As the inferences, from the surviving examples of these dedications,

and their topographical distribution, may have assumed the tone of

exact or statistical inductions; it is but right that they should be

qualified by an admission that, from that point of view, they are

subject to some elements of discount. It has been already admitted

that more extinct St. Werburghs may come to light; and of course it

is impossible to foresee to what extent the inferences may be thereby

disturbed; although it is not expected that they can be substantially

over-balanced. Indeed, there are not wanting other spots which have

names with a suspicious possibility of being corruptions of the name of

Werburgh, similar to those that we have seen, where they are confirmed

by the actual survival of the dedication itself; as in the cases of

Warburton and Warbstow. Of these are two eminences, the situations of

which are strikingly similar to that at Wembury, as if chosen by the

same eye. They are close to the sea shore, but in other parts of the

south coast. These are a hill, called “Warberrys,” close to Torquay;

and another called “Warbarrow,” in the isle of Purbeck. But neither of

these have traces of the dedication, and both names are quite likely to

have had other causes; nor can the places be directly connected with

any known record of Æthelbald. Therefore they shall not be enlisted

into the present enquiry. There is also a Wareberrewe near Wallingford,

with the present dedication of S. Laurence.

The indications, that have been above induced, however, from the

occurrences of the dedications of St. Werburgh in south England, as

well as those of St. Cuthbert in Wessex, are very distinct and definite

as guide-posts in historical topography; being strictly national

or dynastic. But St. Helen, as compared with them, has the great

disadvantage of being catholic and illustrious; and the possibility,

of course, exists, for a catholic dedication to have had sometimes

other causes besides that here attributed--the personal veneration of a

conqueror. It is, however, thought that the comparative numbers in the

different provinces, that have been offered, may help any judgment upon

this point. One cause of aberration, in the case of the St. Helens may

be, that some examples may have been “St. Helen and Holy Rood;” and, as

often happens to a joint dedication, one half may have been worn off by

grinding time: sometimes the first, sometimes the last; so that some

of what are now only known as Holy Rood, or Holy Cross, may have been

originally St. Helens. On the other hand, the dedication of Holy Rood

may, in some cases, have been independently attached to churches, that

have arisen where there had already been a cross of a martyr, which

had brought a great resort to a spot of reputed eminent sanctity.[105]

Or, as in the legend of Abingdon, where a cross, or a piece of

the True Cross has been said to have been miraculously found: or a

wonder-working Crucifix, as at Waltham Abbey. The local distribution of

Holy Roods does not shew any estimable counter-balance of that of the

St. Helens; and the Holy Roods themselves are believed to have had a

tendency to pass into St. Saviour, or Christchurch.

* * * * *

One very general agent in the obliteration of those dedications that

are national, or otherwise capable of rendering historical indications,

has been particularly active in the English part of this island. This

is the tendency to depose them, in favour of the greater saints, who

are recognized and honoured throughout Christendom. This, as might have

been expected, is more particularly the case of St. Mary. It is likely

that many of the churches with this dedication are amplifications of

sanctuaries of the more ancient and national kind. So strong was this

tendency that, where it did not drown out the original tutelar name

of a church; it must at least be satisfied by the addition of a “Lady

Chapel.” Such a process of change may often be seen actually at work.

The fine large church at Marden, Herefordshire, is said, both by Leland

and Browne Willis, to have the dedication of St. Ethelbert; and so

no doubt it has: but the present officers of the church, if asked,

pronounce it to be of St. Mary. A glance at the building accounts

for this. Within the church, at, perhaps, about twenty feet from

the western wall, is preserved an uncommon relique, the well of St.

Ethelbert; murdered by Offa, about a mile off, but whose shrine was at

Marden, until translated to Hereford Cathedral. There can be no doubt

that the well occupied the focus of the original small sanctuary that

was first raised over the reliques of the martyr; and which was on the

brink of the river, that flows near the western front of the church,

and so prevented enlargement in that direction. The large increase of

the church eastward, in accordance with the practice of the later age,

having been devoted to the name of St. Mary. Another similar case, of

Middleham in Richmondshire, has been kindly brought to notice by Mr.

W. H. D. Longstaffe. The original dedication is St. Alkelda, whose

martyrdom, being strangled by two female servants, is represented on

glass. Her traditional altar-tomb, is westward of the chancel arch of

the collegiate choir of St. Mary, founded by King Richard III. The only

other traces of St. Alkelda is a church in her name at Giggleswick,

some miles westward.

* * * * *

That sort of conviction, which arises from a gradual accumulation

of facts, upon what had at first started as a suspicion or a guess;

cannot be so vividly imparted to a reader. But even if what has been

said above should have been successful; it will be very far from

having exhausted the materials of this kind of enquiry: will only

have served, by one or two examples, to shew the value of a neglected

class of monuments, which, it is thought, have not yet been made to

yield up their teaching. At the best, what has here been done, can be

no more than the exposure of two or three fragments of a vast ruin,

co-extensive with the land; of which the plan should be restored by a

comparative registration or cartography of the whole. In the Celtic

portions of these islands, the dedications of the churches retain much

of their original or primitive topical distribution; shewing, as they

have sometimes already been made to do, the maternity of missionary

centres to offshoot churches. In the Teutonized portions of England, it

is likely that they have another and greater lesson. They are here, in

addition, believed to be able to shew, to a certain extent, what may

be called an ethnical stratification; which, if carefully observed,

would often mark out the extension of revolutions or conquests: more

especially in those early times, of which written history is scanty or

altogether wanting.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Cod. Dip. CXLIII.

[2] Dr. Lappenburg (I. 38) describes the people of Warwickshire and

Worcestershire as the “Gewissi.” But the “Gevissæ” was the ancient

name of the southern main stem of the West Saxons, who made their way

into Somerset and Devon (Bæda. H. E. III. 7), and plainly a name of

distinction from the Huiccii. All the pre-Christian pedigrees of the

West Saxon leaders have an early name “Gewis,” which has been, with

great likelihood, supposed to have been the origin of the name of the

Gevissæ. In some only of the pedigrees, this name is next preceded by

“Wig.” This seems to point to a division of the leadership between two

kinsmen, perhaps brothers; and the Wiccii or Wigornians to be derived

from the latter.

[3] A.S. Chron., “Feathan leag”--Welsh Chronicles, “_Ffery llwg_.”

[4] Dr. Guest in Archæological Journal, vol. xix., p. 197.

[5] Thesaurus, I. 169.

[6] Dr. Guest and Mr. Freeman, and their followers, as the Saturday

Review, and the various school histories, which, having adopted the

innovation, are lauded in that journal.

[7] Prof. W. W. Skeat, Macmillan, Feb. 1879, p. 313.

[8] See “A Primæval British Metropolis,” Bristol, 1877, pp. 45-80.

[9] One of the obsolete ones was brought to mind by a paper read by Mr.

C. E. Davis, at Bath, in 1857: another is printed from the Register of

Worcester Cathedral in Thomas’s Survey, kindly pointed out by Mr. John

Taylor; so that others, unreckoned, may possibly be brought to light.

There is one, in addition to all those above mentioned, at Dublin; but,

as the dedications in Strongbow’s Dublin are no more than a post-Norman

colonisation of those at Bristol, it does not enter into our reckoning.

[10] The genealogical relation of St. Werburgh and Æthelbald will be

seen in this extract from Dr. Lappenberg’s Pedigree of the Kings of

Mercia:

Wybba.

|

+--------+--------------------------------+

|                                         |

Penda, last Pagan King of                 Eawa, died A.D. 642.

Mercia, reigned A.D. 626-655.             (Called “Rex Merciorum.”?)

|                                                     |

+--------------+------------+                 +-------+-----+

|              |            |                 |             |

Peada, K. of M.  |        Æthelred, K. of    Alweo.       Osmod.

A.D. 655-656.    |        M. A.D. 675-704,      |             |

|        died A.D. 715.        |             |

|            |                 |          Eanwulf.

Wulfhere, K. of M. |                 |             |

A.D. 656-675.      |                 |             |

|            |                 |         Thingferth.

+---------------+----+          |                 |             |

|               |    |          |                 |             |

Cenred, K. of M.  |  Beorhtwald,  |                 |             |

A.D. 704-709.     |  Sub-King of  |                 |             |

|  Wiccia A.D.  |                 |             |

|  636.         |                 |           OFFA,

|            Coelred, K.      ÆTHELBALD,     K. of M.

St. WERBURGH,      of M., A.D.      K. of M.    A.D. 757-798.

died about         709-716.       A.D. 716-757

A.D. 700.

[11] The birth, in the West of England, of this assiduous propagator

of the great mediæval embodiment of civilisation, zealous devotee of

the Church, and prominent European statesman, is so important a fact

in our ethnical topography as to deserve a passing, though attentive,

glance. On the authority of those who personally knew him, he was born

near Exeter, about the year 680; but, although no Saxon Conquest had

yet extended so far westward, he bore a Saxon name, although in the

midst of a Celtic people. From this, and from other circumstances also

mentioned of his early life, it may be inferred that his father was a

peaceful Saxon colonist, in advance of conquest, and still a pagan; and

that his mother was a British Christian. He is, therefore, the earliest

recorded example of that irrepressible compound of the two races that

has since made so many deep and broad marks upon the outer world. This

fact, of a pacific international intercourse antecedent to conquest,

was so directly in conflict with evolved history, that it has provoked

an ineffectual attempt to subvert the testimony of it, by questioning

the undoubted reading of the name as being that of Exeter. (E. A.

Freeman, Esq., in Archæol. Journal, vol. xxx., or Macmillan M., Sep.

1873, p. 474).

Another, but later, testimony gives us the name of the place near

Exeter where he was born: Crediton, in a deep and most fertile valley

of that middle district in Devon which is the interval between the

highlands of Dartmoor and Exmoor, but rather to the south-west of that

district. Here there is reason to believe Christianity had already

been established at a much earlier time, by Croyde, or Creed, an Irish

missionary virgin, who has left her name at other places throughout

both Devon and Cornwall. The incredulity, that Crediton was the

birthplace of S. Bonifatius, was vindicated by saying that it has “no

_ancient_ authority whatever.” It has not contemporary authority like

that for “near Exeter,” which, however, it strongly confirms, and

which, for English topography of so early a date, is almost unique in

its explicitness, but it has an authority as ancient as we are obliged

to be content with for nearly all we know of those times, and far

more respectable than most of it. The authority is a church-service

book, still preserved in Exeter Cathedral, compiled by Bp. Grandisson

(died A.D. 1366), and attested by his autograph. If this had been a

mere outdoor tradition, and had rested upon no more than the personal

authority of this most distinguished man, it would even then have been

the very highest evidence of its kind. But it does no such thing. Bp.

Grandisson is not the _author_ of the book any more than St. Osmund is

the author of the Usages of Sarum. He is the codifier of the immemorial

observances of the church, at which the contemporary biographer of St.

Boniface attests that he received his earliest teaching; and of the

very existence of which church their irreproachable attestation is by a

long interval the earliest record.

But there is another evidence that this great man of his age was

known, to his compatriots in his own province, as one of themselves.

Of this they have left a substantial monument in the dedications of

two churches still remaining in Devon, not in his ecclesiastical name,

by which the rest of the world knew him, but in his birth-name of

“Winfrid” by which they had remembered him. The two more distant extant

dedications of Bonchurch, Isle of Wight, and Banbury, Cheshire, on the

contrary, in their dedications of “St. Boniface” are mere reflections

of his realised continental greatness back upon his own island.

Winfrith, near Lulworth, in Dorset, probably had a third western

example of the dedication, for although the present church is of

Norman structure, and with a different dedication (St. Christopher),

most likely, as in many other cases, an earlier sanctuary existed in

Winfrid’s name.

[12] What may be presumed to be another dedication of St. Werburgh

has since been traced to its place, and may be reckoned as an eighth

of those in the home kingdom, at its southern frontier. Among the

land-marks (A.D. 849) of a place called “Coftun,” is Werburgh’s cross

(“in Wærburge rode”) Cod. Dip. CCLXII. This has been found to be

Cofton Hackett, in that north point of Worcestershire that abuts upon

Staffordshire and Shropshire.

[13] Lib. v.

[14] See Warner p. 228. Collinson’s Som., vol. I. Bath, p. 53.

[15] Thomas, Worc. Cath., 1736, Append. No. 9. p. 6. It might be worth

while to search for remains of it in plantations thereabout. It is

distinct from the chapel of St. Blaise, and on a different eminence.

[16] Saturday Rev., Ap. 24, 1875, p. 533.

[17] Reg. Worc. Priory, Camden Soc.

[18] Page 105.

[19] 1846. Glaston. No. LXXXV.

[20] Cod. Dip., No. XCII.

[21] An account of A.S. Coins, &c. Communicated to the Numismatic

Society of London, by Jonathan Rashleigh, Esq., 1868.

[22] _Wessexonicè_ “vvrasseling.”

[23] No matter about their names. Their ethnical pedigree is distinctly

blazoned in their portraits.

[24] A remarkable cluster of four or five names, with the form “-hoe,”

occurs on the coast of North Devon, in that part where we have already

pointed to the unrecorded Mercian descents upon the Damnonian Britons

(see before pp. 119-121). This is very faraway from the much more

numerous assemblages of it, which are in the Anglian parts of England.

It has been contended that this name-form is a vestige of the Danes,

and, on this North Devon coast, the Danes might quite as likely have

left their mark, as the Mercians. But one of them, “Martinhoe,” is

formed by the addition of “-hoe” to the Christian dedication of

the church: not likely, therefore, to have been named by a pagan

colony. Another place, in East Devon not many miles from the Mercian

Widworthy-St. Cuthbert already mentioned, (p. 125), called “Pinhoe,”

is recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 1001, to have been

burnt _by_ the Danes in revenge of a Saxon defeat. Would this revenge

have fallen upon their own countrymen? Also, close to the South Devon

dedication of St. Werburgh (p. 121), at Wembury, before mentioned,

are two examples of this name-form. One, the well-known “Hoe,” of

Plymouth; another, the village of “Hooe,” in the promontory itself,

where Wembury stands. Again, we have seen above that this very “regio,”

in Kent, which now engages us, was so named “Hogh” so early as A.D.

738. Very early for the Danes. Add to this: contemporary with the first

appearance of the Danes in Northumbria, at Lindisfarne, there was

already a place called “Billingahoh,” now “Billing_ham_,” near Stockton.

It is, therefore, evident that “-hoe” was here before the Danes,

and can be no other than an Anglian peculiarity. It is, therefore,

an additional evidence, and very strong confirmation, of what has

been already said of the great Mercian descent upon Devon, that this

Anglianism is found strewed in the very path of it.

It will presently be seen that, besides Simeon of Durham, and other

early chroniclers, both Somner and Camden took it for granted that

“-hoe” is only another form, or dialect of “-ham.” It is however

not unlikely, that, as in many other cases, a second mark of names

“-haw” or “-haugh,” said to be Danish, has been concurrent with and

undistinguished from this.

[25] Cod. Dip., No. LXXXV.

[26] 8_b_.

[27] First mentioned by Beda as “Clofeshoch,” and in K. Alfred’s

translation “Clofeshooh.”

[28] See Cod. Dip. _passim_, for other varieties of the name.

[29] Two S. Chronicles, Oxford, 1565.

[30] It is to be regretted that editors of ancient texts, have not more

generally extended their care to the preservation of marginal and other

adventitious notes, even when they are of comparatively much later date

than the texts, which of course are their chief care. Such valuable

fragments are in imminent peril at the present day; for whenever a new

discovery of ancient books or records is now brought to the notice

of the most distinguished experts, the very first piece of advice is

that they shall be “cleaned,” “repaired,” and “skilfully” rebound.

See, among others, examples in the Historical Manuscripts Commission,

_passim_. Why the binding, and even the _status quo_ itself, is a part

of the essence of such things, as monuments. But manuscripts, with far

less excuse, are following the churches on the broad way to refaction,

as it may be mildly called.

When the fanciers of books, especially in London, as well as experts

in manuscripts, make a fortunate acquisition of anything, both fine

and unique; after the usual notes of admiration, such as “truly

marvellous,” etc., they go on to say, “but it deserves a better

jacket.” And at once order it to be stripped of its monumental

covering, and scoured of the autumnal tints of many ages; its pedigree,

contained in ancient shelf-marks, and autographs, is discarded;

often valuable notarial records of events that have for safety, like

monuments in churches, been entered on the covers and fly-leaves,

are lost; and it is finally converted into a monument of nineteenth

century skill in smooth morocco, “antique style,” &c. All that is

really wanted, however, is either a box-case, or other apparatus for

protection. Keep charters or papers nearly as you do Bank of England

Notes. These are never bound for safe-keeping. On the outsides of these

unattached bindings, or other provisions for safe-keeping, can be

lavished whatever munificence, or luxury of modern art, may be thought

to be a sufficient tribute of admiration to the object contained.

[31] Introd. LXVIII.

[32] See Strype’s Works _passim_, where above 100 transactions of Heath

are referred to, and above 50 of Wotton.

[33] Edn. 1587, p. 196.

[34] 1607, folio.

[35] Oxon, 1659.

[36] Cod. Dip., No. LXXXV.

[37] Rochester, Num. IV.

[38] Chron. of Abingdon.

[39] Cod. D., No. CXIV.

[40] Chron. Sax. Oxon. 1692.

[41] Bæda H. E., cura Jo. Smith, Cant. 722, p. 1748.

[42] Concilia, I., 161.

[43] Monumenta Hist. Brit.

[44] Tanner Bibl. Brit., p. 703.

[45] Concilia, 1639, p. 242.

[46] Beda, 1838, p. 200.

[47] Gloss. Ant. Brit., 1733.

[48] Account of Worc. Cath., 1736, p. 120.

[49] A.S.K., I. 225.

[50] Will. Malm., G.P. 1870.

[51] Cod. Dip., 1848.

[52] Saxons in E., 1849, I, 191. The _name_, of Tewkesbury is, however,

apparently older than even this ancient monastery.

[53] Councils, Vol. III., Oxf., 1871, p. 122.

[54] Remains, p. 326.

[55] A-B. C., I., 224.

[56] New edition, by Rev. J. Baron, Oxford, 1850.

[57] C.D. CLXXXV.

[58] “Bercaria” is a synonym for the East Marsh at Cliffe.--Monasticon

Angl. V.I., p. 177, No. 52.

[59] Cod. D. CXXXV.

[60] Cod. D. CLVII.

[61] See Cleasby and Vigfusson, v. “Skaga.” The northern pagans,

afterwards such pests of Rochester, must have already landed here.

[62] Cod. D., No. LII.

[63] For example, Cod. D. No. CXI., which grants lands in the Hoo

itself, viz.: Islingham in Frindsbury, adjoining Cliffe, to Rochester

Cathedral.

[64] Geol. Surv. of E. & W., vol. IV., London Basin, 1872, pp. 34, 35.

[65] H. of Essex, I., 235.

[66] P. 236.

[67] Mon. Anglic. Lillechurch (alias Higham), Nos. IV. and V.

[68] Beda, H. E. III., 22.

[69] Beda, H. E., IV., 12.

[70] Hist. Kent, I., p. 528.

[71] See Dr. J. H. Pring, in the Somerset Arch. Soc.

[72] Cod. Dip., No. XXXVIII.

[73] One copy of the A.-S. Chronicle has “Middelseaxe” as early as A.D.

653, the other four testify this to be miswritten for “Middelengle.”

[74] Conc. pp. 291, 313, 314.

[75] A. Sax. Chron.

[76] 6-inch scale.

[77] C.D., No. CXVI.

[78] Sheet 1.

[79] Hist. of Kent, vol. I., p. 526-7.

[80] See also “Willelmus de Cloeville duas partes decime de Acle.”

(Mon. Angl., vol. I., 169.)

[81] Cod. Dip. CXXI.

[82] Hasted (vol. I. p. 531.) quotes a charter of Æthelred, A.D.

1001, granting to the Priory of Canterbury “Terram Clofiæ.” That is,

apparently, regranting to his newly instituted monks, this very piece

of land which Offa had earlier granted to the secular church. If so,

the orthography “Clofia,” points to its identity with “Cloveshoe.”

The nature of the document quoted by Hasted, may be gathered from a

contemporary one of the same kind, printed in the Monasticon. Vol. I.

p. 99. No. V.

[83] Cod. Dip., No. CCXVII.

[84] C. D., No. LXXVIII.

[85] There is some difference of this statement among the six texts.

Some include London, and some do not.

[86] Cod. Dip., No. MXXXIV.

[87] De Ant. Brit. Eccl., ed. Drake., p. 81.

[88] C.D., vol. I., Int. p. cvii.

[89] Lib. IV., ch. 15.

[90] Looking at this again, a fresh and interesting association arises.

This must have been at or close to “_Red_bridge,” at the head of the

Southampton estuary. Beda is telling the story of the two young pagan

Jutish princes, from the Isle of Wight, being baptised, preparatory to

their martyrdom, by Cyniberet abbot of Hreutford. Close to Redbridge

is Nutshalling, the monastery to which the young Winfred, afterwards

St. Bonifatius, passed from Exeter to the care of the abbot “Wynbert.”

There can be no doubt that Beda’s monastery of Hrentford is identical

with the Nutschalling of the biographers of Winfred; and that Beda’s

“Cyniberet” is the same as their “Wynbert.”

If this identification, both of a place and a person, that have both

been known by different names for above a thousand years, should be

justified; it will be all the more remarkable, because Beda’s text has

been in English keeping; whilst that of the biographers of Bonifatius

has been chiefly in foreign literary custody.

[91] Cod. Dip., No. CXXXII.

[92] M.H.B., Pref. 77.

[93] Two Chron., Introd., lii.

[94] P. 28.

[95] Kent has 15 extant St. Martins, Lincoln 14, Norfolk 14, Suffolk 7,

Essex 4, Middlesex 8.

[96] P. 45.

[97] Cod. Dip., No. MCCLXXXIX.

[98] These were both in that suburb, still called “Ladymead.” But it

would be one of the rash things, that are so often committed in these

matters, to connect this name with the two Lady dedications. In fact

there is a tolerable alternative. It may have been a mead that belonged

to one “Godric Ladda,” a witness to an Anglo-Saxon manumission of a

Bondsman, in Bath Abbey. (Hickes, Dissert., 8 Epist., p. 22).

[99] P. 124-5.

[100] Mon. Hist. Brit., p. 664.

[101] A.-S. K., I., 229-30.

[102] Flores Hist., 1601. p. 143.

[103] Eng. Com., Proofs, cclxxix.

[104] Ch. H., 1655, II., VIII., 21.

[105] The contemporary authoress of the life of St. Willibald, says

that (about A.D. 703), it was the custom among the Saxons--_i.e._

Willibald’s compatriots in Wessex--for some noble or substantial men,

not to erect a church upon their estates, but to hold in honour a lofty

Holy Cross. This seems a strong confirmation of a recent suggestion

of Prof. Earle, that the English word “Church” is a transliteration,

and scarcely that, of the word “crux.” It seems to be a more likely

word for the churches of Augustine and Birinus, than the usual one

more distantly derived. Leland in one place has “curx” for “crux.” In

planting these crosses, these old Lords of Manors were sowing the seeds

of what are to us parishes.

ALSO ALREADY PUBLISHED.

A PRIMÆVAL BRITISH METROPOLIS. With Notes on the Ancient Topography of

the South-Western Peninsula of Britain. 1877.

_Bristol: Thomas Kerslake & Co._ (1_s._, _postage_ 2_d._)

_Contents_: The Pen-Pits and Stourhead. Cair Pensauelcoit.

Penselwood. The Nennian Catalogue of Cities. Totnais or

Talnas, of the Welsh “Bruts.” Æt Peonnum, A.D. 658 and 1016.

Pointington Down, near Sherborne. Celtic Hagiography of

Somerset. Vespasian’s Incursion, A.D. 47. Alauna Sylva. Dolbury

and Exeter. Sceorstan, A.D. 1016, &c.

THE CELT AND THE TEUTON IN EXETER. _With Plan._ A.D. 927.

_Printed in the Archæological Journal (Institute)_, _Vol._ xxx.

1874.

SAINT EWEN. BRISTOL AND THE WELSH BORDER. Circiter A.D. 577-926. 1875.

_Bristol: Thomas Kerslake & Co._ (1_s._ _Post free_.)

THE ANCIENT KINGDOM OF DAMNONIA. In Remains of the Celtic Hagiology.

_Printed in the Journal of the British Archæological

Association._ 1876. _Vol._ xxxiii.

WHAT IS A TOWN?

_Printed in the Archæological Journal (Institute)_, _Vol._

xxxiv. 1877.

VARIOUS PAPERS, NOTES, &c.

Vestiges of the supremacy of Mercia in the south of England during the eighth century · 第 5 / 6 段