of Cape Town. In following de Suffrein, the British

commodore met with five Dutch East Indiamen, richly laden, and

he succeeded in capturing four of them, and in burning the other.

Perceiving, however, that he could not compass the original object of

his expedition, he returned to England. When he first set sail, Johnson

was accompanied by some outward-bound East Indiamen, which, on his

return, he intrusted to Captain Christie, with whom he left a squadron

for their defence. Christie captured a French frigate, and convoyed the

East Indiamen safely to their place of destination. In the meantime de

Suffrein sailed to Pondicherry; but he could not prevent the triumph

of British arms on the coast of Coromandel and the island of Sumatra.

During the autumn, Negapatnam, Pedang, and other places belonging to the

French and Dutch, were captured.

FURTHER OPERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.

It was while Admiral Rodney was employed at St. Eustatius, that de

Grasse spread his sails for the Chesapeake. Rodney detached Hood and

Drake, with seventeen sail of the line, to intercept his course off

Fort Royal Bay, and a partial engagement took place, but de Grasse was

nevertheless able to hold on his way.

While he proceeded onwards for America, the Marquis de Bouille suddenly

appeared off the island of St. Lucie, and landed some troops; but he was

foiled in his designs, and he then turned his attention to the reduction

of Tobago. This island, though bravely and ably defended by Governor

Ferguson, was captured; and this conquest terminated all naval

operations for the year in the West Indies. Soon after, Rodney returned

to England on account of his health, and Sir Samuel Hood was left in

command of the fleet.

SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN POWERS TOWARD ENGLAND.

The British cabinet were everywhere frustrated in their endeavours to

gain friends and allies. After the failure of their negociations with

Spain, they sought to purchase the friendship of the emperor Joseph II.,

by offering to him the navigation of the Scheldt, and other advantages,

both commercial and political. Joseph, however, still retained all his

ancient resentment against George III. and his ministers, and their

overtures were unheeded. The offers of the British cabinet, indeed,

appear to have been construed by him into a confession of weakness; for

he even ordered his subjects to withdraw their money from the English

funds, under the plea that a national bankruptcy was inevitable.

Probably, the long and loud cry of the opposition, concerning the

weakness and poverty of England, had reached his ears, which may have

led him into the belief that such a consummation was at hand. It would

have been well for Joseph’s honour had he stopped here. Although England

was surrounded by enemies, and not a friend held forth a helping hand,

he sought to arm the Empress of Russia against her; asserting, that as

Great Britain had commenced hostilities against the Dutch, on account of

the Armed Neutrality, she was called on to assist them by treaty. Joseph

failed in his attempt to put the sword into the hands of the empress,

but he diminished her attachment to the English, and increased her

desire to extend that confederacy. As for Joseph himself, he now openly

declared his accession to the Armed Neutrality, and thereby testified a

desire for the triumph of the Americans, so that ministers plainly saw

that they had nothing to hope from his mediation. This he continued

to offer, while binding himself to the most active enemies of Great

Britain; but “all was false and hollow.”

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament reassembled on the 27th of November. Two days before

this, intelligence had arrived of the surrender of Lord

Cornwallis—intelligence which had caused great consternation in the

British cabinet. His majesty, however, had heard the news with calmness,

dignity, and self-command; and his speech from the throne was in the

same determined language as at the close of the last session, when the

prospects of the nation were radiant with hope. After expressing his

concern at the sad reverse, he declared that he could not consent to

sacrifice, either to his own desire of peace, or to the temporary

ease and relief of his subjects, those essential rights and permanent

interests on which the strength and security of this country must ever

principally depend. He retained, he said, a firm confidence in the

protection of Divine Providence, and a perfect conviction of the

justice of his cause; and he called for the concurrence and support of

parliament, together with a vigorous, animated, and united exertion of

the faculties and resources of the people. In the course of his speech

he remarked, that the favourable appearance of our affairs in the East

Indies, and of the safe arrival of our numerous commercial fleets,

were matters for congratulation: evidently designing these as a kind of

set-off for our reverses in the West, and as encouragements to persevere

in the struggle.

In the commons, an amendment to the address was moved by Mr. Fox, who

declared, “that any one unacquainted with the British constitution, and

not knowing that the speech was contrived by a cabinet-council, would

pronounce it that of an arbitrary and unfeeling monarch, who, having

involved the slaves, his subjects, in a ruinous and unnatural war, to

glut his enmity or satiate his revenge, was determined to persevere, in

spite of calamity or fate itself.” In the burden of the speech, and the

address, opposition had a fine theme for declamation. The mover of the

address complained, in strong terms, that certain members were so lost

to honour and duty, as to glory in the success of the enemy. Fox replied

to this invective in the words which Lord Chatham had used at the

commencement of the dispute: he “thanked God that America had resisted

the claims of the mother country!” He then continued:—“All the

calamities of the nation are ascribed to the wishes, the joy, and the

speeches of the opposition. O, miserable and unfortunate ministers!

Blind and incapable men!—whose measures are framed with so little

foresight, and executed with so little firmness, that they crumble to

pieces, and bring ruin on the country merely because a rash, weak,

or wicked man in the house of commons makes a speech against them!

Retrospective measures are deprecated; but ministers must bear to hear

them from the representatives of an abused people. He even trusted that

they would hear them at the tribunal of justice, and expiate them on

the public scaffold! He would not say they were actually in the pay of

France, for he could not prove the fact; but he would venture to say,

that they had worked for the aggrandisement of the Grand Monarque more

faithfully and successfully than any ministers of his own had ever

done.” Fox then reviewed the origin and conduct of the war, ascribing

our loss to the undue influence of the crown, and connecting the

calamities of the nation with the system of government, and to every

one in power, and particularly to Lord Sandwich, as first lord of the

admiralty He concluded by saying, that there was no hope of better

things until the whole cabinet was changed; and by moving, as an

amendment, a clause, binding the house to apply themselves with united

hearts, to propose and adjust such counsels as might, in this crisis,

excite the efforts, point the arms, and, by a total change of system,

command the confidence of all his majesty’s subjects. Mr. Thomas Pitt

followed on the same side, reiterating the oft-repeated cry of secret

influence, and expressing a hope that ministers would not be displaced

till they had brought the nation to such a crisis as must draw down on

their heads their just reward! Other members spoke in reproachful terms

of the condition of the navy, and were answered by Lord Mulgrave, who

proved that their accusations were unjust and unfounded. Lord North

replied to Fox, and expressed great indignation at the insinuation, that

ministers were in the pay of France. There was no man in the kingdom, he

said, that would believe such a monstrous absurdity; and he vindicated

their zeal in the service of their country, and ascribed any errors that

had been committed to the head rather than to the heart. The American

war, he continued, was prosecuted, not with the design of aggrandising

the crown at the expense of the constitution, but of preserving,

unbroken, that venerable fabric for which our forefathers had bled, and

which all Europe envied. He then reminded the house, that the quarrel

had been begun by parliament, and not by the king—not under the present

ministry, but by that formed out of the ranks of the members of the

existing opposition. A disaster had occurred in Virginia, but were we,

he asked, on that account to lie down and die? For his own part, he

thought, that it should rather animate us to increased exertions: by

dejection and despair everything might be lost. As for himself, he

declared, that he would not be deterred by menaces of impeachment from

striving to preserve the rights and legislative authority of parliament.

The war had been unfortunate, but not unjust: it was founded in right,

and dictated by necessity. He had always thought so, he added, and

if the share he had taken in it should bring him to the scaffold, his

opinions would remain unaltered. Burke replied to the premier in a

speech of great power. North’s speech, he said, was not only imprudent

but audacious. “The war,” he “continued, was not unfortunate, but

disgraceful; for the former epithet could only apply to occurrences in

which fortune alone was concerned, whereas the present war exhibited

neither plan nor foresight. Victory and defeat, in this case, were each

equally calamitous, for each instigated us to go on; but the

king’s speech was the greatest of all calamities, for it showed the

determination of ministers to consummate our ruin.” Burke spoke largely

on the “rights” for which it was said that the war was begun, and for

which it was continued. He asked, whether we ought to risk everything,

and think of no consequences for the sake of a right? Whether ministers

did not know that right without might was of little worth? and whether

a claim, without the power of enforcing it, was not nugatory in the

copyhold of rival states? He compared the reasonings of ministers to a

man, who, full of his prerogative of dominion over a few beasts of the

field, should assert his right to shear a wolf, because it had wool

upon its back, without considering whether he had the power of using the

shears, or whether the animal would submit to the operation of shearing.

He remarked:—“Are we yet to be told of the rights for which we went to

war? Oh, excellent rights! Oh, valuable rights! Valuable you should be,

for we have paid dear at parting with you. Oh, valuable rights! that

have cost Britain thirteen provinces, four islands, 100,000 men, and

more than £70,000,000 of money! Oh, wonderful rights! that have lost

to Great Britain her empire on the ocean,—her boasted, grand, and

substantial superiority,—which made the world bend before her! Oh,

inestimable rights! that have taken from us our rank among nations—our

importance abroad, and our happiness at home; that have taken from us

our trade, our manufactures, and our commerce; that have reduced us from

the most flourishing empire in the world, to be one of the most compact

and unenviable powers on the globe! Oh, wonderful rights! that are

likely to take from us all that yet remains!” This picture of the

nation’s misery, however, was greatly overwrought. England was not yet

reduced to the abject state in which Burke would have had the house

believe she was in. Her empire on the seas was not yet lost, nor was she

shorn of her rank among the nations. Provinces, islands, men, money, and

trade had been lost in the struggle, but she was still able to lift

up her head among the nations of the earth. Opposition, in truth, in

uttering this language, must have felt that it partook of the nature of

Oriental hyperbole; and all men could see that it was adopted for party

purposes. Fox’s amendment was negatived by two hundred and eighteen

against one hundred and twenty-nine.

A similar amendment to that of Fox was moved in the house of lords

by the Earl of Shelburne, who decried the whole conduct of the

war, imputing its disasters to a want of system, combination, and

intelligence; expressed his fears that we might find another Chesapeak

at Plymouth, or in the Thames; declaimed against the war with Holland,

as a perfidious measure; and asserted, in the language of Chatham, that

if the present system were pursued, “his majesty’s crown would soon

be not worth his wearing.” The Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of

Rockingham, and Lord Camden likewise censured the conduct of ministers:

the former ascribing all the faults of government to an interior

cabinet. In support of this, Richmond quoted Chatham’s declaration,

“that when he entered the king’s closet, he found the ground rotten, and

himself duped and deceived.” The measures of government were defended

by the lord-chancellor, Lord Stormont, and the Earl of Hillsborough, and

the amendment was rejected by seventy-five against thirty-one.

On bringing up the report of the address, the debate was renewed, in the

course of which William Pitt delivered a speech which was applauded by

both sides of the house. In his speech Pitt protested against the house

pledging itself by the address to continue the American war; asserted,

that no two members on the treasury-bench agreed in sentiment, or

were in heart sincere friends; denied that the war was either just or

necessary; spoke with horror of the fate which awaited the American

royalists by the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis; and expressed a hope,

that if ministers persevered in their present course, they might meet

with a fate equally severe. Burke also animadverted in glowing terms

on the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis, and the omission of any article

which would secure the American loyalists from the vengeance of their

countrymen. He remarked:—“It is a horrid spectacle which must meet the

eyes of a prince of the blood, (Prince William Duke of Clarence,) who

cannot sail along the American coast without beholding the faithful

adherents of his father hanging in quarters on every headland.” This

was literally true; but the fact is, the headlands of America had been

decorated with gibbets from the very commencement of the war, and the

surrender of Lord Cornwallis had nothing to do with the matter. As for

the fall of Cornwallis, it was not an ignoble one; for his handfull of

men could scarcely have been expected to hold out against the united

arms of France and America. One member, Mr. Courtenay, in reply, justly

observed that his chains were wreathed with laurels; that he was an

ornament to his profession; and that he was entitled to the highest

dignities that could be conferred upon him by his sovereign. The report

was adopted by one hundred and thirty-one against fifty-four.

{GEORGE III. 1781–1782}

CENSURES ON RODNEY AND VAUGHAN.

On the 4th of December Burke moved for a committee of the whole house,

“to inquire into the confiscation of the effects, wares, and merchandise

belonging to his majesty’s new subjects of St. Eustatius, and further

to inquire into the sale and distribution of a great part of the said

effects to the islands belonging to France, and to other parts of

the dominions of his majesty’s enemies.” In making this motion, Burke

represented the attack on Eustatius as wanton; maintained, that by means

of the effects and stores which had been sold there, the enemy had been

supplied with what they otherwise could not have obtained; and accused

Rodney of promoting the success of the French by lingering at the island

while their fleet was reinforced, so as to enable them to take Tobago.

Rodney and Vaughan were both in the house, and the former replied to

this attack. The residents, who called themselves Englishmen, he said,

were chiefly Jews of the worst character, who had been in the habit of

supplying the enemies of England with warlike stores, and therefore were

unworthy of favour. As to the charge of neglect, he remarked, that he

had taken every care to see the stores found at St. Eustatius safely

conveyed to his majesty’s store-houses at Antigua, and that he had,

under every circumstance, made the best use of the inferior fleet at his

disposal: this he proved by narrating how he was situated at the time.

Vaughan, in his defence, declared that he had not been benefited to the

amount of a single shilling by the capture of St. Eustatius; that he had

treated the enemy with great lenity; and that he had acted to the best

of his judgment for his country’s welfare. The motion was negatived by

one hundred and sixty-three again st eighty-nine.

DEBATE ON THE NAVY.

On the 5th of December Lord Lisburne moved, that

100,000 seamen should be granted for the ensuing year. Mr. Hussey, a

member of opposition, moved an amendment, substituting 110,000, which

brought on a stormy debate on the state of the navy, in the course

of which ministers were taunted with delay and neglect in fitting out

ships. It was asserted, that if ministers refused the additional supply

offered, they must be suspected of some dark and sinister design; but

they nevertheless did refuse the offer, and the amendment was rejected

by one hundred and forty-three against seventy-seven.

MOTION OF SIR JAMES LOWTHER FOR PEACE, ETC.

Previous to the debate on the navy, when the army estimates were laid

before the house, a motion was made, that no supplies should be granted

until the ministers had given proof of repentance and amendment—in

other words, that war with America should be discontinued. This was

negatived by an overwhelming majority; but nothing daunted by this

defeat, on the 12th of December Sir James Lowther moved these two

resolutions:—“To declare that the war carried on in the colonies and

plantations of North America had been ineffectual to the purposes for

which it had been undertaken; and that it was also the opinion of the

house, that all further attempts to reduce the Americans to obedience

by force must be injurious to this country, by weakening her powers to

resist her ancient and confederated enemies.” The motion was seconded by

Mr. Powys, in a long and able speech, in which he declared that, as no

idea of revenue remained, and that as there was no idea of alleviating

the burdens of Great Britain by carrying on the war, the country

gentlemen, long deceived, could be deceived no longer. Some of the

supporters of government seem either to have been convinced of their

error, or to have perceived that a change was coming, for more than

twenty spoke or voted in favour of the motion. It was, however, opposed

by Lords North and Germaine, and, on a division, was negatived by two

hundred and twenty to one hundred and seventy-nine. War, therefore,

was to be continued. At the same time it was evident, from Lord North’s

speech, that the plan of operations would, in the next campaign, be

materially altered. It would not, he said, be wise or right to prosecute

the war in America on a continental plan; that is, by sending fresh

armies through the colonies. North, however, argued that the posts

held in America must be defended, and that the British trade must be

protected against American privateers. The subject of war was renewed

on the 14th, when Mr. Pitt reviewed the whole of the operations, and

asserted, that the ministry were intent only upon one thing, and that

was the destruction of the empire. He added:—“God grant that their

punishment be not so long delayed as to involve a great and innocent

family, who, though they share not the guilt, will most likely

participate in the atonement.” Sir George Saville followed, and in his

speech likened the crown and parliament to dancers in a minuet, to a

tune composed by the cabinet—the crown led off one way, the parliament

to the opposite corner; and they then joined hands, when the dance

ended as it began. He also compared ministers to the Spartan, (it was an

Athenian,) who, in an engagement by sea, seized the stern with his right

hand, which was instantly chopped off; and who then renewed the effort

with his left, which shared the same fate, whereupon he seized the

galley with his teeth. The ministry had lost two armies in attempts on

America, yet they were determined to proceed; but he warned them, that

when the Spartan seized the vessel with his teeth, he forfeited his

head. This debate was intended to delay the supplies; but on a division,

the majority was one hundred and sixty-six to eighty-four. Subsequently

a debate occurred on the subject of the ex-president Lauren’s

imprisonment in the Tower, and Mr. Burke gave notice of a motion on his

behalf; but this was rendered unnecessary, as Laurens was soon after

discharged in exchange for General Burgoyne. In the upper house an

attempt was made by the Marquess of Rockingham to prevent the third

reading of the Malt and Land-tax Bills before the recess, but it

was unavailing. Such were the proceedings of parliament before the

adjournment.