[Illustration: frontispiece.jpg QUEEN VICTORIA]
[Illustration: titlepage12.jpg VIGNETTE]
THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND
Volume III.
BY DAVID HUME, ESQ.
1688
London: James S. Virtue, City Road and Ivy Lane
New York: 26 John Street
1860
In Three Volumes:
VOLUME ONE: The History Of England From The Invasion Of Julius Cæsar To
The End Of The Reign Of James The Second............ By David Hume, Esq.
VOLUME TWO: Continued from the Reign of William and Mary to the Death of
George II........................................... by Tobias Smollett.
VOLUME THREE: From the Accession of George III. to the Twenty-Third Year
of the Reign of Queen Victoria............... by E. Farr and E.H. Nolan.
VOLUME THREE
CONTINUATION
OF
THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
By E. Farr and E. H. Nolan
[Illustration: 3–001–george3.jpg GEORGE III.]
{GEORGE III. 1760–1765}
GEORGE III.
CHAPTER I.
Accession of George III...... Meeting of Parliament, &c.
Judges made independent of the Crown..... Changes in the
Cabinet..... The Operations of the War..... The Resignation of
Mr. Pitt..... The Marriage of the King..... Coronation of
their Majesties..... Meeting of Parliament..... Disturbances
in Ireland..... War with Spain..... France and Spain declare
War against Portugal..... Dissensions in the Cabinet.....
Events in Germany, &c. Negociations for Peace..... The
Meeting of Parliament, and the Conclusion of Peace..... The
Resignation of Bute..... The Character and Impeachment of
Wilkes..... Changes in the Cabinet..... Meeting of Parliament,
and further proceedings against Wilkes..... Proposition to
tax the American Colonies..... Opposition of the Americans.....
War with the North American Indians..... Domestic
Occurrences
{1760}
ACCESSION OF GEORGE III.
Few monarchs ever ascended a throne under more auspicious circumstances
than George III. The sources of national wealth and prosperity
were daily becoming developed, and the British arms were everywhere
victorious. So extensive were their conquests, indeed, that it may
be said, the sun rose and set, at this date, within the limits of the
British dominions.
Prince George, who was the eldest son of the late Frederick, Prince of
Wales, was riding on horseback in the neighbourhood of Kew palace, with
his groom of the stole, Lord Bute, when news was brought him that his
grandfather was dead. This intelligence was confirmed soon after by
the arrival of Mr. Pitt, the head of the government, and they repaired
together to Kew. On the next morning George went up to St. James’s,
where Pitt waited upon him, and presented the sketch of an address to
be pronounced at the meeting of the privy council. Pitt, however, was
doomed to find a rival where he thought to have found a friend. He was
told by his majesty, that an address had already been prepared, which
convinced him that Bute, on whose favour he had reckoned, would not
be contented with a subordinate place in the new government, but would
aspire to the highest offices in the state. In the course of the day,
October 26th, George was proclaimed king with the usual solemnities.
The accession of George, notwithstanding, did not involve any immediate
change in the existing administration. The Earl of Bute, together with
Prince Edward, Duke of York, were admitted into the privy council, but
it was given out that his majesty was satisfied, and even charmed,
with the existing cabinet, and that he would make no changes, with the
exception of a few in the household and in the minor offices. One of the
first acts of George III., was a proclamation “for the encouragement of
piety and virtue, and for preventing and punishing of vice, profaneness,
and immorality.” This was naturally looked upon as a token of his
majesty’s virtue and devotion, which view was borne out by his after
character; for although the proclamation may be considered in the
light of a dead letter as regards actual operation, it was enforced,
or recommended, by his example; and example hath a louder tongue either
than precept, proclamations, or laws. From the beginning to the close
of his long reign, George III. manifested a decent, moral, and religious
life, which doubtless had very beneficial effects upon society at large.
On the accession of the new king, parliament was prorogued, first to
the thirteenth, and afterwards to the eighteenth, of November. In the
meantime, public attention was engaged by the equipment of a large
squadron of men-of-war and transports at Portsmouth, and speculations
were rife as to the policy of the monarch—whether it would be
favourable to war or to peace. All classes of society, however, agreed
in anticipating the happiest results from his rule, since he had been
born and bred among them, and was well acquainted with the language,
manners, laws, and institutions of the people over whom he presided.
Loyal and dutiful addresses, expressing such sentiments, were presented
to the young monarch by the city of London, the two universities, and
from various bodies of people, to all which he returned sententious but
suitable replies, declaring his fixed resolve to respect their rights
and conciliate their esteem. A letter was addressed to him by the
venerable Bishop of London, Dr. Sherlock, as a parting benediction, in
which he gave him the following wise council:—“You, sir,” he writes,
“are the person whom the people ardently desire; which affection of
theirs is happily returned by your majesty’s declared concern for their
prosperity: and let nothing disturb this mutual consent; let there be
but one contest, whether the king loves the people best, or the people
him; and may it be a long, a very long, contest; may it never be
decided, but let it remain doubtful; and may the paternal affection on
the one side, and the filial obedience on the other, he had in perpetual
remembrance.”
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT ETC.
The new king met parliament for the first time on the eighteenth of
November. He opened the session with a speech, announcing not only the
state of public and domestic affairs, but also the general principles by
which he intended to rule. One clause in his speech was very gratifying
to the people: “Born and educated in this country,” he observed, “I
glory in the name of Briton.” Having uttered this memorable sentence, he
said it would be the happiness of his life to promote the happiness and
interests of his loyal and affectionate people; and that their civil
and religious rights were equally as dear to him as the valuable
prerogatives of his crown. He then declared, that on his accession to
the throne of his ancestors he found the kingdom in a flourishing and
glorious state; victorious and happy; although engaged in a necessary
war, which, in the language of the late reign, he designated, “a war for
the Protestant interest.” In this speech he neither spoke of peace nor
negociation, but asked the assistance of parliament to prosecute this
war with vigour. Finally, addressing the Commons on the subject of
supplies, he concluded his speech thus:—“The eyes of all Europe are on
you; from your resolutions the Protestant interest hopes for protection,
as well as all our friends for the preservation of their independency;
and our enemies fear the final disappointment of their ambitious and
destructive views: let these hopes and fears be confirmed and augmented,
by the vigour, unanimity, and despatch of our proceedings. In this
expectation I am the more encouraged, by a pleasing circumstance, which
I consider one of the most auspicious omens of my reign—that happy
extinction of divisions, and that union and good harmony, which continue
to prevail amongst my subjects, afford me the most agreeable prospects;
the natural disposition and wish of my heart are to cement and promote
them; and I promise myself, that nothing will arise on your part to
interrupt or disturb a situation so essential to the true and lasting
felicity of this great people.” This speech was warmly responded to
by addresses from both houses of parliament; and the supplies for the
ensuing year, amounting to £19,616,119, were cheerfully voted, while the
civil list was fixed at £809,000; the king, on his part, consenting to
such a disposition of the hereditary revenues of the crown, as might
best promote the interests of the nation.
War, therefore, was to be continued, and Mr. Pitt and his colleagues
seemed to be confirmed in office: yet at this very moment the train was
laying for their expulsion. Earl Bute was anxious to become secretary
of state, and he was busily engaged in a correspondence with the noted
intriguer, Bubb Doddington. A few days after the meeting of parliament
his lordship declared to Doddington, that Lord Holderness “was ready at
his desire to quarrel with his fellow ministers, and go to the king and
throw up with seeming-anger, and then he (Bute) might come in without
seeming to displace anybody.” This expedient, however, did not please
Doddington, and Bute paid deference to his opinion. Still the two
friends took counsel together on this important affair. In a letter
from Doddington to Bute, which was written in December, he advises “that
nothing be done that can be justly imputed to precipitation; nothing
delayed that can be imputed to fear.” He adds: “Remember, my noble and
generous friend, that to recover monarchy from the inveterate usurpation
of oligarchy, is a point too arduous and important to be achieved
without much difficulty, and some degree of danger; though none but what
attentive moderation and unalterable firmness will certainly surmount.”
In his career of ambition, Bute, who was “better fitted to perform
Lothario on the stage,” than to act as secretary of state, paid small
regard to danger, but kept his eye fixed steadily on the point he had
in view. In January, he told Doddington that “Mr. Pitt meditated a
retreat;” and in the same month Doddington writes to him—“If the
intelligence they bring me be true, Mr. Pitt goes down fast in the city,
and faster at this end of the town: they add, you rise daily. This may
not be true; but if he sinks, you will observe that his system sinks
with him, and that there is nothing to replace it but recalling the
troops and leaving Hanover in deposit.” Again, on the 6th of February,
Lord Bute declared, that it was easy to make the Duke of Newcastle
resign, but at the same time he expressed a doubt as to the expediency
of beginning in that quarter. Doddington replied, that he saw no
objection to this step; and that if Bute thought there was, he might put
it into hands that would resign it to him when he thought proper to take
it. But Bute was not disposed to try the duke too much, nor to risk
too bold a leap at once: so all ill humours were concealed under a fair
surface.
Had Earl Bute taken any decisive step thus early in the reign of the new
king, it would probably have exposed him to public derision and scorn.
At this time the old system seemed to please everybody; and among the
supplies voted by the House of Commons, none were more freely granted
than the continental subsidies, and especially that of £670,000 to
the King of Prussia. His victory at Torgau, which subjected all
Saxony—Dresden excepted—to his power, was made known in England just
before the meeting of parliament, and it had the effect of raising him
high in the public favour of the people of England. Nor was it less
advantageous to him on the Continent. His victory, with its results,
indeed, were a full compensation to him for the previous losses he had
sustained during the campaign. Laudohn raised the siege of Cosel, and
evacuated Silesia; the Russians raised that of Colburg, and retreated
into Poland; and the Swedes were driven out of Western Pomerania. In
the same spirit of gratitude, the parliament granted £200,000 to our
colonies in America, for the expenses they had incurred, and the
efforts they had made in the present war—a war which laid some of the
groundworks of the independence which a few years later was claimed by
those colonies.
JUDGES MADE INDEPENDENT OF THE CROWN.
By an act passed in the year 1701, under the reign of William III., the
commissions of the judges were continued _quamdiu bené se gesserint_;
or the power of displacing them was taken from the crown, and their
continuance in office was made solely dependent on the faithful
discharge of their duties, so that it might be lawful to remove them
on the address of both houses to the king. Still, at the demise of the
crown, their offices were vacated, and George II. had even refused to
renew the commission of a judge who had given him personal offence.
Towards the close of this session, his present majesty, in a speech from
the throne, recommended an important improvement in this matter, which
greatly increased his popularity. He declared his wish to render the
bench still more independent of the crown, and the administration of
justice still more impartial; and he recommended that provisions should
be made for the continuance of their commissions and salaries, without
any reference to the death of one king, or the accession of his
successor. In compliance with this expressed wish, a bill was framed for
rendering the judges thus independent, which was carried through both
houses. It received the royal assent on the 19th of March, on which day
his majesty put an end to the session.
CHANGES IN THE CABINET.
Before this event took place, a certain party in the state began to
think that circumstances would authorise them to commence a gradual
change of ministers, and of the policy of the nation. In this his
majesty seems to have coincided, for on the same day that he closed the
session, Mr. Legge, who was co-partner with Mr. Pitt in popularity,
was unceremoniously dismissed from the office of chancellor of the
exchequer, and Sir Francis Dashwood nominated his successor. On the same
day, also, Lord Holderness having secured a pecuniary indemnification,
with the reversion of the wardenship of the cinque ports, resigned the
office of secretary of state in favour of Lord Bute. It was said that
the king “was tired of having two secretaries, of which one (Pitt)
_would_ do nothing, and the other (Holderness) _could_ do nothing; and
that he would have a secretary who both could and would act.” At the
same time, Lord Halifax was advanced from the board of trade to be
Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and was replaced by Lord Barrington; and the
Duke of Richmond, displeased by a military promotion injurious to his
brother, resigned his post as lord of the bedchamber. Other changes, of
minor importance, took place—such as the introduction of several Tories
into the offices of the court, and there was a considerable addition
made to the peerage. These changes were, doubtless, unpalatable to Mr.
Pitt; but Horace Walpole says that he was somewhat softened by the offer
of the place of cofferer for his brother-in-law, James Grenville. At all
events Mr. Pitt continued in office, and Earl Bute consented to leave
the management of foreign affairs in his hands; but at the same time,
both Bute and his majesty gave him to understand that an end _must_ be
put to the war.
THE OPERATIONS OF THE WAR.
Since the accession of George III., the events of the war had been
various. Although Frederick the Great had driven the Russians and
Austrians from his capital, they were still within his own territory;
while the French were on the side of the Rhine, and the Swedes continued
to threaten invasions. Such was his situation when he heard that George
II, was dead; that his successor was desirous of peace; that some of his
advisers were projecting a separate treaty with France; and that it was
probable that the English subsidies would soon be discontinued. This
intelligence in some degree was confirmed by the tardiness with which
the subsidy, so readily granted by the parliament in December, was paid
into his treasury. Nothing daunted, however, Frederick planned fresh
campaigns, and remonstrated with England; and, as an effect of the bold
front he put upon his affairs, he had the satisfaction of learning,
before he went into winter-quarters, that the Russians had retired
beyond the Vistula, and that the Austrians and Swedes had departed
out of Brandenburg, Silesia, and Pomerania. Still his situation was a
critical one. His losses in men had been great, his coffers were empty,
and his recruiting was therefore difficult: he looked forward to the
campaign of 1761 with doubt and anxiety.
Contrary to the general rules of war, this campaign opened in the very
depth of the winter. Contrasting the strong constitutions of his
troops with the less hardy character of his opponents, Prince Ferdinand
resolved to take them thus by surprise. Accordingly, early in February,
by a sudden attack, he drove the French out of their quarters near
Cassel, and they were only saved from utter destruction, by the defiles,
and other difficulties of the country, which favoured their retreat.
Almost simultaneously with this achievement, the Prussian general,
Sybourg, effected a junction with the Hanoverian general, Sporken,
and took three thousand French prisoners. Subsequently, these generals
defeated the troops of the empire under General Clefeld; and Prince
Ferdinand followed up these advantages by laying siege to Cassel,
Marbourg, and Ziegenhayn. He was ably seconded in his operations by
the Marquis of Granby, but he failed in capturing these places, and
was compelled to retire into the electorate of Hanover. The retreat
of Ferdinand took place in April, and in the same month the hereditary
Prince of Brunswick was defeated by the French under Broglie, near
Frankfort.
At this time, Frederick had certain information that the English were
negociating with the French. This information appears to have paralysed
his efforts, for preparations were not recommenced before June. On their
part the French, also, were inactive till that time, when Broglie, being
joined by the Prince of Soubise with large reinforcements, endeavoured
to drive Prince Ferdinand and the combined army of English and
Hanoverians from their entrenchments at Hohenower. On two several days
Broglie made a fierce attack upon his posts, chiefly directing his
murderous fire against that commanded by Lord Granby; but on the second
day the French gave way, and made a precipitate retreat, leaving behind
them several pieces of cannon, with five thousand of their comrades
sleeping the sleep of death. Their non-success produced mutual
recriminations between Broglie and Soubise, who had never perfectly
agreed, and they resolved to separate: Broglie crossed the Weser, and
threatened to fall upon Hanover, while Soubise crossed the Lippe, as if
with the intention of laying siege to Munster.
The division of the French army caused a corresponding division in that
of Prince Ferdinand; for whilst he marched with one half to watch the
operations of Broglie, the hereditary Prince of Brunswick marched with
the other half to check the career of Soubise. The skill and vigour of
Ferdinand prevented Broglie from making any important conquests, though
he could not protect the country from his ravages. Perceiving, indeed,
that he could not check the onward march of his enemy, Ferdinand turned
aside into Hesse, and cut off all the communications of the French
in that country, destroying their magazines and menacing their forts,
which, as he foresaw, had the effect of alarming Broglie, and causing
him to retreat out of Hanover. In the meantime, the hereditary Prince of
Brunswick had checked the career of Soubise, and destroyed many of his
magazines; and soon after the French went into winter quarters—Soubise
on the Lower Rhine, and Broglie at Cassel.
Frederick had taken the field in the month of April, and had marched
into Silesia, where the fortress of Schweidnitz was threatened by
the Austrian general, Laudon. On his approach, Laudon retreated into
Bohemia, where he was joined by fresh columns of Russians under Marshal
Butterlin. At the same time another Russian horde, under Romanzow,
re-occupied Pomerania. The Austrian and Russian generals conceived that
they could hem in Frederick, and prevent his escape; but aware of his
danger, the skilful monarch threw himself into his fortified camp of
Buntzelwitz, from behind the strong ramparts of which he laughed his
enemies to scorn. A blockade was attempted, but the country, wasted by
long wars, had become like a wilderness, and afforded no food either
for man or horse; while their provision-waggons, 5000 in number, had all
been taken by a flying column of Prussians, under General Platen, who
had also destroyed three of the largest magazines which the Russians had
established on the confines of Poland. Famine stared them in the face,
and breaking up their blockade, Butterlin marched into Pomerania, and
Laudon to an entrenched camp, near Fribourg. Thus relieved, Frederick
marched towards Upper Silesia, which proved to be an unfortunate
movement; for Laudon, taking advantage of it, rushed from his entrenched
camp, made an assault by night upon Schweidnitz, which lie took by
storm, and then took up his winter-quarters in Silesia. About the same
time the Russians, assisted by the Swedes, took Colberg, which enabled
them to winter in Pomerania and Brandenburg.
In the meantime the arms of the English had, for the most part, been
successfully employed. Pondicherry, the capital settlement of the
French in, the East Indies, and their last stronghold in that country,
surrendered at discretion to Colonel Coote, after the garrison and
inhabitants had been reduced to the necessity of feeding on the flesh of
camels and elephants, and even upon dogs and vermin. In the West Indies,
also, Lord Rollo and Sir James Douglas reduced the island of Dominica,
which, contrary to treaty, had been fortified by the French. A
less important conquest was made on the coast of Brittany. A secret
expedition, which had been for some time in preparation, suddenly sailed
from Spithead, and under the command of Commodore Kepple, with troops on
board under General Hodgson, took its course across the Channel. Great
things were expected as the result of this expedition, but it only
enacted the old story of “The mountain in labour.” The point against
which this force was directed was the sterile rock of Bellisle, which,
at the expense of two thousand lives, was captured. Thus disappointed,
the people complained of the obstinacy of Pitt, and asked,
sarcastically, what could be done with it? Nevertheless, if it was no
use to England, it was a place of importance to France, as commanding
a large extent of coast, and affording a convenient receptacle to
privateers, whence it was insisted on as a valuable article of exchange,
when peace was concluded between the two nations.
THE RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT.
At this time France was rapidly sinking under the efforts made to
sustain war. Many of her colonies were conquered, her navy was ruined,
and her finances exhausted, while the people were impoverished and
discontented. Under these circumstances the king wished for repose and
peace, and in this wish, Sweden, Poland, and even Russia were ready to
join. Austria alone, whose empress-queen was bent on the recovery of
Silesia, and the overthrow of its conqueror Frederick, was desirous of
prolonging hostilities.
This wish of the king of France—which was also the wish of his
people—seemed to be favoured by circumstances in England. The influence
of Pitt was daily growing weaker, and Bute was fast gaining paramount
ascendancy. The French ministers, therefore, flattered themselves that
there would be no great difficulty in negociating; especially as they
were ready and willing to make some sacrifices, in order to obtain
peace. Accordingly an interchange of memorials was commenced, and in the
month of July Mr. Stanley was dispatched to Paris, while the Count de
Bussy came over to London, for the purpose of negociating. Preliminaries
were mutually proposed and examined. On their part the French offered
to cede Canada; to restore Minorca in exchange for Guadaloupe and
Marigalante; to give up Senegal and Goree for Anamaboo and Acra; to
renounce all claim to Cape Breton, on which no fortification was to
be erected; and to consent that Dunkirk should be demolished. But one
demand made by the French was fatal to the success of the negociations.
They demanded the restitution of all the captures made at sea by the
English before the declaration of war, on the ground that such captures
were contrary to all international law, which restitution was sternly
and absolutely refused, the English ministers arguing, that the right of
all hostile operations results not from a formal declaration of war, but
from the original hostilities of the aggressor. Another obstacle in the
way of peace, was the refusal of the French to restore Cassel, Gueldres,
and other places which they had taken from his Prussian majesty,
although they were ready to evacuate what they occupied in Hanover. And
as if these obstacles were not sufficient, the French preliminaries
were accompanied by a private memorial, demanding from England the
satisfaction of certain claims advanced by Spain, a country with which,
though differences existed, England was at peace. The French ambassador
was given to understand on this point, that the king of England would
never suffer his disputes with Spain to be thus mixed up with the
negociations carrying on with his country, and the cabinet called upon
the Spanish ambassador to disavow all participation in such a procedure,
and to state that his court was neither cognizant of it, nor wished to
blend its trifling differences with the weighty quarrels of France. But
this demand produced an unlooked-for budget, The Spanish ambassador at
first returned an evasive reply, but he was soon authorized by the court
of Spain to declare, that the proceedings of the French envoy had the
entire sanction of his Catholic majesty; and that, while his master was
anxious for peace, he was united as much by mutual interest as by the
ties of blood with the king of France. The fact is, Charles III., who
now occupied the throne of Spain, had privately agreed, before this
date, with the King of France, to consider every power as their common
enemy who might become the enemy of either, and to afford mutual
succours by sea and land. It had been also stipulated between them, that
no proposal of peace to their common enemies was to be made except by
common consent; that the two monarchs were to act as if they formed one
and the same power; that they should maintain for each other all the
possessions which they might possess at the conclusion of peace; and
finally, that the King of Naples might be allowed to participate in
their treaty, though no other family, except a prince of the house of
Bourbon, was to be admitted into this family compact.
Negociations for peace, therefore, proved abortive. Even Bute considered
many of the proposals of the French if not insulting to the majesty
of the British nation, at least inadmissible. Yet these négociations
resulted in the downfall of Pitt. At the council-table, that great
minister represented that Spain was only waiting for the arrival of
her annual plate-fleet from America, and then she would declare war.
He proposed, therefore, that her declaration should be anticipated by
England: that war should be forthwith proclaimed against Spain, and a
fleet sent out to intercept her ships and treasures from the western
world. He likewise proposed an immediate attack upon her colonies;
recommending the capture of the Havannah and the occupation of the
Isthmus of Panama, from whence an expedition might be sent against
Manilla and the Philippine Isles, to intercept the communication between
the continent of South America and the rich regions of the East. It
suited the purpose of Bute, however, to raise the laugh of incredulity
as to the declaration of war by Spain, questioning, at the same time,
the real meaning of the treaty entered into between the two Bourbons.
The other members of the cabinet also—Lord Temple excepted—pronounced
the measures proposed by Pitt too precipitate, and he had no alternative
but to resign; especially as he found, also, that the king was adverse
to his schemes. Accordingly, on the 6th of October, Pitt delivered
up his seals to the king, which his majesty received with ease and
firmness, but without requesting him to resume them. The monarch,
notwithstanding, lamented to him the loss of so valuable a servant,
while he declared that even if his cabinet had been unanimous for war
with Spain, he should have found great difficulty in consenting to such
a measure. Pitt was affected by the kind, yet dignified, behaviour of
the young king. “I confess, sire,” said he, with emotion, “I had but
too much reason to expect your majesty’s displeasure: I did not come
prepared for this exceeding goodness: pardon me, sir; it overpowers,—it
oppresses me.”
Pitt retired with a pension of £3,000 per annum, which was to be
continued for three lives. The peerage was offered him, but he declined
it personally, accepting it only for his wife and her issue. He was
succeeded in office by Lord Egremont, son of the great Tory, Sir William
Wyndam. At the same time Lord Temple retired from office, and the privy
seal was given to the Duke of Bedford. The resignation of Mr. Pitt, with
his honours and rewards, were published in the Gazette on the following
day, and in the same paper a letter was published from the English
ambassador at Madrid, which was replete with assurances of the pacific
intentions of Spain. On this circumstance, combined with the resignation
of Mr. Pitt, Burke remarks:—“It must be owned that this manouvre was
very skilfully executed: for it at once gave the people to understand
the true motive to the resignation, the insufficiency of that motive,
and the gracious-ness of the king, notwithstanding the abrupt departure
of his minister. If after this the late minister should choose to
enter into opposition, he must go into it loaded and oppressed with the
imputation of the blackest ingratitude; if, on the other hand, he should
retire from business, or should concur in support of that administration
which he had left, because he disapproved its measures, his acquiescence
would be attributed by the multitude to a bargain for his forsaking
the public, and that the title and his pension were the considerations.
These were the barriers that opposed against that torrent of popular
rage which it was apprehended would proceed from this resignation. And
the truth is, they answered their end perfectly.”
This reasoning of Mr. Burke was strictly correct. The friends and
partisans of Mr. Pitt raised violent clamours against Bute, for
displacing a man who had raised the nation from its once abject state to
the pinnacle of glory; and addresses, resolutions, and condolences
were set on foot in London and the greater corporations, with a view
of exciting the smaller cities and boroughs in England to follow the
example. The press, also, was active in vilifying Bute for the part
he had taken in this affair. But Bute had his friends as well as his
enemies, and Pitt had his enemies as well as his friends. The press
worked on both sides of the question; while it vilified Bute, it
animadverted on Pitt’s pensions and honours. At the same time the people
were only partially in the favour of the ex-minister. The progress
of addresses, resolutions, and condolences was languid, and in some
instances the people were disposed to cast odium _upon_, and to blacken
the character _of_, the retired secretary. The popularity of Pitt was,
in truth, obscured with mists and clouds for a time, and it was not
till after he had raised a few thunder-storms of opposition, that his
political atmosphere once again became radiant with the sunshine of
prosperity. For the mind of Pitt was not to be long borne down by its
heavy weight of gratitude to royalty, or by public accusations: he soon
shook off the one, and resolutely braved the other.
THE MARRIAGE OF THE KING.
On the 8th of July the young king having called an extraordinary
council, made the following declaration to its members:—“Having nothing
so much at heart as to procure the welfare and happiness of my people,
and to render the same stable and permanent to posterity, I have, ever
since my accession to the throne, turned my thoughts towards the choice
of a princess for my consort; and I now with great satisfaction acquaint
you, that after the fullest information, and mature deliberation, I am
come to a resolution to demand in marriage the Princess Charlotte of
Mecklenberg Strelitz; a princess distinguished by every eminent virtue
and amiable endowment; whose illustrious line has constantly shown the
firmest zeal for the Protestant religion, and a particular attachment
to my family. I have judged it proper to communicate to you these my
intentions, in order that you may be fully apprised of a matter so
highly important to me and to my kingdoms, and which I persuade myself
will be most acceptable to my loving subjects.”
The preliminary negociations concerning this union had been conducted
with great secresy, whence this announcement occasioned some surprise to
most of the members of the extraordinary council. It met, however, with
the warmest approbation of them all, and the treaty was concluded on the
15th of August. The Earl of Harcourt, with the Duchesses of Ancaster and
Hamilton, were selected to escort the young bride to England, and Lord
Anson was the commander of the fleet destined to convoy the royal yacht.
Princess Charlotte arrived in England on the 7th of September, and on
the following day she was escorted to St. James’s, where she was met by
his majesty.
Before the arrival of the future Queen of England, in a letter to one
of his correspondents, Lord Harcourt had given this description of
her:—“Our queen, that is to be, has seen very little of the world;
but her very good sense, vivacity, and cheerfulness, I dare say will
recommend her to the king, and make her the darling of the British
nation. She is no regular beauty; but she is of a pretty size, has a
charming complexion, with very pretty eyes, and is finely made.” Lord
Harcourt was right in his conjectures concerning the views which the
king would take of his young bride. It is said, that in the first
interview, although he saluted her tenderly, the king was disappointed
in not finding in the princess those personal charms which he had
expected. But this was only a momentary feeling. The king soon
became interested in her artlessness, cheerful manners, and obliging
disposition, while the whole court was loud in their praises of her
affability, and even of her beauty. “In half an hour,” says Horace
Walpole, “one heard of nothing but proclamations of her beauty:
everybody was content; everybody was pleased.” So the marriage
took place in the midst of good-humour and rejoicings: the nuptial
benediction was given by Dr. Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the
Duke of Cumberland gave away the bride.
CORONATION OF THEIR MAJESTIES.
Extraordinary preparations were made for the coronation of their
majesties. It took place on the 22nd of September, and though described
as solemn and magnificent, it did not materially differ from preceding
coronations. The crown was placed on the head of the monarch by
Archbishop Seeker, and before his majesty partook of the holy sacrament,
he exhibited a very pleasing instance of piety before the assembled
court. As he approached the altar, he asked if he might lay aside his
crown; and when the archbishop, after consulting with Bishop Pearce,
replied, that no order existed on the subject in the service, he
rejoined, “Then it ought to be done;” at the same time taking the diadem
from his head, he placed it, reverentially, on the altar. His majesty
wished the queen to manifest the same reverence to the Almighty, but
being informed that her crown was fastened to her hair, he did not press
the subject. On the return of the procession, an incident occurred,
which, had it happened among the nations of antiquity, would have been
considered an omen of evil portent, which could only have been averted
by a whole hecatomb of sacrifices. The most valuable diamond in his
majesty’s diadem fell from it, and was for some time lost, but it was
afterwards found, and restored to his crown. The coronation of George
III. could boast of one very extraordinary spectator among the many
thousands present. This was Charles Edward Stuart, the young Pretender,
who had come over in disguise, and who obtained admission into the
abbey, and witnessed all the ceremonies consecrating a king on that
throne which he considered legitimately belonged to his father or
himself! It is said that George knew that he was in London, and that
he would not allow him to be molested; feeling, no doubt, secure in the
affections of a loyal people. And that he was secure, the éclat with
which the great festival of his coronation passed off, fully manifested.
All combined to testify that their majesties were very popular, and that
they had good reasons for anticipating a happy and prosperous reign.
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
The new parliament met on the 3rd of November, when Sir John Cust was
elected speaker of the commons. He was presented to his majesty on the
6th, on which day the king, having first approved of the choice, thus
addressed both houses:—“At the opening of the first parliament summoned
and elected under my authority, I with pleasure notice an event which
has made me completely happy, and given universal joy to my loving
subjects. My marriage with a princess, eminently distinguished by every
virtue and amiable endowment, while it affords me all possible domestic
comfort, cannot but highly contribute to the happiness of my kingdoms,
which has been, and always shall be, the first object in every action of
my life.
“It has been my earnest wish that this first period of my reign might be
marked with another felicity; the restoring of the blessings of peace to
my people, and putting an end to the calamities of war, under which so
great a part of Europe suffers: but though overtures were made to
me, and my good brother and ally, the King of Prussia, by the several
belligerent powers, in order to a general pacification, for which
purpose a congress was appointed, and propositions were made to me by
France for a particular peace with that crown, which were followed by an
actual négociation; yet that congress has not hitherto taken place, and
the negociation with France is entirely broken off.
“The sincerity of my disposition to effectuate this good work has been
manifested in the progress of it: and I have the consolation to reflect,
that the continuance of the war, and the further effusion of Christian
blood, to which it was the desire of my heart to put a stop, cannot,
with justice, be imputed to me.
“Our military operations have been in no degree suspended or delayed;
and it has pleased God to grant us further important success, by the
conquest of the islands of Belleisle and Dominica: and by the reduction
of Pondicherry, which has in a manner annihilated the French power in
the East Indies. In other parts, where the enemy’s numbers were greatly
superior, their principal designs and projects have been generally
disappointed, by a conduct which does the highest honour to the
distinguished capacity of my general, Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, and
by the valour of my troops. The magnanimity and ability of the King of
Prussia have eminently appeared in resisting such numerous armies, and
surmounting so great difficulties.
“In this situation I am glad to have an opportunity of receiving the
truest information of the sense of my people by a new choice of their
representatives: I am fully persuaded you will agree with me in opinion,
that the steady exertion of our most vigorous efforts, in every part
where the enemy may still be attacked with advantage, is the only means
that can be productive of such a peace as may with reason be expected
from our successes. It is therefore my fixed resolution, with your
concurrence and support, to carry on the war in the most effectual
manner, for the interest and advantage of my kingdoms; and to maintain
to the utmost of my power the good faith and honour of my crown, by
adhering firmly to the engagements entered into with my allies. In
this I will persevere until my enemies, moved by their own losses and
distresses, and touched with the miseries of so many nations, shall
yield to the equitable conditions of an honourable peace: in which
case, as well as in the prosecution of the war, I do assure you, no
consideration whatever shall make me depart from the true interests of
these my kingdoms, and the honour and dignity of my crown.”
His majesty concluded his speech by calling upon the commons for
adequate supplies to enable him to prosecute the war with vigour, and by
asking for a provision for the queen in case she should survive him. The
commons, besides the usual address, sent a message of congratulation to
the queen, and they proved the sincerity of their professions by making
her a grant of £100,000 per annum, with Somerset House and the Lodge in
Richmond Park annexed: a patent also passed the privy seal, granting her
majesty the yearly sum of £40,000 for the support of her dignity. On the
subject of the supplies for the ensuing year, however, a long and
stormy debate took place; and a month elapsed before they were finally
adjusted. Opposition to them chiefly arose from the circumstance that
the sentiments of the people, and likewise of the court, were beginning
to change respecting the German war. But Lord Egremont found himself
compelled to walk in the very steps which Pitt had marked out, at
least for some time, and the large demands made were pressed upon the
parliament, and finally received its sanction. Seventy thousand seamen
were voted, and it was agreed to maintain 67,676 effective men, beside
the militia of England, two regiments of fencibles in Scotland, the
provincial troops in America, and 67,167 German auxiliaries. Some new
taxes, also, were imposed, including an additional one on windows, and
an increased duty on spirituous liquors, in order to pay the interest
of £12,000,000, which it was found necessary to borrow, to make good
the deficiences of last session. In the whole the supplies for the year
1762, voted by the parliament, amounted to more than £18,000,000: two
millions of which were required for the defence of Portugal.
{GEORGE III. 1760–1765}
DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND.
In the month of October, Lord Halifax, the new Lord-lieutenant of
Ireland met his Majesty’s first parliament in that country. The Irish
parliament responded to the sentiments of the English parliament
respecting the accession of the young monarch. Addresses replete with
loyalty were voted by both houses; and the greatest confidence was
expressed in the rule of Lord Halifax, auguring the happiest results
from his administration, and promising cordial co-operation. That
ill-fated country, however, was restless as the waves of the ocean.
During the vice-royalty of the Duke of Bedford, it had been totally
under the dominion of the lord’s justices, and they had recently made
an attempt to gain popularity, by expressing doubts in the privy
council concerning the propriety of sending over a money bill, lest the
rejection of it should occasion the dissolution of the new parliament,
and thereby endanger the peace of the country. They were opposed in
their views by Lord Chancellor Bowes and his party, and party violence
was inflamed to the highest pitch. The popular coalition prevailed so
far as to alter the established custom, by sending a bill not for the
actual supplies, but relating to a vote of credit for Ireland, whence
all ferment on this subject subsided. In such a contest it is not likely
that the people would have joined, but they had grievances of their
own, which endangered the public tranquillity. In his speech to the new
parliament, Lord Halifax had recommended that the linen trade, which had
been confined to the southern parts of the kingdom, should be extended
throughout the country, inasmuch as there was a large demand for it, and
it might thereby be made a source of wealth to the whole country. True
patriots would have observed the wisdom of, and have acquiesced in, this
measure; but self-interest in Ireland, as in all countries under the
face of the sun, prevailed over the feelings of patriotism. The people
in the southern parts of the kingdom murmured at such a project, as
it would affect their personal interests, and their discontents were
increased by the conversion of considerable quantities of land from a
state of tillage to that of pasturage, for the purpose of feeding more
cattle. By this measure, great numbers of the peasantry were deprived
at once, not only of employment, but of their cottages. Many small farms
were indeed still let to some cottagers at rack-rent, which cottages
had the right of commonage, guaranteed to them in their leases; but
afterwards the commons were enclosed, and no recompense was made to the
tenants by the landlords. Thus provoked, and being joined by the idle
and dissolute, these unhappy people sought to redress their own wrongs
by acts of violence. Fences were destroyed, horses and arms were
seized, cattle were maltreated, and obnoxious persons, especially
tithe-proctors, were exposed to their vengeance. Many were stripped
naked, and made to ride on horses with saddles formed of the skins of
hedgehogs, or buried up to their chins in holes lined with thorns
that were trodden down closely to their bodies. From their outrageous
violence these people obtained the name of “Levellers,” but afterwards,
from the circumstance of their wearing white shirts over their clothes
for the purpose of disguise, they were termed “White Boys.” Their
outrages demanded the strong arm of the law, and the royal troops were
employed in their suppression. Many suffered the extreme penalty of the
law, though many more were permitted to escape through the lenity of
the judges, whence the disorders long prevailed. As the rioters were
all Romanists, a popish plot was suspected, and the Romish clergy were
charged with promoting their outrages. A motion was made in parliament
to investigate this matter, but there not being sufficient evidence
to inculpate any parties, it was dropped, and no efficient remedy was
therefore applied to heal the disorder.
WAR WITH SPAIN.
The year had not closed before the ministers found that a rupture with
Spain was inevitable. The first intimation of it was detected in the
menacing conduct of the court of Versailles; and Lord Bristol, the
English ambassador at Madrid, was instructed to demand the real
intentions of Charles III., and the real purport of the family compact.
General Wall, the Spanish minister replied more insolently than before;
but an open rupture was avoided till the plate-ships had arrived at
Cadiz with all the wealth expected from Spanish America. Then it was
seen that the political vision of Pitt could penetrate much deeper than
that of Bute and his colleagues. Complaining of the haughty spirit and
the discord which prevailed in the British cabinet, and of the insults
offered to his sovereign, Wall informed Bristol that he might leave
Spain as soon as he pleased, and at the same time issued orders to
detain all English ships then in the ports of Spain. Lord Bristol
returned; the Count of Fuentes, the Spanish ambassador, quitted London,
and war was mutually declared by both countries.
The declaration of war was made on the 4th of January, and on the 19th
parliament met after its adjournment, when the king informed both houses
of the measures he had been compelled to adopt. The members of both
houses were unanimous in their approbation of his majesty’s conduct,
and in assurances of vigorous support. The consideration of the
intelligence, notwithstanding, caused a stormy debate, but as no regular
opposition was organized, and government was supported by Pitt, clamour
died away, and the war met with general approbation. In the house
of lords, a motion was made reprobating the expense of the German
campaigns, and recommending a recall of the British troops for the
security of our own dominions; but it was strongly opposed, and the
previous question was carried by a large majority. Preparations were
therefore made for war with Spain, without diminishing the expenses
of the war in Germany; and while fresh troops were enlisted, some wise
alterations were made by parliament in the militia laws, by which a
line was drawn between those persons liable to serve, and such as were
exempt.
Operations were commenced in the Havannah. On the 5th of March, an
expedition sailed under the command of General Lord Albemarle and
Admiral Pococke, in order to strike a severe blow against the commerce
of Spain in that quarter. This expedition was joined in the West Indies
by a strong squadron commanded by Sir James Douglas, and sailing through
the Straits of Bahama, it arrived before the Havannah on the 5th of
June. A landing was easily effected and siege was laid to the Moro,
a strong fort which defended the harbour, and which was considered
impregnable. The difficulties in making the approaches on a hard rocky
soil were great, and the troops suffered from sickness, fatigue, and
the fire of the enemy; but being joined by fresh reinforcements from New
York and our West Indian Islands, the fort was isolated from the town,
and it was then stormed through a narrow and perilous breach, and
carried at the point of the bayonet. The city of Havannah maintained the
siege a fortnight longer; but it was compelled to capitulate, and it was
yielded up with 180 miles of country westward, or all the best part of
the island of Cuba. Nine Spanish ships of the line and three frigates
were taken in the harbour, and three ships of the line and a galleon
were destroyed, while the booty that fell into the hands of the victors
amounted to £3,000,000 sterling. But the ultimate advantages of this
victory promised to be greater than its immediate results. By the
possession of the Havannah, indeed, England obtained the absolute
command of the passage pursued by the plate-fleets of Spain, and seemed
to lay the wealth of that country at her feet.
It was not in the western hemisphere alone, that the dominions of the
King of Spain were attacked. When the news of the war reached the
East Indies an armament was fitted out at Madras, under the command
of Admiral Cornish and Sir William Draper, which suddenly appeared
off Manilla, the capital of Luconia, and the surrounding isles. Draper
landed his forces and took possession of the suburbs of Manilla, before
the inhabitants were well aware of the war between Spain and England.
Manilla was governed by the archbishop, who proved by his conduct, that
like the ecclesiastics of the middle ages, he could both fight and say
mass. The archbishop excited the natives to assault the assailants in
the rear, while at the head of about eight hundred Spainards he opposed
them in front. The Indians fought with almost incredible ferocity; but
they were cut to pieces by the sword, or died gnawing with their teeth
the bayonets by which they were transfixed. The works of Manilla were
carried by storm, and Draper’s forces, which were chiefly composed of
Sepoys and Lascars, began to plunder and destroy the city. The inner
citadel, however, remained uncaptured, and the archbishop with the
magistrates, and some of the garrison threw themselves into it for
safety. A capitulation ensued, by which the city and port of Manilla,
with several ships and the military stores, were surrendered to
England, while a ransom was given for all private property, amounting
to 4,000,000 dollars. The fruits of this important conquest did not
terminate here. Two ships were despatched from the British squadron
to intercept the rich galleon Phillippina, and though they missed this
prize, they captured the Santa Trinidad, a great Manilla and Acapulco
galleon, with a cargo valued at 3,000,000 dollars. The whole group of
islands then submitted to the English flag.
The English arms were equally successful in a series of attacks on
the remaining French West India Islands. Martinique, Grenada, the
Grenadines, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Tobago, were all captured by an
army under general Moncton and a squadron under Admiral Rodney, so that
England obtained possession of the entire chain of the Caribbees. It
was in vain that the French in that part of the world sought to stem the
onward progress of the British arms: they were overpowering, and being
hopeless of succour from their mother-country, the French everywhere
submitted to the conquerors.
FRANCE AND SPAIN DECLARE WAR AGAINST PORTUGAL.
Before the news of the loss of Havannah and Manilla reached the court
of Spain, that court had commenced a land campaign on the continent. A
close alliance had long subsisted between England and Portugal, whence
France and Spain at this period chose to consider the king of Portugal
as the creature of the King of England. These two powers therefore
determined on a rupture with Portugal, unless the Portuguese should
renounce their English alliance. Preparations were accordingly made
for an invasion of Portugal by France as well as by Spain, while in the
meantime a joint memorial was presented by the two powers, inviting the
king of that country to join the alliance of the Bourbons against Great
Britain, which they were pleased to designate “the common enemy of all
maritime nations.” At the same time they insisted that he should expel
all English merchants and English sojourners from his kingdom, and close
his ports to English shipping. It was added that if he acceeded to these
proposals, his fortresses and sea-ports should be garrisoned by French
and Spanish troops to protect him from England’s vengeance, but that
if he refused—and the answer was to be given within four days—he must
take the consequences of such a line of policy.
There were circumstances existing which ought to have disarmed all
hostility on the part of France and Spain towards Portugal, even if
that hostility had been founded in justice. The Portuguese had not yet
recovered from the effects of the earthquake which, in 1756, had reduced
a third part of Lisbon to a ruinous heap. Then again, the Portuguese
power was acknowledged to be weak; but, above all, the King of Portugal
was the near relation of the King of Spain. The weakness of the
Portuguese government, however, was rather a temptation than a barrier
to the view of the Spanish monarch, and as for the claims of kindred,
they were absorbed in his views of ambition. Portugal was incorporated
geographically, and he longed to incorporate it politically with Spain,
whence the claims of misfortune and kindred were overlooked by him.
Conscience, moreover, was not allowed to assert its sway over his
actions, for he had armed himself against its lawful power by leaving
the decision of peace or war to his Portuguese majesty. If he joined
the Bourbon alliance, well and good, for the forces of France and Spain
would obtain possession of Portugal at an easy rate; but if not, if
he still adhered to his old alliance with England, then it would be
manifest to all the world, if he lost the kingdom, it would be his own
fault: in such cheap estimation does ambition hold morality.
At this period, Portugal had not an army exceeding 20,000 men, and her
fleet was reduced to six ships of the line and a few frigates, while her
fortresses were in ruins. In such a desperate condition, therefore, it
might have been expected that, however repugnant to his inclinations,
the heir of the house of Braganza would have broken his alliance with
England, and have joined the Family Compact. Prudence would seem to have
dictated such a step, but he acted otherwise. He had spirit enough to
declare that he would never submit to such conditions; and the French
and Spanish ambassadors quitted Lisbon, while their armies on the
frontiers put themselves in motion towards his capital. Ruin seemed to
await the monarch of Portugal. Braganza, Miranda, and Torre de Moncorvo
were captured by the Marquis of Saria, who commanded the Spanish army
north of the Douro, while another body of Spanish troops penetrated
south of the Douro into Beira, and occupied a post near Almeida. But
the Spaniards were doomed to receive a check. The militia and the brave
peasantry of Portugal, assisted and directed by some British officers,
maintained a destructive war of posts on the forces of Saria, and thus
stemmed his onward progress till relief came from England.
On the 11th of May, George III. ordered the following message to be laid
before the house of commons:—“His majesty, relying on the known zeal
and affection of his faithful commons, and considering that in
this conjuncture emergencies may arise, which may be of the utmost
importance, and be attended with the most pernicious consequences, if
proper means should not be immediately applied to prevent or defeat
them; and his majesty also taking into his most serious consideration
the imminent danger with which the kingdom of Portugal, an ancient and
natural ally of his crown, is threatened by the powers now in open
war with his majesty, and of what importance the preservation of that
kingdom is to the commercial interests of this country, is desirous that
the house would enable him to defray any extraordinary expenses of the
war incurred, or to be incurred for the service of the year 1762; and to
take all such measures as may be necessary to disappoint or defeat
any enterprises or designs of his enemies against his majesty or his
allies.”
This message was favourably received; Pitt advocated the cause of our
ancient ally with fervour and eloquence, and the house of commons voted
£1,000,000 sterling for the purposes therein specified. And this vote
was followed by prompt and effective measures to arrest the arms of
France and Spain. Eight thousand British troops under the command
of Lord Tyrawley, the Earl of Loudon, General Townshend, Lord George
Lennox, and Brigadiers Crawford and Burgoyne, landed in Portugal, and
immediately commenced operations. At the same time the native Portuguese
army consented to submit to the command of the Count de la Lippe, an
active and experienced German officer, who had commanded the British
artillery in Germany. The events of this campaign were complicated and
various. Lippe concentrated the principal part of the Portuguese forces
at Puente de Marcello, to prevent the progress of the Spanish arms
northward, while Brigadier Burgoyne was detached to fall upon Valencia
d’Alcantara, on the frontiers of Spain, southward. Burgoyne carried
Valencia d’Alcantara by a _coup-de-main_, capturing a Spanish general
with all his staff, and all the magazines which Spain had there
collected for the purpose of an invasion along the Tagus, and then
retraced his steps to Pnente de Marcello. At the same time Almeida was
taken by the Spanish general, Count d’Aranda, and having garrisoned this
place, and Ciudad Rodrigo, he marched towards the Tagus, designing to
pass into the Alemtejo. When, however, he arrived at Villa Velha, on the
Tagus, he found that the passage of the river would be disputed. Lippe,
aware of his designs, had marched to Abrantes, the key of Portugal on
the Tagus, and had posted detachments under Burgoyne and the Count
de St. Jago at the adjacent passes of Alvite and at Niza. The Spanish
general obtained possession of the castle of Villa Velha, and drove
the Count de St. Jago from the pass of Alvite; but while some of the
Spaniards were pursuing the routed Portuguese forces, Burgoyne threw
a detachment across the Tagus upon Villa Velha, and while the Count
d’Abrantes was amused in front by a feigned attack from Niza, this
detachment, commanded by Colonel Lee, entered their quarters in the
rear, and began a terrible fire of musquetry. It was under cover of the
night that Lee entered the quarters of the Spanish commander, and thus
surprised, the Spaniards were routed with terrible slaughter, while
their magazines were destroyed and their guns spiked. This was a blow
from which the Spaniards could not recover; and the French invading
forces having failed in their co-operation, his provisions beginning to
fail, the autumnal rains to descend in torrents, and the peasantry to
block up the roads, the Count d’Aranda dismantled the few fortresses he
had taken, and returned to Spain. To all these losses and defeats was
added the capture of the Spanish ship, Hermione, off Cape St. Vincent,
by the English, having treasure on board that amounted to nearly
£1,000,000 sterling. The only expedition of the English which failed
during this year was that against Buenos Ayres, which was as ill
conceived as it was paltry. But this gave Spain no hope for the future.
Taught experience by reverses, the war with England became, indeed,
unpopular with the Spanish people, and their universal cry was, at
the close of this campaign, “Peace with England, and war with all the
world!”
DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET.